Integrating Gender Perspectives in the U.S. Global Fragility Act: Innovation and Implementation

On March 8, 2024, Women In International Security (WIIS) and the Embassy of Liechtenstein held an in-person discussion with State Department Assistant Secretary of State Anne Witkowsky, Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations, and an expert panel on the U.S. Global Fragility Act (GFA) and approaches to integrating a gender perspective in the 10-year country implementation plans to stabilize conflict-affected states and prevent the escalation of violence in fragile contexts. In line with the GFA, the Biden administration presented the 10-year plans for advancing U.S. government efforts for conflict prevention and stabilization in four countries (Haiti, Libya, Mozambique, and Papua New Guinea) and the region of Coastal West Africa (Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, and Togo). To be effective, however, the GFA’s Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability (SPCPS) and country implementation plans must integrate a gender perspective in advancing gender equality and the principles enshrined in the Women, Peace, and Security agenda. The WIIS event discussion will focus on the GFA, and the detailed implementation plans released by the U.S. government to highlight how gender perspectives have been integrated into the detailed 10-year plans for the four partner countries and one region under the SPCPS.

A Book Discussion with Author Dr. Stéfanie von Hlatky

By Liliya Khasanova

The protests in Iran in the name of Mahsa Amini are one of many examples of how the advancement of technology enables us to speak up, spread the word, and learn about human rights violations. Online anonymity and, therefore, reduced accountability for gender-based violence affects the vulnerability of individuals. There is no doubt now that the internet has become the most consequential communication technology of the human rights era.

Despite the technical universalism that technology grants us, there is a strong pushback on conceptual universalism in human rights in cyberspace, including gender issues. In multilateral settings, the efforts of states to regulate malicious state operations have been underpinned by cybersecurity concerns, with little attention paid to human rights protection. The gender dimension, if at all represented, is mainly in the norms of capacity-building and gender parity, avoiding direct referrals to gender equality and women’s rights.

Multilateral Forums under UN Auspices

Until 2021, two main forums had a mandate to discuss norms and rules on cybersecurity: the UN Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) (work completed in May 2021) and the UN Open-ended Working Group (OEWG) (mandate renewed 2021-2025). One of the main achievements of the GGE was an adoption of a consensus that international law applies to cyber operations (2013). However, how it applies is still very much contested. The complexity of cyberspace as a domain raises several contested issues among states on the definition of sovereignty, attribution of cyber-attacks, the applicability of international humanitarian law, due diligence, etc. The differences between the GGE and OEWG process lay in the nature and number of stakeholders included in the discussion: the latter includes all the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) members as well as non-governmental actors, as compared to experts from 25 states working in their personal capacity in the GGE. In a certain sense, continuing the mandate of the OEWG was a step intended to mitigate the risk of functional and geographical fragmentation of international law. In 2022, negotiations also began in the new UN ad hoc committee on cybercrime that is tasked with drafting a new cybercrime convention.

(Anti)gender Discourse in Cybersecurity Negotiations 

After analysing all the reports adopted by GGE and OEWG, documents of the preparatory process, and official commentaries of states, several observations can be made regarding the Women, Peace, and Security agenda and gender discourse in cyber security negotiations.

Firstly, openness and “multistakeholderism”, i.e. bringing multiple stakeholders together to participate in dialogue and implementation of responses, of the OEWG (as opposed to GGE) resulted in more gender-related remarks in preparatory work and, consequently, in the reports. As an example, an introduction to the latest 2021 OEWG report states:

“The OEWG welcomes the high level of participation of women delegates in its sessions and the prominence of gender perspectives in its discussions. The OEWG underscores the importance of narrowing the “gender digital divide” and of promoting the effective and meaningful participation and leadership of women in decision-making processes related to the use of ICTs in the context of international security.”

To be fair, the gender parity of delegates, both within the teams and among delegation leaders, is improving yearly. Around 38% of all the delegates to the last OEWG sessions were women, which is relatively high compared to other forums.

However, when it comes to gender mainstreaming in the sense of assessing and addressing the implications of information and telecommunication technologies (ICT) for girls, boys, men, women, and non-binary people, the multilateral forums lack consensus. For instance, out of four paragraphs that contained gender issues in the initial draft reports, only one (paragraph 56) that touches upon gender-sensitive capacity building could survive the opposition and was included in the final text of the 2021 OEWG report. Two others–the reference to gender-centred implications of malicious use of ICT and the concluding statement on the need to mainstream gender considerations in the implementation of norm–were cut out from the final text.

Despite the outstanding advocacy work by international human rights and women organizations represented at the negotiation forums, the pushback against gender discourse is persistent and strong. Today, in 2022, in a multilateral setting where states are the main decision-makers, there are still official positions that follow the mantra of a traditional, state-centric, and non-inclusive understanding of international peace and security. Russia, which is playing an active role in OEWG deliberations, affirmed in one of its official statements that “references to the problems of sustainable development, human rights and gender equality, which fall under the competence of other UN bodies, look inappropriate and are not directly related to the problem of ensuring international peace and security” [emphasis added]. To be fair, Russia formulated a position that is shared with most of the countries in the Middle East and some Asian, African and Latin American countries.

Cybersecurity multilateral negotiations are not unique in this sense. The issue is rooted in deep opposition to ‘gender ideology’ –the discourse(s) on gender equality and women’s rights, and especially the discourse(s) on sexual orientation and gender identity. It cannot be seen separately from the policy and governance narratives that became dominant in several countries in the past years: the rollback of women’s rights, gender equality, and perception of gender. For example, in Russia the state-sponsored anti-LGBTQ+ campaign culminated in the 2013 “anti-propaganda law” banning “propaganda of non-traditional sexual relations” to children and to the general public starting from December 1, 2022.[1] Eventually, the amendments to the Russian constitution in 2020 added a definition of marriage as “a relationship between one man and one woman,” which explicitly outlawed same-sex marriage.[2] Most of the Middle Eastern nations recently outlawed same-sex intimacy directly, punishing it with everything from fines to prison and, in Saudi Arabia, to the death penalty. Thus, this pushback on gender ideology, originating from national discourses, can be seen in rule-making procedures internationally.

The multilateral cyber negotiation scene under UN auspices is complicated nowadays with geopolitical tensions and competing interests and reflects the general crisis penetrating the international legal orderThe rise in recent years of civilizational, cultural, and ideological confrontation set within the human rights agenda is reflected not only in official positions and approaches, but also in normative proposals in the OEWG and UNGA on cyber matters.

In such circumstances, the role of civil society and its contribution is critical in using a “humanitarian” agenda to persistently push back against an archaeal understanding of international security. Amidst geopolitical disputes, the deepening cleavages between western countries and Russia and China heavily influence the participation of certain stakeholders in meetings. In July 2022, during the first OEWG meeting, 27 NGOs were blocked from participation by Russia, after which some of the Russian NGOs were blocked by Ukraine in retaliation.[3] Harmonizing and aligning strategies and enhancing cooperation between stakeholders could help overcome the increasing geopolitical pressure that civil society organizations experience nowadays in cyber negotiation forums.

To work against the effects of these and other efforts to repress international attempts at advancing a gender equality agenda, effective gender mainstreaming is possible only when gender research is less fragmented and supported by rigorous data collection practices. Partially, the strong transnational opposition against “gender ideology” comes from the misconception of the notion of “gender (identity).” This leads to a broad delegitimization of scientific knowledge on gender as such. “Gender” becomes a red flag even where it is not necessarily a contested concept. Acknowledging and defining this disagreement might help avoid the broad hostility toward everything related to gender. Highlighting and respecting cultural and religious traditions and perceptions while conducting detailed and concise research on gender and cyber can help focus on the “humane” component rather than ideological confrontation.

The opinions expressed here are solely the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Women In International Security or its affiliates

NOTES

[1] Russian Federation, Federal Law No. 135-FZ of 2013, on Amendments to Article 5 of the Federal Law “On the Protection of Children from Information Harmful to their Health and Development;” Russian Federation, Federal Law No. 478-FZ of 05.12. 2022. on Amendments to the Federal Law on “Information, information technologies and security of information” and other legislative acts of Russian Federation.”

[2] Constitution of the Russian Federation as amended and approved by the All-Russian vote on July 1, 2020 [working translation] https://rg.ru/2020/07/04/konstituciya-site-dok.html.

[3] Hurel, Louise Marie, “The Rocky Road to Cyber Norms at the United Nations”, Council on Foreign Relations, September 6, 2022, https://www.cfr.org/blog/rocky-road-cyber-norms-united-nations-0.

Dr. Karin L. Johnston

Introduction

Achieving gender equality is central to the values and aims of the European Union (EU). Advancing human rights and preserving democracy and the rule of law is embedded in the EU’s foundational treaties and in subsequent conventions, strategies, and action plans. In 2019, the EU witnessed the election of its first female president, Ursula von der Leyen, who has made gender equality and gender mainstreaming a top priority. In 2020, the EU extended its institutional commitment to gender equality, via its first Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025 and its external relations, through the EU’s third Gender Action Plan (GAP III), which embodies UNSCR 1325 and the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda to reduce violence against women and ensure women’s participation in peacebuilding and conflict prevention efforts. Institutionally, the EU’s work on gender equality and women’s empowerment falls under the European Commission’s remit, while the European External Action Service (EEAS), the EU’s diplomatic service, is tasked with implementing GAP III.

This policy brief examines these EU moves to carry out its Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025 and GAP III. It focuses on gender equality and gender mainstreaming in EU institutions and in the EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). While the EU has made significant strides, its achievements have been unevenly distributed and implemented, both in terms of geographic distribution and in issue domains, particularly in the foreign and security policy arenas. The practical question is therefore what can be done to create greater momentum towards achieving greater gains in gender equality? The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic and resulting economic hardships have been devastating, especially for women, children, and other vulnerable populations. Leaders in all countries face difficult policy choices, and some countries have used the pandemic to reverse gains in human rights and gender equality. The EU is recognized and respected for its leadership and commitment to human rights and democracy, and so it is particularly important for the EU to continue its gender equality agenda both within and beyond its borders.

Gender Equality in the EU: Representation and Participation

Gender equality is enshrined in the EU’s foundational documents, whereby “In all its activities, the Union shall aim to eliminate inequalities, and to promote equality between men and women.”1 Early efforts at gender equality targeted socio-economic inequalities such as “equal pay for equal work” and labor market access.2 It was a gradual and functionalist progression, from wages and employment to areas of social and economic policy and other areas of gender inequality.3 In the 1990s, the EU’s commitment to gender mainstreaming provided the drive to integrate gender into the development field and then into the EU’s external actions and its peacebuilding and conflict prevention efforts.

Although the EU has shown strong commitment to gender equality, developments have been uneven across member states and issue domains. The EU’s European Institute for Gender Equality’s annual Gender Equality Index catalogues gender gaps over time using a scale of 1 (total inequality) to 100 (full equality) measured in six domains: work, money, knowledge, time, (political) power, and health.4 Accordingly, gender equality in the EU has reached 67.9 points, but progress across the EU has varied considerably, from Sweden (83.6) and Denmark (77.5) to Hungary (51.9) and Greece (51.2). Although the political power measurement has seen the most improvement since 2005, moving 11.6 points since 2020, its score remains the lowest overall (53.5 points) of the six domains.5 It is thus in the realm of representation and access to political power where gender inequalities are especially pronounced.6 More discouraging is the report’s observation that the level of power improvement drove the overall increase in the Index score—obscuring the absence of real gains in the other domains.

The World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2021 only reinforces the need to address the problem of representation. Of the four subindices the report uses to measure performance—health and survival, education, economic participation and opportunity, and political empowerment— the political empowerment subindex lags by an astonishing margin. The gender gap has nearly closed in health and survival (96%) and education (95%), while economic participation stands at 58%. However, political empowerment only reaches 22%—a drop of 2.4% from 2020. These sobering numbers show why efforts to increase women’s participation in the political field must be intensified.

The record isn’t much better in terms of women’s representation and participation in EU agencies. The numbers of women presidents and prime ministers among European countries remain disappointing. Though more women were elected heads of state between 2003 and 2018, the number never rose above 14%.7 Today, only four of the 27 heads of state or government are women, from Germany, Estonia, Denmark, and Finland—and soon to be three, since German Chancellor Angela Merkel will soon be replaced by the Social Democrat Olaf Scholz. Five EU member states have women defense ministers (Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, and Spain), and in the 47 states represented in the Council of Europe, only nine women serve as foreign minister (Albania, Andorra, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Estonia, Lichtenstein, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom).

The most important change, however, has occurred within the EU at the highest level of leadership, where for the first time in its history a woman now serves as President of the European Commission. Having assumed her duties on December 1, 2019, Ursula von der Leyen leads the institutional body that exercises executive power in the EU and that represents the interests of the EU on the international stage. Von der Leyen announced that gender equality would be one of her top priorities, enshrined within the new EU Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025.8 She declared her intention to implement new anti-discrimination legislation, introduce pay transparency measures, establish quotas for gender balance on company boards, and achieve gender parity in EU institutions, starting with her own College of Commissioners.9 Von der

EU Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025
End gender-based violenceChallenge gender stereotypes Close inequalities in labor markets Achieve equal participation across economic sectors Address the gender pay and pension gaps Close the gender care gap Achieve gender balance in decision-making and  in politics

Leyen succeeded in her goal of a gender-balanced College of Commissioners, which is now made up of 13 women and 14 men, though many of the portfolios women hold are more traditionally “female.”10 In the Gender Equality Strategy, von der Leyen is committed to achieving more women in decisionmaking roles and to 50%-50% gender balance at all levels of EU management by 2024. The challenge is especially vital in the field of foreign and security policy: in an October 2020 statement, the European Parliament noted that women hold 40% of the positions in the Commission but only 31.3% of middle-management positions and 26% of senior management positions in the European External Action Service (EEAS), the diplomatic arm of the EU.11

One of the EU’s most powerful commissioners is Margrethe Vestager. As the EU’s commissioner for competition, she has taken on Silicon Valley’s biggest tech companies, such as Google, Apple, and Facebook. In September 2019, Vestager was elected to an unprecedented second term as the EU’s competition commissioner and, in President von der Leyen’s newly reorganized Commission, acquired a second portfolio as “Executive Vice President of the European Commission for a Europe Fit for the Digital Age.”12 Thus, not only will Vestager continue to oversee the EU’s competition rules, she will supervise the EU’s overarching cybersecurity, industrial, and big data policies, coordinate the EU’s position on the taxation of digital companies, and have a hand in shaping a White Paper on artificial intelligence, a data strategy, and a common position of the risks linked to 5G networks. This is a powerful platform for decisions that will have a significant impact in shaping regulatory, technological, and trade and market rules and regulations in Europe and across the globe.

In the European Parliament, the record on gender equality is encouraging but, as in so many other issues, the devil is in the details. EU statistics show the number of women members of the European Parliament has risen from a low of 16.6% in 1979 to the current 38.9%—about the world average but still far from full equality. Once again, the differences are highly variable, by member state and party affiliation. The number of female members in the European Parliament by member state range from a high of 57.1% in Finland to 18.2% in Romania and no women at all for Cyprus.13 In terms of its parliamentary parties, gender equality is highest in the European centerleft, led by the Greens with 48.3% women, followed by other center-left political parties. Parties of the far-right lag far behind, ranging between 32.3 to 39.7%.14

The rise of right-wing populist parties that have weakened democratic institutions and governments across Europe has seen gender and women’s rights come under sustained attack, notably in Poland and Hungary.15 In November 2020, both states strongly objected to the GAP III draft promoting gender equality and women’s empowerment in EU foreign and security policy and to protecting LGBTQ+ rights, despite gender equality and human rights protections being enshrined in EU treaty and basic EU law. These two governments also targeted gender equality. In July 2021, they lobbied to remove the term “gender equality” from a draft declaration to improve social cohesion.16 That same month, the European Commission took legal action against Hungary and Poland for what it deemed were violations of EU laws regarding non-discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation—against Hungary for passing an anti-LGBTQ+ law and against some communities in Poland that declared themselves “LGTBQ-free” zones.17

Finally, women are underrepresented in EU parliamentary committees and in ministerial portfolios. Only 35.2% of women lead EU parliamentary committees, and the gap is particularly evident in committees responsible for external affairs. Revealingly, women tended not to receive the highprofile portfolios but the “softer issue” socio-cultural portfolios of education, family and children, and health. In parliamentary committees focused on external affairs, representation ranges from 46% in the areas of international trade and development to 31% in foreign affairs and only 20% in the security and defense field.18

Studies of the EU’s track record on gender equality point to longstanding institutional and socio-cultural obstacles that continue to impede advancement toward full gender equality: the ongoing struggle for gender equality in middle and senior management in EU institutions (“think leader, think male”); work-life balance; a closed system of advancement; lack of political leadership and political will; poor implementation and weak enforcement mechanisms on legislation; insufficient resources and staffing; and little support for gender mainstreaming across EU institutions and issue areas.19 More difficult to address are the differences among member states in social and cultural norms and attitudes about gender that contribute to an “adoption-implementation gap” on gender equality issues within the EU.20

European Court of Auditors: Gender
Mainstreaming Recommendations
Strengthen EU institutional frameworkConduct gender analysisCollect and analyze sex-aggregated dataUse gender-related objectives/indicatorsImprove reporting on gender equalityAssess and report on whether resilience and recovery plans contribute to gender equality.

Multiple studies have concluded that implementation of existing gender equality and gender mainstreaming legislation remains a core problem, and hence many recommendations have an institutional focus. To address gaps in representation, for example, observers call for the EU to ensure genderneutral job descriptions and revise family and leave policy to address work-life balance. Other recommendations point to the need for better monitoring and evaluation and assessment systems, gender-disaggregated data, and better training at managerial levels to accelerate shifts in institutionalized structures of implicit bias and bureaucratic cultures. Deficits in the EU budget process are problematic, too. A 2021 EU auditing report concluded the EU failed to incorporate gender mainstreaming into the EU budget across the seven budget headings and thus failed to “live up to its commitment.”21 It calls for the Commission itself to comply with directives to integrate gender mainstreaming into the budget process and commit funding for gender-based initiatives.

Gender Equality in CSDP: Representation and Participation

The commitment to gender mainstreaming in EU institutions in the 1990s also expanded into the EU’s external relations, first to development aid and then to foreign and security policy, with UNSCR 1325 and the international WPS agenda providing important points of reference. But efforts to formalize gender mainstreaming in the EU Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) were not immediately successful. The “watershed” moment for the integration of the WPS agenda into EU foreign and security policy occurred in 2008 with the adoption of the “Comprehensive Approach on Women, Peace and Security” for EU implementation of UNSCR 1325 and 1820.22 Starting in 2010, the EU introduced three successive gender action plans (GAP) that provide a framework for the European Commission and the EEAS to advance gender equality and empowerment in its external

policies.23

Value of Gender Equality Measurers in Missions
Effectiveness at the Tactical, Operational, and  Strategic Levels Secures access to groups and areas where male counterparts cannotEnhances situational awarenessCollects intelligence that helps challenge existing assumptionsHelps gain local trust in missionDemonstrates diversity benefits decision-making processesContributes to better work environment, more collaborative work dynamicsStrengthens credibility with host nationDemonstrated commitment strengthens EU legitimacyHelps overcome gender stereotypes within mission and outside mission.

Documents such as the 2015 Council Conclusion on CSDP and the EEAS EU Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) 2019-2024 continue to support the promotion of gender mainstreaming and a stronger role for women in peacebuilding and conflict resolution efforts as well as all EU military and civilian missions.24 As of late 2021, the EU deployed seven military missions and 11 civilian missions in Europe, Africa, and Asia, with a combined strength of 5,000 personnel.25 Their stated objectives include conflict prevention, peacekeeping, strengthening international security and rule of law, and the prevention of human trafficking and piracy.26 Of the seven current military missions, four are training missions (Mali, Somalia, Central African Republic, and Mozambique) and three are military operations with an executive mandate (Bosnia-Herzegovina and two naval force operations off the Somali coast and in the Mediterranean).

Several studies on gender representation in EU military missions show there is a steep hill to climb. A 2018 SIPRI study of EU missions conducted between 2008 and 2017 noted that female personnel numbers varied considerably both in numbers and in missions, ranging between 5.3 to 8.4% for 2013-2017.27 Explaining such variation is difficult; some surmise it is related to the conflict intensity of the mission,28 but the lack of gender-disaggregated data seriously limits the conclusions that can be drawn with any degree of certainty.29 The proportion of female personnel did increase from 3.6% to 7.8%, but the available data lack sufficient detail to draw specific conclusions about gender and the impact of women on mission effectiveness.30

In response to the growing demand for more civilian mission capabilities, in November 2018 EU member states established the Civilian Common Security and Defense Policy Compact to strengthen civilian missions.31 Given this demand for civilian personnel, one might be tempted to assume that EU efforts at gender mainstreaming in civilian missions have advanced faster, but the EU’s record is mixed at best. The number of civilian women personnel (which includes uniformed police and non-uniformed civilian personnel) rose from 11.3% to 22.8% between 2008 and 2017. Within that number, researchers estimated that women police averaged around 10%.32 The numbers fluctuated significantly but they did increase in relative terms, though not in absolute terms, from 46 in 2008 to over 400 by mid-2010, before declining from 423 to 260 between 2013-2017. Although the data show the gender balance improving, they also show the number of male personnel falling sharply between 2011-2017, due mostly to scaling down of mission size. Thus, no actual increase in female personnel in civilian missions was observable.

Several factors influence the rate of female civilian personnel in EU missions. One is the CSDP recruitment system. Uniformed personnel, both military and civilian police, are deployed or seconded by member state governments, and governments also nominate the “seconded” civilian personnel. Not all governments are committed to full gender equality, and these attitudes impact on the number of qualified women who make it through the selection process. The remaining personnel are “international contracted” personnel recruited by the EEAS, an organization that itself has been criticized for its “add women and stir” approach to gender mainstreaming and poor hiring record, particularly in middle and top management positions.33 The SIPRI study also highlights one of the most consistent criticisms of military and civilian CSDP missions: the significant lack of EU gender-disaggregated data. For example, the authors reported that for the period 20062017, they were unable to find statistics on the representation of women in military operations.34

Despite some progress, the general conclusions of the 2017 parliamentary evaluation of women in CSDP missions remain valid today: “measuring the impact of women’s participation in CSDP missions and operations is challenging because of the relatively small number of women in CSDP and the overall lack of statistical data on their positions within the organizations.”35

As with gender equality generally, the reasons why so few women are deployed are familiar: attitudes and prejudices (soldiering is not a woman’s job, not physically capable), work-life balance, recruitment and retention policies, institutionalized constraints (gendered job descriptions), funding problems, under-representation, and lack of top leadership support.36 CSDP missions must also compete for personnel and funds against demands from other organizations, both internally

(FRONTEX, the EU’s border control agency) and externally (UN, OSCE, NATO). For military missions, inadequate training in gender mainstreaming can have deleterious effects: with training devoid of evidence of tangible strategic, tactical, and operational advantages of including women, planners may miss the relevance of gender mainstreaming and thus fail to utilize female personnel in ways that advance mission objectives. Especially relevant for CSDP missions and operations are calls for changes in the recruitment system, more deployed gender advisors, and the need for genderdisaggregated data collection.

Calls for institutional reform within the EEAS are also strong, including changing recruitment policies to address personnel deficits and promoting more women in middle and top management.37 The European Parliament’s report on gender equality in the EU’s foreign and defense policy was critical of the ongoing underperformance of the EEAS in meeting gender equality targets and, in particular, its inability to produce specific and measurable objectives to meet those targets, the lack of diversity, the lack of gender-responsive recruitment procedures, and absence of genuine genderresponsive leadership.38

Conclusion

The EU’s priorities in advancing gender equality have focused on helping close the gender pay gap and gaps in employment and pensions; expanding women’s representation and participation in decision-making; addressing gender-based violence; and promoting gender equality and women’s rights both within and outside of the EU. The EU’s Gender Equality Strategy, the Common Approach to WPS, and the new GAP III all demonstrate a strong institutional commitment to gender equality and gender mainstreaming.

The greatest obstacle, however, lies in the implementation of existing frameworks to realize their aims. A persistent gap exists between institutional statements and actual implementation of the EU’s framework for advancing gender equality and gender mainstreaming, which is still often seen as an “add-on” rather than a framework and guide for transformational change. Such change is required in the EU’s internal activities as well as its external foreign and security policies. Importantly, EU officials must also clearly convey to member states that gender equality and gender mainstreaming are core EU strategic aims. It is unclear where the EU’s recent legal actions against Poland and Hungary will lead, but such challenges to liberal democracy and the rule of law are also existential challenges for the EU and must be resolved in ways that uphold EU values, norms, laws, and way of life.

Fortunately, recommendations for implementing constructive reforms exist, which focus on concrete and binding objectives. Internally, the EU can:

  • Change institutional processes and policies such as promotion policies, job descriptions and requirements, and advancement opportunities;
  • Adjust training and curricula programs to maximize mainstreaming gender throughout the cycle of respective areas of competence;
  • Address work-life balance policies, taking onboard lessons learned during the COVID-19 pandemic;
  • Implement the recommendations made by the European Court of Auditors to incorporate gender mainstreaming into the EU budget—and evaluate and monitor the progress. Externally, the EU can address shortfalls in its gender equality strategy by acting to:
  • Improve the EEAS’ poor record on gender recruitment by altering job descriptions and promoting gender equality in institutions that serve as pool for candidates, e.g., border police, law enforcement, and ministries of justice, defense, and interior;
  • Increase retention by establishing gender-responsive recruitment procedures, making family policies gender sensitive, altering promotion procedures, eliminating the pay gap, and improving work-life balance;
  • Reinforce leadership’s commitment to gender equality by eliminating toxic masculine environments;
  • Mandate gender equality training for all middle and senior EEAS management, head of mission and commanders of CSDP missions and operations, and including female trainers in mixed training teams, as well as role modeling in training;
  • Collect comprehensive gender-aggregated data on CSDP missions to enable evidence-based assessments of the impact of gender inclusion for mission success;
  • Ensure all military CSDP missions include a gender advisor, as already occurs in civilian missions.

Effective implementation of these recommendations requires the EU to “lead by example.” Strong leadership, in turn, depends on finding the political will to transform the EU’s culture and institutional structures that impede gender mainstreaming. One of the many challenges EU President von der Leyen faces is obtaining broader support among EU member states to prioritize policies that encourage gender mainstreaming in EU institutions and policies. This is a difficult task, especially in the security and defense arena, and while the current COVID-19 crisis and economic recession have put considerable pressure on EU resources. But these constraints do not justify rejecting these recommendations for gender equality, most of which can be enacted without significant expenditure. Indeed, times of crisis are the best time to lead by example.


References

  1. See Articles 8 and 19 of the Consolidated Version of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, 2016, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/ legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF n/?uri=CELEX:12012E/TXT&from=EN; Articles 2 and 3 of the Treaty on the European Union (1992) (principle of equality between men and women), https://eur-lex.europa.eu/resource. html?uri=cellar:2bf140bf-a3f8-4ab2-b506-fd71826e6da6.0023.02/ DOC_1&format=PDF; and Article 23 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (2000) (wages and work), https://www. europarl.europa.eu/charter/pdf/text_en.pdf
  2. Article 119 of the 1957 Treaty of Rome—the foundational document of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union—established the principle of equal pay for equal work for the sexes. See “Promoting equality between men and women,” European Parliamentary Research Service, June 2019, p. 2, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/ BRIE/2018/628272/EPRS_BRI(2018)628272_EN.pdf
  3. Maria Villellas, Pamela Urrutia, Ana Villellas, and Vincenc Fisas, Gender in EU Conflict Prevention and Peacebuilding Policy and Practice

(WOSCAP, 2016), p. 5, https://www.gppac.net/files/2018-11/Scoping%20 Study%20-%20Gender.pdf

Data/etudes/BRIE/2021/689345/EPRS_BRI(2021)689345_EN.pdf

  1. “Fostering gender equality in the EU’s foreign and security policy,” European Parliament press release, October 23 2020, https://www. europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20201016IPR89563/fostering-gender-equality-in-the-eu-s-foreign-and-security-policy. Individual country data for 40 countries in the Women in Diplomacy Index 2021 show wide variations, but Sweden tops the list with 48.1% women ambassadors. The Nordic countries as a group also lead in the sample, with 40.6%. For the EU, however, the number of women ambassadors is only 23.4%, while the number for Europe as a whole is 27.2%. See Women in Diplomacy Index 2021 (Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy, March 2021), pp. 1, 3, https://www.agda.ac.ae/docs/default-source/Publications/agda-women-in-diplomacy-mar-2021.pdf?sfvrsn=4
  2. “Margrethe Vestager gets second term in EU competition job,” The Guardian, September 10, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/ world/2019/sep/10/margrethe-vestager-gets-second-term-in-eu-competition-job
  3. “Women in politics in the EU,” p. 2.
  4. “Women are doing better in European politics, but still not well enough,” Euractiv, December 2, 2019, https://www.euractiv.com/section/ middle-ground-politics/news/women-are-doing-better-in-europeanpolitics-but-still-not-well-enough/; see also “Women in parliaments” at a glance infographic, European Parliament, February 2020, https:// www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/ATAG/2020/646189/EPRS_ ATA(2020)646189_EN.pdf
  5. Hans von der Burchard, “EU’s foreign policy gender plan faces resistance from Poland and Hungary,” Politico, November 25, 2020, https:// www.politico.eu/article/eus-gender-equality-push-for-external-relations-faces-trouble-from-the-inside/
  6. Gabriela Baczynska, “Poland, Hungary push against ‘gender equality’ at EU social summit,” Reuters, May 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/ world/europe/poland-hungary-push-against-gender-equality-eu-social-summit-2021-05-07/
  7. “EU sues Hungary and Poland over LGBTQ discrimination,” Deutsche Welle, July 15, 2021, https://www.dw.com/en/eu-sues-hungary-and-poland-over-lgbtq-discrimination/a-58272160
  8. “Women in politics in the EU,” p. 3; “Women are doing better;” and “Promoting Equality in Decision-Making,” 2019 Report on equality between women and men in the EU (European Commission, 2019), pp. 27-43. For further discussion see “Which European country has the most female politicians?” The Economist, May 3, 2019, https://www.economist.com/ graphic-detail/2019/05/03/which-european-country-has-the-most-female-politicians; “These countries have the most women in parliament,” World Economic Forum, February 12, 2019, https://www.weforum.org/ agenda/2019/02/chart-of-the-day-these-countries-have-the-most-women-in-parliament/
  9. For example, the Gender Equality Strategy 2020 introduces a new initiative to address pay transparency but elsewhere addresses older, outstanding issues, such as ensuring 40% female representation on corporate boards (a pledge made in 2012) and pressuring the six member states that have refused to ratify the 2017 Istanbul Convention to prevent and combat violence against women. See “EU sets out plans for gender equality, Politico, March 5, 2020, https://www.politico.eu/article/verajourova-eu-sets-out-plans-for-gender-equality-pay-gap/; “Promoting equality among men and women;” and Gender Equality in Europe: what progress in 2019? (Fondation Robert Schuman, Policy Paper No. 505, March 2019). For an assessment of the lack of gender equality initiatives in the EU budget, see “Gender mainstreaming in the EU budget: time to turn words into action,” European Court of Auditors, May 2021, https:// www.eca.europa.eu/Lists/ECADocuments/SR21_10/SR_Gender_mainstreaming_EN.pdf
  10. Ekaterina R. Rashkova, “Talking the talk, but not walking the walk: gender equality in Eastern Europe,” East European Politics, 33:2 (2017), pp. 309-315.
  11. “Gender mainstreaming in the EU budget,” p. 5; “An EU budget that works for women’s rights and equality between women and men,” European Women’s Lobby, 2019, p. 1, https://www.womenlobby.org/IMG/pdf/ ewl_an_eu_budget_that_works_for_women_s_rights_and_equality_between_women_and_men_-_november_2019.pdf
  12. Heidi Riley, “Towards inclusivity in the EU’s approach to women, peace, and security,” GLOBUS, May 11, 2020, https://www.globus.uio.no/ news/2020/eu-women-peace-security-riley.html; Jutta Joachim, Andrea Schneiker, Anne Jenichen, “External Networks and institutional idiosyncrasies: the Common Security and Defence Policy and UNSCR 1325 on women, peace and security,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 30:1 (2017), p. 111.
  13. Hannah Neumann, “More Women, More Peace: Opportunities at the EU level,” Peacelab.blog, April 22, 2020, https://peacelab.blog/2020/04/ more-women-more-peace-opportunities-at-the-eu-level
  14. “Council Conclusions on CSDP,” European Council, 2015, https:// www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2015/05/18/council-conclusions-csdp/#; Annual report on the implementation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (European Parliament, January 20,

2021), paragraph 60, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/

TA-9-2021-0012_EN.pdf; EU Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) 2019-2024 (Council of the European Union, July 5, 2019), https:// data.consilium.europa.eu/doc/document/ST-11031-2019-INIT/en/pdf

December                   2017),       https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/ STUD/2017/603855/EXPO_STU(2017)603855_EN.pdf

2018), https://www.iss.europa.eu/sites/default/files/EUISSFiles/Brief%20 9__Civilian%20CSDP.pdf

  • Smit and Tidblad-Lundholm, Trends in Women’s Participation, p. 3.
  • Corinna Hörst, “A credible and accountable EU foreign service? Not yet,” EU Observer, March 11, 2020, https://euobserver.com/opinion/147671; Laura Chappell and Roberta Guerrina, “Understanding the gender regime in the European External Action Service,” Cooperation and Conflict, 55:2 (2020), pp.261-280.
  • Chappell and Guerrina, “Understanding the gender regime,” p. 268.
  • “Women in CSDP Missions,” Directorate-General for External Policies, European Parliament, December 2017, p. 22, https://www. europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2017/603855/EXPO_ STU(2017)603855_EN.pdf
  • Irina Bratosin D’Almeida, Rebekka Haffner, Corinna Hörst, “Women in the CSDP: strengthening the EU’s effectiveness as an international player,” European View, 16 (2017), pp. 313-324.
  • For a study of the EEAS’ problems with institutionalized power structures and resistance to gender mainstreaming, see Chappell and Guerrina, “Understanding the gender regime.”
  • Report on Gender Equality in EU’s foreign and security policy (European Parliament, Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality, August 3, 2020), p. 22, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2020-0145_EN.html. The report provides a comprehensive assessment and recommendations for the EU. For a criticism of the EEAS under Josep Borrell, see Hannah Neumann, “Borrell’s boys’ club dominates EU foreign policy,” Politico Europe, March 8, 2021, https://www.politico.eu/ article/europe-diplomacy-gender-equality/

 

 

Enhancing Security: Women’s Participation in the Security Forces in Latin America and the Caribbean

2020 Country Report

Argentina – Summary Report 2

Brazil – Summary Report 7

Chile – Summary Report 14

Colombia – Summary Report 19

Costa Rica – Summary Report 23

Dominican Republic – Summary Report 27

Ecuador – Summary Report 33

Guatemala – Summary Report 38

Mexico – Summary Report 42

Panama – Summary Report 47

Paraguay – Summary Report 52

Peru – Summary Report 56

Trinidad and Tobago – Summary Report 61

Uruguay – Summary Report 64

Argentina – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Argentina adopted a NAP in 2015 for a three-year period. A new NAP is reportedly in development.

Overall Assessment:

Argentina demonstrates a strong commitment to the WPS agenda, a commitment that is expressed in many national documents.Argentina’s NAP, published in 2015, is currently being updated.

National Importance/Political Will:

Gender equality is enshrined in the Argentine constitution and related laws, which are enforced by the police and the courts.[1] There are explicit references made to WPS/UNSCR 1325 in top national foreign policy[2] and national security documents.[3]

In 2008, the Argentine Ministry of Defense adopted a WPS Action Plan for gender mainstreaming in international peacekeeping operations. [4] This was developed in response to Argentina’s participation in UN operations. It led to many “policy reforms in the field of defense and the armed forces.”[5] For example, it strengthened pre-deployment training on gender issues and established a requirement for Gender Focal Points in the military.

Argentina adopted a WPS NAP in 2015 for a three-year period.[6] A new NAP is currently under development. The NAP explicitly references the Ministry of Defense (MoD) and the Ministry of Security (which oversees public safety and security, the federal police, and the gendarmerie), as principal actors in the implementation of the WPS agenda and assigns specific tasks to them. Resources and positions have been allocated for NAP and WPS agenda implementation. For example, there is the MoD Directorate of Gender Policies, with Gender Offices distributed among the armed forces. The national police have plans for meeting NAP/WPS objectives, and they are monitored and evaluated for progress by the Gender Policy Council.[7]

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policies

WPS has been integrated into strategy, plans, policy, and other doctrinal documents at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels.[8]

In the military, prevention of sexual violence is explicitly mentioned in strategy, plans, and policy documents at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels as well as in field manuals and handbooks.[9] It is also explicitly identified as a hazard to operational effectiveness. WPS principles, gender analyses, and gender perspectives are integrated into police strategy, plans, policy, and doctrinal documents as well as in some field manuals and handbooks of the police forces.[10]

A full-time Military Gender Advisor (GENAD) has been appointed at the strategic and operational levels of the military forces and has been assigned as a member of the senior military commander’s staff. GENADs receive certified training at the Argentine Center for Joint Training in Peacekeeping Operations (CAECOPAZ) as part of established practice.[11]

In the police forces, a GENAD is part of the Human Resources staff and other staffs, but not at the highest level.[12] The Directorate of Gender Policies and Gender Offices focusing on Gender Focal Points (GFPs) exists in the armed forces and police forces, where GFPs are appointed throughout various police organizations.[13]

Nevertheless, information on NAP implementation by police forces is lacking, and the integration of WPS principles do not seem as advanced in the police as in the military.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police):

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army41,2636,93014%
Army Senior Women   
Navy13,2283,17719%
Navy Senior Women   
Air Force9,8633,40026%
Air Force Senior Women   
National Police[14]   
National Police Senior Women   
Women Deployed  8%

Women have been allowed to occupy all positions in the military, including combat positions, since 2013. All positions in the police are open to women.

Although all military positions are open to women, few women have reached senior ranks, and none are in the senior ranks of combat occupations (in part because they were only recently opened to women).

In 2008, the Ministry of Defense set a target goal of 25-40% women in the ranks.[15] Despite that one of the NAP’s first objectives is to increase the presence of women in peacekeeping, in humanitarian operations and in decision-making bodies, only 8% of deployed personnel are women. No data was obtained on women serving in the national police.

Work Environment

Family Policies: The implementation of WPS principles in work environments is governed by the human resource guidelines for the military and police. Military and police personnel receive 90 days of paid maternity leave and 10 days of paid paternity leave.[16] Childcare, including kindergarten and family leave policies that support members of the military, are available and widely used.[17]

Protection Policies: Both the military and police have programs to prevent sexual harassment and assault of military and police personnel. The programs are both transparent and effective. The programs provide support to victims, and they ensure that perpetrators are prosecuted and punished.[18] Moreover, there is a sexual harassment and sexual exploitation and abuse prevention program to address issues of military and police personnel as perpetrators of violence against civilians. If a member of the military commits an act of serious misconduct, they are sanctioned at the military disciplinary level and prosecuted in civil courts.[19]

Equipment and Facilities: There are gender-specific individual equipment within the military and police forces, including uniforms and personal protective equipment designed for and issued to all women. Facilities, including bathrooms and billets, are available for women in military and police quarters, and they are provided during deployments as required by the United Nations Standards Operations Procedures (SOP).[20]

Training, Education, and Exercises

GENADs facilitate consistent education on gender awareness and WPS as part of entry-level training for both military and police personnel. Similarly, WPS principles for military and police forces are introduced and integrated into the education and training of personnel at the mid-grade and senior level. Personnel are also trained in the prevention of, and in response to, sexual violence, sexual exploitation, and abuse. The training is focused both internally (within the organization) and externally (civilian populations outside the organization).[21] 

Further, the military pre-deployment training course, provided by the Argentine Joint Peacekeeping Training Center (certified by the United Nations), is responsible for the delivery of mandatory pre-deployment training, which includes the following areas: the importance of the protection, rights and needs of women, men, girls, and boys; information on how to engage with, and increase, the participation of local women as well as how to exchange information with women; cultural awareness training based on an analysis of gender relations in the area of operations; information on how integrating a gender perspective can serve as a force enabler and increase operational effectiveness of the mission; and creating an understanding of measures with respect to international law regarding the rights and protection of women and girls, especially civilians during armed conflict.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

Military: Argentina has specific monitoring and evaluation requirements for the implementation of UNSCR 1325 and WPS principles in the military. It is overseen by the MoD’s Observatory Office, which was created within the National Directorate of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law. The Observatory Office is tasked with monitoring and evaluating the full inclusion of women in the military. Sex-disaggregated data and lessons learned are collected and analyzed within the MoD for use in military operations to improve security outcomes for women, men, girls, and boys. Additionally, while formal involvement of several civil society organizations and groups in the WPS/NAP review exists, only the military and police forces can make data publicly available.[22]

Police: Despite explicit mention in the NAP of the importance of gathering sex-disaggregated data, data for the national police forces are lacking.

Although Argentina expresses public commitment to the principles of WPS, monitoring and assessments are only carried out for the military, not the police. 

Recommendations:

The new NAP must fully include all police forces in the country. Resources and monitoring and evaluation for implementation in the police must be clearly outlined. Specifically, the police must be required to collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in their areas of operations and within the force.

Report Contributors:

Ana Florencia Talamoni.

María Belén Canto, Ministry of Defense, Advisor.

Lic. Silvana Lorena Barrios, Ministry of Defense, Advisor

Dr. Cristina A.Rodriguez-Acosta, Florida International University

December 2, 2020

Brazil – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Brazil published a NAP in 2017 with a two-year duration period (2017 – 2018).[23] In March 2019, the 2017 NAP was extended for a four-year period.[24]

Overall Assessment:
Brazil has made limited progress in advancing the WPS agenda. The NAP (initially developed under a previous administration and extended in 2019 by the current government) has not been a priority for the government and is mostly considered in the context of Brazil’s engagement with UN peace operations. Women continue to serve in very limited numbers in the security forces (military and police), lower than in most countries in the region.. Data collection and monitoring and evaluation is limited and not publicly available.

National Importance/Political Will:

Like many other countries in the Western Hemisphere, Brazil has a solid legal framework that recognizes gender equality. The 1988 Brazilian Constitution establishes the principles of gender equality, non-discrimination, and the protection of the rights of women.[25] In addition, the government has approved several laws related to gender equality, gender mainstreaming, and the protection of women, including a law criminalizing femicide and a decree that provided assistance for victims of sexual violence.[26] Brazil has also ratified the Convention Eliminating All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). In the early 2000s, the government launched new policy initiatives to further mainstream human rights and gender equality in the country.[27] In 2018, the government created additional political instruments to advance gender equality domestically, including a National Plan to Combat Domestic Violence.[28]

In January 2019, with the ascent of a new administration under the leadership of President Jair Bolsonaro, gender equality became less of a priority, The new administration championed conservative ideologies that focused on traditional family values and on women as mothers and caregivers. The lack of focus on gender equality and the individual empowerment of women could also be seen when in 2019, the Ministry of Human Rights became the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights.[29]

Initial NAP Development

Discussions and development of a NAP started in 2015 when Pandiá Calógeras, an independent think tank within the Ministry of Defense (MoD, carried out research about the possibility for the development of a Brazilian NAP. Around this time, the Brazilian MoD also created a Gender Commission tasked with advancing gender equality and the integration of women in the armed forces and participation in NAP discussions.[30]

The actual drafting of a NAP was carried out by an Interinstitutional Working Group.[31] It brought together officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Justice and Public Security, Ministry of Human Rights, as well as representatives of UN Women and the Igarapé Institute as the only representatives of civil society. Throughout 2016, the Working Group organized a series of meetings and defined NAP priorities.

Consultations were hampered by the political turmoil in the country, including President Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment and removal from office in 2016. Despite these difficulties, the Brazilian Government published a NAP in March 2017.[32] Discussions on a new NAP were to start at the end of 2018. However, the end of 2018 also coincided with general elections that brought Jair Bolsonaro to power. While the WPS agenda and gender equality was not known to be a priority for the Bolsonaro administration, the MoD announced in April 2019, at a Ministerial Peacekeeping meeting in New York, that Brazil had extended the 2017 NAP for a four-year period.[33]

The extension of the NAP was a welcome development for many civil society organizations, including many mid-level public servants who had been engaged in the process early on. Yet the lack of political will at the highest levels has meant that little progress has been made to implement the NAP and make it a more robust instrument for the integration of gender in military operations.[34] The Brazilian NAP is also an outward looking NAP and thus seen by many officials as mostly relevant within the context of Brazil’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations.[35]

In sum, for past and current Brazilian administrations the WPS NAPs are mainly outward-looking plans and foreign policy instruments rather than inward-looking plans that could further gender perspectives within the country, particularly within the security sector.[36] More generally, the NAP and the WPS agenda are not regularly referred to in foreign policy documents or documents of the MoD.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The NAP lists the MoD as one of the main actors charged with  increasing the participation of women in the security sector, and it lays out a series of activities to fulfill this objective. For example, it states that the MoD should:

(1) assess the main challenges faced by women in relation to the application of the WPS agenda;

(2) promote the deployment of women military police officers; and

(3) exchange best practices regarding the participation of women in the military with other countries.

That said, the MoD has not developed specific implementation plans, and follow up is unclear.

For example, although the White Papers of each of the three branches of the armed forces mention the importance of the participation of women, they do not present specific actions for increasing the number of women in the armed forces.[37] Similarly, the National Defense Strategy and the National Defense Policy do not contain any mention of the WPS agenda or gender equality.[38]

The police are mentioned in the NAP, but not given any specific tasks.[39]

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police), 2016[40]

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
All Military309,65825,507[41]7.6%
Army203,5978,1104%
Army Senior Women*26,2834,48214%
Navy19,2301,55213%
Navy Senior Women*7,2113,47732%
Air Force55,4079,84815%
Air Force Senior Women*7,4053,87534%
National Police378,6983,64519%
National Police Senior Women   
Women Deployed5658%

*all commissioned officers from lieutenant to general.

As a percentage of the force, women serve in very low numbers in the military and police. Many military positions were closed to women until recently. In 2012, the Army announced that women could attend the Military Academy Agulhas Negras and serve in combat positions. In 2018, 33 women were admitted to the Military Academy Agulhas Negras, where they can choose logistics and weapons specialists roles in support of combat roles.[42] Infantry, artillery, cavalry, communications, and engineering remains closed to women. In the Air Force, logistics was opened to women in 1996, and combat pilot positions were opened to women in 2003. In 2014, women were allowed to serve in logistics positions in the Navy; all Navy positions were opened to women in 2019.[43]

All police positions are open to women. However, in some states there is a ceiling on the number of women permitted to serve. In addition, women police officers report that there are subjective and cultural challenges in the force, and many are not allowed to work “on the streets.”

Work Environment

Family Policies: In 2015, the right to six months of maternity leave was extended to the military forces. It also allows fathers to receive five paid days after the birth of a baby.[44] Interviews with female military officers showed that there is no childcare available in military organizations.[45]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: Sexual exploitation and abuse do not constitute a crime under the Brazilian Military Penal Code. According to WPS experts, this situation inhibits reporting, prosecuting, and collecting information about such misconduct.[46]

Equipment and Facilities: The police and the armed forces provide gender specific facilities for women. In terms of equipment, in some cases there are uniforms tailored for women, though this is not generally the case. It is known that the training uniform used by the female soldiers is the same as the one used by the men without any modification for women’s bodies.[47] Furthermore, there is no women-specific personal protective equipment.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Peacekeeping training centers offer modules on sexual violence, exploitation, and abuse. Those who are deployed to UN missions receive pre-deployment training, which includes training about international humanitarian law and the rights and protection of civilians, including women and girls during armed conflict. The focus of most of the trainings is on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation as it relates to civilians in the area of operations. Training on gender is not widely  included in the normal training of soldiers. Only peacekeeping training centers have gender focal points.[48] Gender Advisors are appointed for specific missions.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There is no monitoring and evaluation mechanism for the Brazilian NAP. However, the ministries that are parties to the NAP meet once a year to discuss developments and challenges. In 2019, each institution was tasked with the responsibility of elaborating indicators. Only the Ministry of External Relations, the coordinator of the NAP implementation, developed such indicators. The Gender Commission also has responsibilities in this regard. However, the Gender Commission is not known to have met in recent years. In addition, there is no public evidence that sex-disaggregated data and lessons learned are collected and analyzed by the military.

The Igarapé Institute published an evaluation of the development and content of the Brazilian NAP.[49] To date, it is the only civil society actor in Brazil actively engaged on the WPS agenda. The Centro de Apoio Operacional das Promotorias de Justiça dos Direitos Humanos also monitors and reports on governmental actions related to gender equality, but not necessarily on the WPS NAP.[50]

Recommendations:

The WPS NAP should be approved by the Congress and become law.

The National Defense Strategy and the National Defense Policy should take advantage of the NAP and add specific strategies and actions to include gender provisions and support national efforts to increase the participation of women..

Future NAPs would benefit from the participation of civil society in the drafting, implementation, and evaluation processes. The inclusion of civil society would increase transparency and improve the overall outcome.

Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be put in place as well as specific action plans for each governmental institution that signed the NAP.

A dedicated budget for the NAP implementation should be allocated.

Issues concerning Brazilian women challenges in areas of undeclared armed conflicts could benefit from being included in the NAP. For this purpose, other ministries could take part in a future NAP.

All limitations on women’s military and police service should be removed immediately. Women must have access to all training programs and be employed on the streets and during deployments.

In addition, the Brazilian MoD should mainstream gender training across the force and not limit it to forces deploying during peacekeeping operations.

Finally, the military must immediately criminalize sexual harassment and sexual abuse in the Military Penal Code and start collecting data regarding harassment and discrimination cases.

Report Contributors:

Dr. Paula Drumond, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio); Global South Unit of Mediation (GSUM).

Dr. Renata Giannini, Senior Researcher, Igarapé Institute and Coordinator of the Brazilian WPS Network.

Dr. Tamya Rebelo, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing and Centro Universitário Belas Artes, São Paulo, Brazil.

December 2, 2020

Chile – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

In 2009, Chile became the first country in Latin America to adopt a NAP. The second iteration was published in 2015, covering the period 2015-2018. In view of the 20th anniversary of UNSCR 1325, several Chilean ministers expressed support for the development of a third NAP. It would be a third-generation document with emphasis on deployment for disaster relief.

Overall Assessment:

Chile has taken positive steps towards the implementation of the WPS agenda that go beyond the political realm. Concrete actions to implement a gender perspective in the duties of the Ministry of Defense (MoD) and the Investigations Police of Chile (PDI for its acronym in Spanish) were noted.[51] However, there are still areas for improvement; not all commitments have been fully realized.

National Importance/Political Will:

Gender equality is recognized in Chile’s constitution. It is likely that the new constitution will go even further. The Constitutional Convention is required to have gender parity. This means that Chile’s new constitution will be the first one in the world drafted by an equal number of women and men.[52]

The national importance of the WPS agenda in Chile is evident since the adoption of the first NAP during the first presidential term of (former president) Michelle Bachelet. The second version of the NAP was not only a continuation of the country’s commitment, but also an improvement upon the first NAP that integrated many lessons learned. For example, the second NAP established specific monitoring, auditing, and accountability processes. It also emphasized the importance of mainstreaming efforts in different ministries.

An Inter-ministerial Committee for the Implementation of the NAP meets regularly and includes the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of National Defense, the Ministry of Women Affairs and Gender Equity, and the Ministry of the Interior and Public Security (which includes the Chilean police). Chile has also joined the Network of Women Mediators of the Southern Cone to promote sustainable peace in the region. The network is promoted by Argentina and UN Women of Latin America and the Caribbean and also includes Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay.[53]

UNSCR 1325 and WPS principles are explicitly mentioned in key foreign policy and national security documents, and they put forth specific political commitments. In the 2017 Book of Chile’s National Defense, the section called “Resolution 1325” highlights Chile’s commitment to the WPS agenda.[54] In addition, in the Sectoral Policy in the Field of Military Policy chapter, the section “Gender Policy” explicitly refers to Resolution 1325, the NAP, and the commitments of the MoD, which include: increasing the participation of women in the armed forces; promoting women’s participation in peacekeeping operations; integrating a gender perspective in the training cycle; and strengthening the institutional framework for the inclusion of gender policies in the defense sector.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The MoD integrates a gender perspective in its planning as it is a national policy requirement for all ministries. In May 2018, the MoD signed an agreement with the Ministry of Women Affairs and Gender Equality on the rights of women in the armed forces, the objective of which is to “strengthen equal opportunities, in addition to ensuring and protecting full respect for the rights of women.”[55] Accordingly, the three services of the military (army, navy and air force) have appointed gender delegates whose duties are similar to those of a gender focal point (GFP). In turn, the Joint Staff also has a gender delegate. The gender delegates are tasked with promoting the agreement and disseminating related protocols.[56] Among them is the protocol for complaints related to sexual and labor harassment adopted in March 2019.[57] However, the gender delegates are not always full-time and often have double-hatted functions. In addition, they do not function at the operational and tactical levels, where there are no GFPs or Gender Advisors. More generally, it may be noted that despite the work of the gender delegates, what the adoption of a gender perspective by the armed forces means lacks widespread understanding.

The police participated in the preparation of the first and second NAPs. Through the Joint Staff, they also participate in peacekeeping missions and therefore are part of certain actions of the NAPs.

The police have incorporated gender equality and WPS principles in parts of their operations, as exemplified by the Department of Organizational Development, Equity and Equal Opportunities and the Human Rights and Gender Equity Department, both at the PDI. The police also have Gender Advisors and GFPs who are deployed in all regions of the country. Their main tasks include:  participation in inter-ministerial and institutional commissions; advising the High Command in strategic institutional planning; observing and analyzing procedures and claims; and providing workshops, classes, and training.

Gender in the Ranks (Military[58] and Police[59])

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army36,4463,9719.8%
Army Senior Women  0%
Navy17,3721,6018.4%
Navy Senior Women  0%
Air Force7,6936003.16%
Air Force Senior Women  .13%
National Police8,6524,43734%
National Police Senior Women  15%
Women Deployed  10%[60]

Despite the military’s commitment to gender equality and the WPS Agenda, not all combat positions are open to women. The army lifted all restrictions for women’s access to the different combat positions, including armored cavalry and infantry positions, in 2016.[61] All positions in the air force are open as well. In the navy, some positions are still closed to women, such as the Marine Corps and the Submarine Service.[62] The military does not have a specific recruitment goal for increasing women’s participation. All police positions are open to women and, although they do not have any recruiting goals, nearly 50% of new recruits are women.[63]

Work Environment

Family policies: For military and police personnel, the paid maternity, paternity, and family life measures are the same as for the rest of the workers in Chile. Women receive 18 weeks of paid maternity leave, and childcare is also available.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: The armed forces have adopted a sexual harassment and sexual abuse program for protection of military personnel.[64] Nonetheless, interviews conducted for this research with experts in Chile showed that transparency and protection is not equally developed in the three branches of the military and, thus, some victims might be discouraged from coming forward.

The police have also adopted specific policies to deal with sexual harassment and abuse. The information is managed by the Analysis and Monitoring of Misconduct Department and, while it is not published, the information can be requested through government transparency mechanisms.

Equipment and facilities: Both the military and the police provide gender specific equipment, including uniforms and facilities for women in the areas where they are permitted to serve.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The principles of WPS/UNSCR 1325 are not consistently integrated into the education and training of military personnel. Personnel who participate in UN missions consistently receive training on the principles of WPS before deployment and during operations. The courses of the Chilean Joint Peacekeeping Operation Center (CECOPAC) are conducted following UN guidelines on training for peacekeeping operations and use the material provided by the organization for such purposes. Nonetheless, the rest of the military does not provide such training consistently for junior and mid-levels. Each year there are specialized WPS courses available to senior-level personnel from CECOPAC, and they are also available for civilians. Both the military and the police receive training on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual abuse. The police incorporate a gender perspective in all its training levels.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

Although Chile’s second NAP addressed monitoring and reporting and included indicators, there are still gaps. For instance, as part of the second NAP, Chile launched the Observatory on Women, Peace and Security in 2018, which integrates the portfolios of Foreign Affairs, Defense, Women and Gender Equity, Interior, and Public Security. Its purpose is to: a) publicize progress in the implementation of the 2nd NAP; and b) integrate civil society into the process of monitoring and evaluation. Available information indicates that the Observatory is not currently working. A confirmation of the involvement of civil society in the preparation of the new NAP is absent. Despite these issues, Chile has a robust transparency law framework, and sex-disaggregated data, collected by the military and the police, is available.

Recommendations:

A third NAP would be an opportunity to deepen and consolidate the advancement of gender in the military and the police. Both institutions should be considered as main actors and, most importantly, they should be assigned specific tasks with clear goals and outcomes. In particular, the Gender Advisors should receive clear mandates with authority and resources. Importantly, it is essential that gender perspectives are consistently integrated into the education and training of all military personnel and not just those engaged in UN peacekeeping operations.

A third NAP should also emphasize and provide clearer guidelines for the inclusion of civil society, not only in the drafting of the document, but also in its implementation and monitoring. Finally, all military positions should be opened to qualified women immediately.

Report Contributors:

Andrea Fischer, Master in International Relations

Carolina del Pilar

Carolina Jarpa

Christian Serón, Police Attaché at the Chilean Embassy in the United States, Washington D.C.

Valeska Rojas, Educational Advisor in the Chilean Army, Master in Education specialist in Gender

December 2, 2020

Colombia – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:
Colombia has not developed a NAP. That said, the November 24, 2016 peace agreement includes many gender provisions. Additionally, in 2018 the Ministry of Defense (MoD) published its own transversal (intersectional) gender implementation plan for uniformed personnel in Colombia.

Overall Assessment: Colombia has a robust civil society network dedicated to advancing the WPS agenda, and many are lobbying the Colombian government to adopt a WPS NAP.[65] Although the national government has made statements in support of gender equality and the MoD recognizes UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda, no NAP has been developed.

National Importance/Political Will:

Gender equality is enshrined in the Colombian Constitution (See Articles 40 and 43).[66] Colombia also has a Presidential Council for Women’s Equity, which collects and analyzes information related to the situation of women in Colombia. Gender equality, women’s rights, and the empowerment of women are also referred to in the 2018-2022 National Development Plan, an all-inclusive policy document that addresses foreign and domestic security policies.[67]

In Colombia, the army, the air force, the navy, and the national police all fall under the authority of the (MoD). The MoD guidelines and policies apply to all four services. Its 2018 report, Public Policy for a Cross-Gender Approach for the Uniformed Personnel of the Public Force, explicitly refers to UNSCR 1325 and its related resolutions.[68] The report, developed as a requirement of the 2016 peace agreement, is referred to as the military’s WPS implementation plan, and it includes the police under the umbrella term “public force.” It calls on the military and the police to make sure that women have equal access and opportunities. It also sets up Gender Observatories at the level of the MoD and General Command, as well as inside each military branch and the police.

While the political commitments toward gender equality are important, there is no overall monitoring mechanism for the uniformed services to examine how measures are applied. In addition, no additional resources or positions have been made available to ensure that the principles of the WPS agenda are implemented within the security forces.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

WPS principles, and the importance of gender analyses and gender perspectives, are mentioned on an ad-hoc basis in military and police strategies, operational plans, and policy documents. They are not systematically applied. For example, it is recognized by the security services that a gender perspective must be included in the investigation of transnational organized criminal activities, but there are no public documents to corroborate that it occurs in other operational situations.

The prevention of sexual violence and the protection of women and children from sexual violence during the conduct of police and military operations is mentioned in many strategic and policy documents as an important objective in operations. That said, interviews with members of the military and the police, as well as civil society actors, seem to indicate that the implementation of this objective is not systematic.

The military has an official gender office with gender advisors, but we do not know how many people staff this office and what training they receive.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army39,8921,5123.7%
Army Senior Women  1.5%
Navy10,3518997.9%
Navy Senior Women  1.8%
Air Force5,6041,24318.2%
Air Force Senior Women  1.7%
National Police131,78413,1429.1%
National Police Senior Women  1.9%
Women Deployed  Less than 1%

Data provided by MoD personnel.

Few women serve in Colombia’s military and police—less than 4% in the army and a little over 9% in the national police. In addition, women are not promoted to the highest ranks at rates equal to the percentage that they serve in the forces.

Women serve mostly in the support branches and remain prohibited from serving in some ground combat occupations and units. Colombia has not set any targets for increasing women’s participation in the security forces.

Work Environment

Family Policies: Women in the Colombian military and police receive 18 weeks of paid maternity leave. Men receive 8 days of paid paternity leave. Neither men nor women receive any paid family leave, and there is no childcare assistance for military members who have children.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: There are no programs for the prevention or treatment of sexual harassment and sexual exploitation within the ranks, and the security institutions do not publicly report on the incidence rate of such behavior.

Equipment and Facilities: Women do receive equipment and uniforms designed for women, and they are supported with women-specific facilities including bathrooms and billets.[69]

Training, Education, and Exercises

Entry and mid-level military and police personnel are introduced to the concepts of the WPS agenda, but the training is basic and not systematic. Senior level leaders receive no training in the principles of WPS. Civilian staff personnel occasionally receive training on the principles of WPS within the organization and during operations.

The military and police receive training on protection and prevention of sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse of civilians in an area of operations. Despite this training, there are many complaints of sexual violence perpetrated by the military, and particularly by the national police.[70]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There are some monitoring and reporting requirements at some agencies, but it is not a formal national level effort. The MoD does have a monitoring and evaluation program.[71] An objective for the Gender Observatories in the military and the police is to ensure the monitoring and follow-up of efforts to integrate gender perspectives. The Observatories are supervised by the Sectorial Committee for Mainstreaming the Gender Approach in the Defense Sector.

Both the military and police collect some sex-disaggregated data, but most are not made public. That said, Colombia has a robust civil society that promotes and advances the UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda.[72] The Women Peace and Security Observatory, a coalition of organizations, is actively lobbying the government to adopt a WPS NAP.[73]

Recommendations:

At the national level, Colombia should deepen and codify its commitment to the principles of the WPS agenda by developing and publishing a NAP. The national government should ask their robust civil society groups to assist in writing the NAP and in overseeing its implementation. The military and police should be given specific goals for advancing the agenda as well as resources to realize established goals. Both the military and the police must look internally at how women are treated within the ranks. In particular, the national government should address barriers for women to enter the security forces and how to increase the low numbers. It must also address sexual harassment issues within the ranks.

Report Contributors:

Eva María Rey Pinto, Colombian War College

María Fernanda Beltrán Del Portillo, Nacional MoD

Martha Janneth Dávila Calderón, ‘Escuela de Comunicaciones Militares’ and ‘Escuela Nacional de Carabineros de la Policía Nacional

German Sahid-Garnica, Military Academy (Army), Intelligence School (Army and Air Force)

Leidy Johana Cabrera Cabrera, Gender Observatory – Escuela Militar de Cadetes ‘General José María Córdova

December 2, 2020

Costa Rica – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Costa Rica is actively developing a NAP. The National Institute for Women is in the lead, but the Ministry of Public Security is actively participating in the development of the NAP.

Overall Assessment: Although Costa Rica does not have a WPS NAP, it has made great strides in addressing women’s inequality and insecurity in the country. It has an active and well-established ministry-level National Institute for Women that provides advice and has oversight over gender mainstreaming in all other ministries. Costa Rica is one of a few nations that has no standing military. Citizen security is provided by the Ministry of Public Security. The government, including the Ministry of Public Security, is committed to gender equality in all communities across the nation. Costa Rica has creative and progressive programs to address gender inequality, including programs that challenge “machismo” culture through education and outreach to men in rural communities.

National Importance/Political Will:

Costa Rica has a National Institute for Women that functions as a ministry. This ministry-level Institute is responsible for gender issues. The Institute has a National Council responsible for decision-making at the national level. Furthermore, the Institute provides advice and has oversight over gender mainstreaming in all of the government ministries, including the Ministry of Public Security.

Costa Rica does not have a Ministry of Defense; instead, it has a Ministry of Public Security responsible for ensuring border security, citizen safety, and law enforcement. The Ministry of Public Security was consulted for this report. The Ministry of Public Security has adopted a Gender Equality and Equity Policy.[74] The objective of the policy is to create an organizational environment and culture that requires the provision of inclusive citizen security, the development of police actions and procedures in partnership with communities and the general public, and the promotion of gender equity and gender equality and the promotion of human rights in all institutional work. This policy has its own action plan that was developed in recent years.[75]

The General Directorate of the Public Force, which falls under the Ministry of Public Security, is made up of Regional Directorates, which have specific functions on the subject of gender. They receive support from the Office of Gender Equality and Equity located in the Ministry of Public Security and from the Directorate of Preventive Police Programs. The Directorate of Preventative Police Programs provides information and training across the country on the importance of women’s inclusion in public life and their need for security. Similarly, at the Ministry of Public Security, there is an annual operational plan in which actions are established according to the work of each department that focuses on the issue of gender and implementing a gender perspective. Additionally, the police have a violence against women program to address the prevention of violence against women as well as protection of women.[76] This plan was made official through an internal decree that all employees received.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Police force documents have integrated gender equality principles, gender analyses, and gender perspectives into some strategy, plans, and policy and other doctrinal documents at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels.[77] These principles are also mentioned in field manuals and handbooks. The principles of gender equality/WPS are integrated into police exercises, operations, and other police activities, as evidenced in documents like the Operational Plan of the Office for Gender Equality and Equity.[78] The police also have manuals and protocols on how to handle gender-based violence, including domestic violence, sexual harassment, sexual exploitation, and toxic masculinities.[79] The Office for Gender Equality and Equity serves as a gender advisory office for the police and falls under the Vice-Ministry of Special Units. It does not operate at the highest level and functions more in a human resources capacity. Each police delegation has personnel who are specially trained on gender perspectives, violence against women, and domestic violence It also provides training for civilian groups that make up community security committees and youth groups.

Gender in the Ranks (Police)[80]

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
National Police Academy 3918.8%
NPA Senior Women 555%
Public Force 2,61319.3%
Public Force Senior Women 71.5%
Border Police 195.5%
Border Police Senior Women 120%
Air Surveillance Service 13521.3%
ASS Senior Women No Data21%
National Coast Guard 468.6%
NCG Senior Women 730%
Drug Control Police 3821%
DCP Senior Women 5No Data
Total Force12,5492,89018.7%

Women serve in all positions and all ranks in the Ministry of Public Security. There is no numerical goal to increase women’s participation, but there are incentive policies to increase women’s participation. The institution has a strong non-discrimination policy, and women are targeted in recruitment advertising.[81]

Work Environment

Family Policies: In accordance with national laws, women receive 120 days of paid maternity leave, including one month before delivery and three months after delivery. Men receive 2 days of paternity leave after the birth of a baby. There are some family leave programs, including a program that allows for leave in the event that a minor child is hospitalized. Costa Rica has national childcare programs that are available to police personnel.[82]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: Women in the Department of Public Security are protected by a number of provisions that address sexual harassment and abuse.[83] The sexual harassment and abuse prevention program is actively utilized, and it is transparent. The curriculum of the National Police Academy includes prevention of sexual harassment and abuse (they are considered serious offenses).

Equipment and Uniforms: Women receive equipment and uniforms specifically designed for them. Specifically, after women objected to being issued unisex bullet proof vest that didn’t fit them, women-specific body armor was procured and issued to women. Women also receive maternity uniforms as required.

Facilities: Infrastructure with billets and bathrooms for the exclusive use of women is provided. Despite the limitations in police infrastructure, there has been effort to modify facilities to accommodate women.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The principles of WPS are present in all levels of training through thematic content in the subjects of human rights, intrafamily violence, commercial sexual exploitation, and appropriate police behavior.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There are monitoring and reporting mechanisms in place for all departments. The public is invited to comment via a website link, but civil society groups do not participate in monitoring and evaluation. Sex-disaggregated data are collected and published annually, and data are tracked over time.[84]

Recommendations:

At the national level, Costa Rica should deepen and codify its commitment to the principles of the WPS agenda by expeditiously publishing a comprehensive NAP. The police should be given specific goals for advancing the agenda. Monitoring and evaluation should include the systematic use of civil society groups, and all reports should be made publicly available.

Report Contributors:

Zoila Volio Pacheco, Member of Parliament

Silvia Porras Jiménez

Gloriana Pacheco

Fiorella Rojas Ballestero, Departamento de Ciencias Forenses, Organismo de Investigación Judicial, Poder Judicial

December 2, 2020

Dominican Republic – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status: The Dominican Republic has not developed a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment: The Dominican Republic demonstrates strong political commitment to the principles of gender equality, as can be seen in policy documents and offices that support women’s inclusion. That said, the implementation of actions is uneven and the number of women who serve in the security and defense forces remains low. Furthermore, only a fractional minority of those who serve are promoted to the highest ranks.

National Importance/Political Will:

Gender equality is mentioned in the Dominican Republic Constitution (Article 39) and is supported by other laws and rules.[85] Additionally, the 2030 National Development Strategy and the 2015-2020 Foreign Policy Strategic Plan prioritize gender equality and the provision of equal opportunities and rights for all citizens.[86] Moreover, the main national security documents include provisions to protect and advance gender equality[87].

In 2000, the government created the Ministry of the Woman as a way to implement the commitments established in the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action.[88] The Ministry of the Woman is responsible for preparing the Plan of Egalitarianism and Gender Equality and monitoring its progress. The latest National Plan of Egalitarianism and Gender Equality III 2018-2030 was presented in 2018.[89] The plan evaluates the advances in terms of gender equality and presents recommendations and observations for the future. It presents the context, priorities, objectives, and lines of actions in seven issue areas: education, health, economic autonomy, social and political participation, the environment, violence, and digital technologies. The plan serves as guide for all governmental offices.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is relevant to the WPS agenda because it oversees all the international commitments of the Dominican Republic, including the ones related to UNSCR1325. In its New Policy of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs considers gender equality, human rights, and social inclusion as key components of their foreign policy.

In the Dominican Republic, the national police is part of the Interior and Police Ministry, while the Ministry of Defense (MoD) has authority over the army navy and air force.[90] The MoD has a Strategic Plan (Jan 2017-Dec 2020) that presents the strategic objectives, the lines of action, and goals for the different services.[91] The Strategic Plan is in alignment with the national constitution and the different laws to achieve gender equality.

Article 11 of the Strategic Plan states that the armed forces employ a gender perspective (gender approach), as called for in the legal framework of the country, with an objective to increase gender equality and decrease gender discrimination. Article 12 of the MoD Strategic Plan requires that “all the plans, programs, projects and public policies should incorporate a gender approach, to identify discriminatory situations between men and women and to take actions to guarantee egalitarianism and gender equality.”[92]

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The principles of WPS/gender equality are sometimes integrated into military and police exercises, operations, and activities, as evidenced by documents to include exercise directives, operations orders, etc. The MoD has a Directorate of Gender Equality and Development that is headed by a colonel who is responsible for gender equality workshops and education programs.[93] This office serves as the MoD’s and military’s full-time gender advisor. Additionally, the army, navy and air force each have their own Office for Gender Affairs. Similarly, the national police have an Office of Gender Equality and Development.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army24,1334,42015.5
Army Senior Women  4
Navy9,4652,54021.2
Navy Senior Women  2.3
Air Force13,2775,34928.7
Air Force Senior Women  4.4
National Police31,9776,72921.04%
National Police Senior Women  8.6
Women Deployed  5.1-8

All positions are open to women in the military and police forces, although women report that there are cultural and institutional limitations. For example, policewomen report that there are ceilings on the number of women who may serve in some states, and that many women are not put to work “on the streets.” Promotions across the institutions are equally offered, but few women have reached senior ranks. The national police, the army, the navy and the air force all have their own strategic and operational plans, and each one of them carries out different actions in terms of gender equality.

The national police have specific objectives and allocation of resources to tackle different aspects of gender equality.[94] For example, Goal 1.1.3 of the Operative Plan 2020 of the Office for Gender Equality and Development establishes a coordination mechanism with other institutions to follow up on the actions and training measures regarding gender equality. At the same time, objective 1.1.5 includes activities such as: 1) training personnel in the different aspects of gender equality; 2) elaborating a didactic guide to support the gender perspectives; 3) incentivizing decision makers to include women in senior positions; and 4) creating a work plan to track the network of focal points.

As to the military, although the army had the objective of strengthening the Department of Gender Equality in its Strategic Plan, the Operative Plan 2019 and 2020 show no extra allocation of financial resources for this objective.[95] The only gender-related activity considered in the operative plan was a single conference to advance gender equality in senior ranks. Similarly, the Strategic Plan 2017-2020 of the air force does not present any specific actions to increase and advance gender equality. [96] The only reference in the air force Plan 2020 to gender equality is about planned “talks about gender equality.” [97] In the case of the navy, no information was available on its official website at the time of writing this report.

Work Environment

Family Policies: The Labor Law of the Dominican Republic grants 14 weeks of paid maternity leave and seven paid days of paternity leave.[98] The employees of the MoD and the national police have access to the same social benefits as other governmental ministries, including childcare stays.[99]

Equipment and Facilities: The MoD Strategic Plan 2012-2020 and the National Police Strategic Plan 2017-2020 specifies that one of the lines of action to improve physical infrastructure is to be more inclusive of women. Such actions would include dormitories, bathrooms, sport facilities, lactation rooms, and childcare stays.[100] However, even when the Strategic Plan notes the improvement of the facilities to accommodate women, the goal has only partially been achieved.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: Documentation related to programs that seek to prevent, protect and respond to sexual harassment, sexual exploitation, and abuse is part of the internal rules and procedures of each institution. At the national level, sexual harassment and sexual violence are established as criminal offences in the Law 29-97 of the Penal Code.[101]

Training, Education, and Exercises

Training in gender affairs and gender perspectives are conducted at entry and mid-level positions. Senior level personnel also receive training in gender and updates in institutional and inter-agencies actions. In addition to standard training, there are multiple educational actions through the year conducted at the armed forces academies and police academy. Other institutions also provide specialty topics in their education programs, such as the Human Rights and International Humanitarian Right Graduates School.[102] Similarly, the national police consistently provides gender training to its personnel at the entry, mid- and senior levels, following the National Police Annual Operative Plan 2020 that states that the Office of Gender Equality and Development should offer related trainings to its personnel.[103]

Military and police personnel consistently receive training on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse. Military pre-deployment training includes: the importance of protection, rights and needs of women, men, girls and boys; how integrating a gender perspective can serve as a force enabler and how it increases operational effectiveness; and specific information on gender norms in areas of operations.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

Efforts for monitoring the performance of the public sector, including the military and police, are outlined under the Presidential Goals System.[104] Both the military and police collect sex-disaggregated data, which can be easily accessed at each of theirs transparency offices.[105] However, there is a challenge to presenting a general picture of the security institutions due to the existence of multiple decentralized agencies. Although each agency collects its own information, there is a need to create one national report that integrates and presents the data from the different security and defense agencies. There are very few NGOs that consistently monitor the security sector. At this point, the latest report monitoring actions regarding gender equality was presented by Pax Christi International.[106]

Recommendations:

At the national level, the Dominican Republic shows real commitment towards achieving gender equality. The activities of the Ministry of the Women and the National Plan of Egalitarianism and Gender Equality are a guide and a tool for all governmental institutions. However, it is advisable that the country creates a WPS NAP. The MoD makes it clear that gender equality is a priority for the ministry; however, the MoD’s prioritization differs from the actions reported in the operational plans of the three military branches. Therefore, we recommend the following measures:

  • The offices for Gender Affairs of the army, of the air force and of the navy should increase their efforts towards gender equality and define specific activities and measurement tools to achieve gender equality objectives. For example, the army and the air force could organize more workshops that educate, promote and encourage people in all ranks about gender perspectives.
  • MoD’s gender advisor office functions at the directorate level; however, we recommend that the army, the air force and navy gender offices appoint senior personnel to oversee and lead these offices. Furthermore, these offices should report directly to the senior leadership of each military service.
  • In addition, it is advised that the MoD commission a study to determine why so few women are reaching senior ranks and how each armed service is applying the gender equality objectives.
  • The MoD should establish an action plan for the services to be accomplished by the army, the navy and the air force. Such plan should have measurement tools and reviews to ensure the accomplishment of all objectives.
  • Although the army, the navy and the air force have their own strategic and operational plans, each one of them carries out different actions in terms of gender equality. The MoD should establish minimum standards to be accomplished by each service branch.
  • Finally, the principles of the WPS agenda should be included in the next strategic plan for the armed forces.

The National Police, including its de-centralized agencies, should consider gender equality as a priority. To further their efforts in this regard, the recommendations are as follows:

  • The National Police should establish coherency and coordination between the Strategic Plan and the Operative Plan.
  • The National Police should communicate the gender policy across departments, with awareness as a goal.
  • The Ministry of Interior, including the National Police, must coordinate joint actions to further gender equality at all levels and to create awareness of the WPS principles.
  • Observing the efforts carried out by the Ministry of Interior and the National Police on gender issues within the operative plans, it is advised that the efforts extend to the creation of the Dominican Republic’s WPS National Action Plan.

As a UN member state, the Dominican Republic’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MIREX) should:

  • Increase awareness about the UNSCR1325 and the WPS principles within all national institutions and facilitate efforts for the creation of a NAP.
  • Create a collaborative network between international actors and the national institutions to further the actions related to gender equality.
  • Given that all members of the diplomatic and consular offices are trained by the Instituto de Educación Superior, Diplomática y Consular “Eduardo Latorre” (INESDYC), [107] it is advised that INESDYC is considered a tool within the Dominican Republic’s future NAP, and that it develops specialized courses and trainings regarding the WPS agenda.

Report Contributors:

Couns. Katherine Almeida Ramos, Interamerican Defense and Security

Carolina Ramirez, Security International Consultant

Maria Teresa Gil Rosado, Gender Focus Consultant

Cor. Pil. Jonas Reynoso Barrera, FARD (DEM), Counter Transnational Organized Crime

C.C. Ramon Jorge Taveras, ARD, Security

December 2, 2020

Ecuador – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Ecuador has not published a NAP, but it is currently developing one.

Overall Assessment:

Ecuador’s efforts to implement the principles of UNSCR 1325 are significant but unevenly distributed within the military and the police. Although the national government has expressed a strong commitment to gender equality, the issue has not filtered down completely to the armed forces. While the police rank better in this regard, transparency and channels of communication with civil society are currently lacking.

National Importance/Political Will:

Despite not having adopted a NAP, Ecuador has shown significant political commitment to the principles of gender equality, which are embraced in major foreign policy documents such as the Foreign Policy Agenda 2017-2021 and the Policy for Gender Equality.[108] The Specific Plan of Foreign Relations and Human Mobility calls attention to UNSCR 1325 and states that a NAP is being developed.[109] Ecuador also has a solid gender equality national agenda. A relevant document is the National Agenda for Women and LGBTI People 2018-2021, which sets specific tasks for different ministerial actors, such as the police.[110] The document was created, and is implemented, under the supervision of the Gender Equality Council. This is an inter-ministerial body in charge of mainstreaming gender equality at the national level in all institutions, including the military. Resources dedicated to these tasks are difficult to track since budget reporting tends to vary each year.

Major national security documents, like the Policy of National Defense of Ecuador and the Defense Sector Plan, refer to gender equality as a principle, but they do not make specific references to UNSCR 1325. [111] The national police is an example of how, despite not having adopted a NAP, security institutions can adhere to WPS values. The National Plan for Human Security and Peaceful Social Coexistence does not refer specifically to the WPS agenda, but it includes a comprehensive argument about the importance of gender and intersectional perspectives in security issues, a review of gender-based violence in Ecuador, and references highlighting the contributions of women in the police.[112]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

At the organizational level, the MoD has taken steps to include WPS principles. The Gender Policy of the Armed Forces of Ecuador, published in 2013, explicitly recognizes UNSCR 1325 and call on states to implement it. The policy states four general objectives to mainstream gender within the ranks, including: ensuring equality of opportunities; improving the work environment; applying a gender perspective in training; and preventing discrimination.[113] Another relevant policy document is the Institutional Strategic Plan of the Armed Forces, which also refers to UNSCR 1325, although it limits the application of UNSCR 1325 to including women’s participation in UN missions.[114] Despite these limitations, it was noted during interviews that the gender equality agenda’s visibility depends on the leadership in the MoD. Ecuador has named two women as Ministers of Defense, and gender mainstreaming was more prominent under their leadership.

There is not a specific directive to include gender perspectives in operational planning. The MoD has a Human Rights, Gender Issues and Humanitarian International Law Unit that functions as a full-time GENAD, but it does not work directly with the Joint Command of the three branches of the military.[115] The Joint Command has a Human Rights unit of its own, but the Director of the unit is not a senior staff officer and, only on occasion, are there officers specialized in gender issues. The armed forces have human rights advisors, but they are not specialized in gender matters.

Police doctrine makes a more comprehensive inclusion of gender equality principles. The Strategic Plan for the National Police 2017-2021 provides guidelines for operational planning, mentioning that policemen and policewomen are to be involved in all operations.[116] There is a full-time GENAD at the police focused solely on this task. Neither the military nor the police have Gender Focal Points.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)[117]

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army26,2384621.73%
Army Senior Women   
Navy9,5944294.28%
Navy Senior Women   
Air Force6,4172824.21%
Air Force Senior Women   
National Police42,6137,33615%
National Police Senior Women   80[118] 
Women Deployed  44%[119]

The presence of women in the military in Ecuador remains low. Although all positions are officially open to them, they are not represented in every occupation. Data regarding promotion to senior ranks was not available, though it is believed to be less than 1%. In the police, all positions are open to women. The police have some women serving in the senior ranks. Neither the military nor the police have defined specific goals to increase women’s participation in their ranks.

Work Environment

The military has made efforts to improve the working environment for service members. A relevant publication in this matter is the Gender Book, which aims to present applicable legislation related to gender in a concise and educational fashion.[120]

Family Policies: Military and police personnel are both granted 80 calendar days of paid maternity leave, and 10 to 15 days of paternity leave. Childcare is available to both military and police personnel.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: There is no specific program in place to protect military personnel who are victims of harassment or abuse; when it occurs, it is handled by the civilian justice system and the civilian penal code. Depending on the verdict, administrative action can be taken against perpetrators. It is unclear if the gender policy for the military has had an impact on these cases. In the case of the police, the process for prosecution is similar. Police doctrine emphasizes human rights and the responsibility not to abuse power, but it is mostly an outward rather than inward perspective.

Equipment and facilities: For daily operations, there are women-specific uniforms, including maternity uniforms, but there is no specific personal protective equipment. Bases and units are prepared to have both women and men, but some operational environments are still not equipped for women, and they do not serve in such positions.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Gender topics are part of the curriculum during junior and mid-level military education and fall within human rights studies. Learning about gender issues remains at a very abstract and theoretical level. For senior level officers, gender training is sometimes provided. The training tends to be optional and sporadic and depends on the particular profile of the personnel teaching, rather than as an institutionalized topic. That said, particular training on UNSCR 1325 is offered.[121] The police receive training in this matter, since part of their duties includes the protection and prevention of violence against vulnerable people. The Gender Equality Council, in particular, provides training for the police in implementing a gender perspective.[122] The military also receives training pertaining to protection of vulnerable persons within the framework of international humanitarian law, but it is not clear if the training includes an internal focus to prevent this violence within its own ranks.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There is some monitoring and reporting associated with the indicators developed in the Sustainable Development Agenda 2030. For example, there is a specific indicator that measures the percentage of women police officers.[123] The Gender Equality Council collaborates with civil society to monitor the advancements of the National Agenda for Women and LGBTI People and thus oversees commitments related to the police. Civil society does not participate in any monitoring of the military. It is also unclear if civil society is involved in the current drafting of the NAP. Sex-disaggregated data is collected both by the military and the police, but it is not always publicly accessible. That said, these figures can be obtained through public policy transparency mechanisms.

Recommendations: Ecuador should deepen its commitment to the principle of WPS by expeditiously publishing a robust NAP that outlines clear goals and objectives for the military and police, identifies resources for implementation, and provides independent mechanisms for monitoring and evaluation. Civil society groups should immediately be consulted for the NAP currently under development. Training about gender perspectives should be conducted on a regular basis at the highest level. Specific steps must be taken to allow more women to access all positions in the military and to reach the highest positions. Sex-disaggregated data for the military and police should be published annually. Protocols to prevent abuse and harassment should be strengthened. Lastly, GENADs should be appointed for all branches of the military; they should assume operational roles and not be placed in administrative positions.

Report Contributors:

Mgs. Byron Gabriel Paredes Escobar

Mgs. Diana Carolina Sanabria Salinas

Mgs. Marco Antonio Criollo Asimbaya

Lic. María Andrea Cárdenas H.

Ing. María Dolores Santos Vidal, President of AFCEA International Ecuador Chapter

December 2, 2020

Guatemala – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Guatemala adopted a NAP in 2017, but it did not have a specific time frame for its implementation or expiration.

Overall Assessment:

Guatemala is an active supporter of the WPS agenda, and the NAP has paved the way for the inclusion of the WPS principles in its security and defense institutions. However, implementation of the NAP is hard to measure given the lack of a monitoring and assessment mechanism to evaluate progress or determine impact. Guatemala has low representation of women in the military and police, with few to no women serving in the senior ranks.

National Importance/Political Will:

Guatemala is a signatory of key international legal frameworks on gender equality. Guatemalan women took a leading role in ending the recent civil war, which lasted from 1960 until 1996, but they were subsequently underrepresented in the formal peace processes and negotiations.[124] Most institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women’s rights in the country are derived from the Peace Accords (signed at different stages after the civil war ended). The most relevant of these is the creation of the Women’s Secretariat. Gender equality is also enshrined in Article 4 of the Constitution, and there are other laws, such as the Law of Dignification of the Integral Promotion of Women.[125] Among the most relevant strategies for women’s equality is the National Policy for the Promotion and Integral Development of Women and Equal Opportunities Plan 2008-2023 that is implemented by the Secretariat.[126] Although it does not make a direct reference to UNSCR 1325, it directs the police to take specific actions. For example, they are directed to create programs that prevent discrimination within the institution and to acknowledge the multiethnic facet of Guatemala. This is not a minor feature, since more than 80% of the victims in the civil war were indigenous people, including many women who were victims of sexual assault[127] and forced domestic slavery.[128] The Ministry of National Defense (MoND) is not mentioned in this document.

Guatemala’s NAP was developed by the Inter-Agency Roundtable on Women, Peace and Security (MIMPAZ). This roundtable was created in 2012 with the purpose of promoting and facilitating the implementation of the WPS agenda. Both the  MoND and the national civil police are members of MIMPAZ. Nonetheless, the principles of WPS are not explicitly mentioned in the most important security documents, such as the Framework Law of the National Security System[129], the Pact for Security, Justice and Peace,[130] or the National Defense Book.[131]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The NAP outlines a set of operational actions to create and implement gender equality policies in the national security system, including the national civil police and the Ministry of National Defense. It calls for: 1) the full participation of women at all decision-making levels; 2) measures to prevent violence against women; and 3) the commitment to ensure work-life balance for women serving in the ranks.[132] Nonetheless, the WPS principles are absent in strategy, policy or planning documents, and in any field manuals, both from the military and the police. They are also not integrated into military or police operational policy planning processes. The MoND, through Government Agreement No. 30-2016, created the Department of Gender, General Directorate of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law[133]. The NAP was co-designed by this department, which also serves as a GENAD. However, this position is not part of the General Staff of National Defense. In the case of the police, a GENAD is part the Gender Unit of the General Sub-directorate for Violence Prevention. GENADs have received training from the Presidential Secretariat of Women. No GFPs have been assigned to the military or the police.

The police have a Department for Gender Equality that is part of the General Sub-directorate for Crime Prevention. The Comprehensive Community Security Police Model does mention gender equality as a priority for the institution, but it is not linked to operational practices.[134] The policy document closer to the WPS agenda is the Police Didactic Manual for the Prevention of Cases of Violence Against Women.[135]

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army 1,395 
Army Senior Women   
Navy   
Navy Senior Women   
Air Force   
Air Force Senior Women   
National Police 6,67116%
National Police Senior Women   
Women Deployed162148%[136]

All positions in the military and police are technically open to women. However, women serve in extremely low numbers and at the lowest ranks. Women comprise less than 8%[137] of the armed forces and 16% of the police. To date, no women have been promoted beyond the rank of colonel in the military, and there are no target goals to increase the percentage of women in the ranks. In the police, some women have reached senior ranks. Although the NAP calls for the full participation of women at all decision-making levels, there has been little progress on this front.[138]

Work Environment

Family Policies: Women receive 84 days of paid maternity leave in both the military and the police. Childcare is also available.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: Programs against sexual harassment and sexual abuse to protect personnel within the military and the police exist, but they are not transparent. Every year, personnel participate in conferences, workshops, and preventive talks related to sexual harassment and sexual abuse, but it is not possible to assess their impact or effectiveness. There is also a prevention program to address issues of military and police personnel as perpetrators of violence against civilians.

Equipment and Facilities: There is some equipment and uniforms specifically designed for women in the military and the police, as well as facilities for women in both institutions in the areas where they serve.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Guatemala has a specialized training center for personnel who participate in UN missions. The Regional Training Command of Peacekeeping Operations (CREOMPAZ) includes courses on how to employ a gender perspective.[139] The principles of WPS are integrated into the education and training of military and police personnel at every level of the hierarchy. This training is also available for the staff. Nonetheless, there is no information on the frequency of this training or who provides it. Personnel consistently receive training on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse. The training is both internally (within the organization) and externally (UN missions) focused.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

Information published by MIMPAZ this year indicates that a Monitoring and Evaluation System of the NAP has been presented by UN Women Guatemala, but no further report was located.[140] This is relevant since there are no national or agency level requirements to monitor or to report on progress in meeting the WPS agenda, despite this being a requirement of the NAP. The involvement of civil society is mentioned in the NAP, but no specific information is available about their current involvement in monitoring and reporting. The police and the military collect sex-disaggregated data, but it is not made publicly available.

Recommendations: Guatemala has the opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to the WPS agenda by publishing a second NAP that builds upon the successes and limitations of the first version. A new NAP must clearly identify responsible agencies in both the military and police, provide resources, identify goals, set a time frame for implementation, and provide clear indicators to measure advancement. In this regard, it would be valuable to include the Technical Secretariat of the National Security Council, as they coordinate the institutions of the national security system. Additionally, there must be independent and transparent monitoring and evaluation that include civil society organizations. The military and police should solicit input from women in the field with operational experience. Military and police leadership must take specific steps to guarantee the participation of women in their ranks, particularly as flag and general officers, and must mainstream a gender perspective in the institution, for example, by implementing a transparent permanent program to prevent and punish sexual harassment and assault within the ranks.

Report Contributors:

1. Female staff of the Technical Secretariat of the National Security Council

2. Emily Rubí Baires Martínez – National Coordinator for Disaster Reduction (CONRED)

December 2, 2020

Mexico – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

In January 2020, Mexico announced the adoption of a feminist foreign policy. Mexico is also developing its first 1325/WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment:

In 2019, the government of Mexico restructured the security and defense apparatus extensively.[141] The reforms created a new National Guard, which functions as a national police force. While this is a civilian force under civilian direction, its leadership and the majority of its personnel come from the armed forces. In addition, in May 2020, the Mexican President, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (also known as AMLO), issued an executive decree that formalized and expanded the role of the military to participate in public security tasks. [142] In both the military and police, the number of women serving is low, and they often serve at the lowest ranks. Until recently, civil society has not been much involved in the integration of women in the security forces.

National Importance/Political Will:

The Mexican Constitution, national laws and a number of national policy documents and statements recognize and support the notion of gender equality and women’s rights, but these laws and regulations are not systematically enforced by the police and the courts.[143] For example, the National Development Plan mentions both the police and military as principal actors, but it does assign specific actions to the police or military, and there are no goals or benchmarks to measure progress.

National support for the WPS agenda in Mexico has been weak, but there are some signs of support under the new AMLO administration. A WPS NAP was set to be released in October 2020. It is worth noting that this did not occur, and the authorities are expected to launch it before the end of 2020. The Mexican security forces have reportedly participated in the development of the plan. (See the Report of the Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection).[144]

In January 2020, Mexico announced that it had adopted a feminist foreign policy focused on reducing structural differences, gender gaps and inequalities at home and abroad. Recent foreign policy documents make repeated references to gender equality, women’s rights, and women’s empowerment as major foreign policy aims.[145] These are presumably also the stated aims of the feminist foreign policy. That said, the government has not yet published a detailed implementation plan how gender equality and women’s rights will be advanced in the foreign policy context.

The National Peace and Security Plan (2018-2024) that introduced reforms to the security forces, including the creation of a National Guard, does not address the protection and prevention of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence against women, nor does it address the need for the increased participation of women in peace and security activities.[146]

On the other hand, the National Defense Sector Program 2020-2024 considers the promotion of equality and inclusion as a priority strategy. It includes as tasks:  to consolidate the culture of respect and equality among women and men to avoid gender violence, harassment, discrimination, as well as sexual abuse; and to strengthen the professional development of military women.[147] The Navy Sector Program 2020-2024 has as a priority strategy the task of promoting respect for human rights, gender equality, and interculturality.[148]

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The Mexican military has integrated some gender equality/WPS principles into their strategies, plans, and policy documents. The most notable commitment by the military (army and air force) is the establishment in 2011 of the Observatory for Equality between Women and Men. The military reports that this Observatory functions as a Gender Advisor. However, there are no publicly available reports that detail the activities and members of the Observatory, or explain the resources it has at its disposal. Their access to the highest ranks of the military also remains unclear.

The National Guard has not systematically incorporated the principles of WPS in their strategy, plans, and policy documents, and they have not appointed any gender advisors or gender focal points in their organization.

That said, to what extent the military and the National Guard have integrated WPS and gender equality principles is difficult to tell, since many policy documents are currently under development.

Gender in the Ranks[149]

ServiceTotalMenWomenPercent Women
Army/Air Force[150]214,153188,75825,39511.8%
Army/Air Force – Senior Women  200[151]3%
Navy88,10076,00012,10014%
Navy – Senior Women  84[152]1%
National Guard/Police78,46670,0008,46610.7%
National Guard/Police -Senior Women   19%
Women Deployed[153]137646%[154]

Most women serving in the Mexican military serve in the medical and administrative branches and not the operational and combat branches. Not surprisingly, few women are deployed during operations. Women also occupy very few senior positions in the Mexican military—a mere 3% in the Army and just 1% in the Navy. Furthermore, official information about the number of women in the armed forces is difficult to find in open sources. Although Secretariat of Defense personnel said that there are efforts to increase women’s participation in the military and reach a goal of 30% by 2024, this goal seems unrealistically high given that women currently only comprise 11.8% of the force.

Work Environment

Family Policies: The military and police provide three months of paid maternity leave and 10 days of paid paternity leave. Paternity leave must be used immediately following the birth of a baby. Childcare and other family leave policies support members of the military and they are widely used.

Equipment: Women in both the military and police are issued equipment designed specifically for women. Facilities, including bathrooms and living quarters are available to accommodate women in the military, but they are not systematically available in the National Guard.

Anti-Sexual Harassment Policies: Although the military has policies to address sexual harassment and assault of military members, the number of cases, the disaggregation of cases by sex, or the number of cases that is prosecuted is not made public. Prosecution of cases between military personnel takes place within the military command. However, when the offense is committed against a civilian, the case takes place within the civil tribunals. There is no program to address sexual harassment, assault or exploitation in the National Guard. Presumably, these cases would be referred to the civilian courts.

Training, Education, and Exercises

WPS principles are introduced and integrated into the education and training of personnel at the junior-level as part of entry-level training but it is not widely reinforced with follow-on training at the mid- or senior-levels.

Military personnel consistently receive training on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse. The training is both internally (within the organization) and externally (civilian populations outside the organization) focused. Although the Mexican government said that National Guard personnel will receive training on gender perspectives, it is unclear if this training is fully integrated into the curricula at all levels.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

The military and police report that sex-disaggregated data and lessons learned are collected and

analyzed to improve security outcomes for women, men, girls and boys but the data is not made publicly available. Furthermore, there are no national level programs to monitor and evaluate progress toward meeting the goals of the WPS agenda and civil society groups are not engaged in any assessments.

Recommendations:

Publish a robust WPS NAP as soon as possible and ensure that it provides clear goals, metrics, and resources for both the military and National Guard. Goals should include: metrics for analyzing and assessing progress in the areas of increasing women’s participation in the forces; a minimum budget allocation; addressing sexual harassment, abuse and exploitation of military and police personnel and civilians in the areas of operation;, applying a gender lens to all programs and operations; andannually evaluating and publishing progress toward meeting national goals. It is important that this plan is not limited to Mexico’s performance in the UN missions, but that it has a firm internal focus. It is also advisable to include monitoring from the Defense and Marine Commissions of the legislative branch or through the Bicameral National Security Commission.

Report Contributors:

Diorella Islas Limiñana

Ana Velasco Ugalde

Mario Abrego Valdez

Carlos Mercado-Casillas

Paloma Mendoza Cortés

Erika de Anda

Manuel Balcázar Villarreal

December 2, 2020

Panama – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Although Panama does not have a NAP, the Institute of Women has a Strategic Operative Plan that carries out a variety of activities to promote gender equality in government and society.[155]

Overall Assessment:

Panama has been developing a robust legal framework to enhance gender equality. In May 2020, the government of Panama and UN Women signed a five-year agreement to develop a strategy to improve gender equality and women’s empowerment in the country.[156] In terms of its national security structure, Panama does not have a military but does have a Ministry of Public Security that oversees four law enforcement branches:  the National Police, the National Aeronaval Service, the National Borders Service and the National Migration Service. While the overall national commitment to gender equality is high, its application in the Ministry of Public Security is relatively low. It was enhanced with the creation of a Gender Advisor (GENAD) office in 2017, which has progressively and steadily increased its activities.

National Importance/Political Will:

Gender equality is mentioned in Article 19 of Panama’s constitution. It explicitly states that there shall be no discrimination on the basis of race, birth, disabilities, social class, sex, religion and political thought.[157] Furthermore, the legal framework that supports gender equality is composed of at least 20 laws, three executive resolutions and four public policy tools. This remarkable framework includes activities for all levels of the citizenship. For example, Law number 6, approved in 2000, made it mandatory for all school texts and materials to include a gender perspective. Law number 54, approved in 2012, reformed the electoral code and requires political parties to have at least 50% of women on electoral lists for primary elections.

In 2017, Executive Decree No. 100 mandated that every ministry and governmental institution create an office for women and/or gender issues, with a special unit to deal with cases of domestic violence, sexual harassment, and abuse. These offices are financed by the Comité Nacional Contra la Violencia en la Mujer. The Committee is part of the National Institute for Women, which works with an overall budget of US $6,516,551 in 2019 and US $5,747,864.00 in 2020.[158]

In 2017, the Congress approved Law 56, which established quotas for the participation of women in state boards of directors. Article 2 requires that any institution supported by the Central government, including decentralized, public companies, should assign at least 30% of seats on their administrative councils, boards of directors, or similar entities to women.[159]

The government of Panama created the National Institute for Women in 2008. Its main task is to monitor and oversee the public policies related to gender equality and equal opportunities.[160] The Institute of Women has worked with the Ministry of Public Security in furthering gender equality. The 2018 Activities Report of the Institute mentions that it worked with the police and provided special training to police on issues related to gender-based violence. Subsequently, the police created a service specialized in gender-based violence. This service is now housed in the offices of the different police zones in Panama and is in charge of dealing with cases of domestic violence.[161] In 2019, the Institute and the National Police carried out a presentation about gender equality and violence against women. The Institute’s Annual Operative Plan for 2020 shows that the activities carried out during the year included two sensitization workshops for the national police. Such workshops focused on how to prevent the revictimization of victims during police and judicial investigations[162]

In terms of the Ministry of Public Security, it created the Office of Gender Equality and the Equality of Opportunities in 2018(Oficina de Equidad de Genero y Equiparación de Oportunidades) in compliance with the executive decree No. 100 published in 2017. Its organizational structure includes a director and sub-director, psychologists, sociologists, and social workers. The Office is composed of different divisions, including one that focuses on generating statistics, and two specialized units: 1) equal opportunities; and 2) gender issues.[163] Moreover, the manual of the Office of Gender Equality, published in 2019, presents a detailed description of the tasks and responsibilities of each position and each area within the Office. Such activities include: the creation of an annual operational plan regarding gender issues to be formulated in coordination with the national police, the National Migration Service, the National Borders Service, and the National Aeronaval Service; the coordination of gender-sensitization campaigns; and the provision of legal and juridical advice to women facing violent events.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The principles of WPS/gender equality are sometimes integrated into police exercises, operations, and activities, as evidenced by the Organizational Manual of the Ministry of Public Security. The Oficina de Participacion Ciudadana (Office of Citizen Participation) is the office in charge of preparing plans and programs, with a strategic focus on citizen security with a gender perspective.[164] This Office integrates the group of administrative units of the Ministry of Public Security in an auxiliary support level. In this regard, the Ministry of Public Security is the ministry in charge of citizen security and the promotion of the participation of community leaders and civil groups to strengthen security strategies and policy implementation.

The Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Public Security of Panama does not present a list of actions to improve gender equality or gender perspective in the law enforcement forces of Panama. Instead, it outlines that the next actions are to: “Begin a consultive process to update the goals, results and activities of the Strategy, considering the incorporation of some subjects such as the environment, the indigenous peoples and gender in a transversal (cross-cutting) way.” [165]

Gender in the Ranks (Police)[166]

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
National Police17,1023,45916.8
National Aeronaval Service3,53146311.6
National Borders Service3,5963679.3
National Migration Service88856638.9
Total22,6374,85516.2
Senior Ranks5609814.9

All police positions are open to women. That said, there are few women serving in some of the institutions like the Servicio Nacional Aeronaval and the Servicio Nacional de Fronteras, but this is attributed to the fairly recent creation of both institutions in 2008.

Work Environment

Family Policies: Article 107 of the Labor Code establishes that paid maternity leave lasts 14 weeks: six weeks prior to delivery and 8 weeks after delivery.[167] In 2017, three days of paid paternal leave were added.[168] The employees of the Ministry of Public Security have access to the same social benefits as other governmental ministries, including childcare centers.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse: Article 178 of the Penal Code of Panama was modified in 2018 to include sexual harassment. The reform dictates that sexual harassment at work is an offense that can be punishable with 2-4 years in jail.[169] In addition, the Organic Law of the National Police explicitly prohibits any type of discrimination.[170]

Equipment and Facilities:There are some women specific uniforms but no personal protective equipment designed for women. Moreover, there are facilities, including bathrooms and billets, available for women in police facilities, and they are provided during deployments.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Training in gender affairs and gender perspectives are conducted at entry, mid- and senior-level positions. The Office of Gender Equality and Equal Opportunities in the Ministry of Public Security and the National Institute of Women provide training on gender and gender perspectives to the police.

The Office of Gender Equality and Equal Opportunities has substantially increased its activities throughout the two years of its existence. The 2019 report has a detailed description of its accomplishments, including: activities of sensitization; introduction courses and self-care course;, new facilities for the Office; and courses on intervention for first respondents on violent crimes. Planned activities include: building a webpage for the office; providing courses and workshops about gender equality; developing educational material; creatiing a workplan for training entry level personnel as well as training for senior ranks; and the creation of a police unit specialized in gender violence as part of the national police.[171]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:           

The monitoring and evaluation of gender policies and programs is undertaken by the Institute of Women. In terms of the security sector, the evaluations are carried out by the Office of Gender Equality and the Office of Equality of Opportunities of the Ministry of Public Security. Additionally, NGOs like the Konrad Adenauer Foundation are also monitoring gender policies in Panama[172].

Recommendations:

Panama has a robust legal framework with respect to gender equality. Given many new policy developments, it might be time to update the Organization Manual of the Ministry of Public Security. It was published in 2015 and does not include the new Office of Gender Equality and Equal Opportunities that started operating in 2018.

Furthermore, the Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Public Security should consider including concrete objectives about how to promote and advance gender equality beyond the prevention of gender-related violence. For example, it could establish a plan to provide protective equipment for all the women in the police forces and address how to recruit and retain more women.

In a similar vein, the gender training provided by the Office of Gender Equality and Equal Opportunities should include more information on gender analyses and gender perspectives. Currently, the training is focused on investigative actions of violence against women. In addition, more attention should be paid to the promotion opportunities of women within the police.

Report Contributors:

Cristobal Fundora Sitton

Elvira Méndez

Nadia Montenegro

Rosa Broce

Sophia Wendderburn

Xiomara Edwards

Gloria Guerra

Carmen Solano

Zuleika Roa

Juan Gonzalez

Gitzel Bolaños

Isbel Valderrama

December 2, 2020

Paraguay – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Paraguay adopted its first NAP in 2013. A new version is currently under development.

Overall Assessment:

Paraguay has made progress towards the adoption of the WPS principles, thanks to the national gender equality agenda. That said, the 2013 NAP was never implemented because of a change in the political leadership of the country. The NAP was developed and published by the Frente Guasú and the Partido Liberal administration. In the 2013 elections, the Partido Colorado was the winner and the implementation of the NAP lost priority. The current Partido Colorado administration, elected in 2018, has been more positive towards the WPS agenda. The Ministry of Women is currently leading an effort to develop a new NAP.

National Importance/Political Will:

National importance given to the WPS agenda has waxed and waned over the years. However, Paraguay is committed to gender equality, which is evident in key foreign and national policy documents, such as is the National Development Plan 2030,[173] which was developed in the context of the UN Agenda for Sustainable Development.[174] In particular, the gender equality strategy of the plan promotes equitable and participatory access under equal conditions for women and men; it addresses power structures and decision-making processes, and it also calls for the integration of a gender perspective in public policies, plans, programs, projects, and regulations of public institutions.[175] Since the National Development Plan is a joint effort that involves all ministries, both the police (as part of the Ministry of Interior) and the Ministry of Defense (MoD) are engaged in the achievement of these goals. Given the status of the National Development Plan, both the military and the police are expected, but not obligated, to adapt their institutional policy documents to its goals.

The WPS agenda is not mentioned in national security documents such as the National Policy of Defense.[176] This document mentions equality and peace as goals, but it falls short in referring to the WPS agenda. As for the police, the report “Mainstreaming of the Gender Approach in the Strategy National Security Citizen” also does not refer to UNSCR 1325 or the WPS agenda, but it makes clear recommendations on how to improve the integration of a gender perspective into activities of the police.[177] The IV National Equality Plan of the Ministry of Women represents the clearest effort of the government to mainstream gender equality, although it does not mention UNSCR 1325.[178] Other relevant efforts by this Ministry include the Observatory of Women, which monitors the incidence of femicide and efforts to prevent trafficking of women.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

In the NAP, Paraguay committed to creating a Gender Observatory and to incorporating a gender perspective in all areas related to defense and security institutions. Nevertheless, the NAP did not specify which institution should host the Observatory. In addition, due to the change in political leadership, the Gender Observatory did not materialize (as can be noted in the Strategic Institutional Plan 2019-2023 of the MoD). That said, the MoD has a Gender Unit, which is part of the Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Directorate. Since 2019, the Directorate of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law and the Gender Unit fall under the supervision of the Vice Minister. It functions as a GENAD position. It is not clear whether there are GFPs in the armed forces. The police do not have a GENAD, but they do have a Gender Violence Unit, which is in charge of providing specialized care for victims of domestic violence. The police also do not have any GFPs.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomen[179]Percent Women
Army 129 
Navy 55 
Air Force 48 
Women Deployed26  3[180]10%

No data was provided on the number and percentage of women who serve in senior ranks in the military and police, except as related to UN peacekeeping operations. Many positions in the military are closed to women. In the Aamy, all cavalry and infantry occupations are closed to women; however, all positions in the air force and navy are open to women. Interestingly, a civilian woman currently serves as the Vice Minister of National Defense, and formerly a woman served as Minister of Defense. Women are only deployed in UN missions. In the police, all positions are open to women, but few women occupy senior ranks. Neither the military nor the police have set recruitment goals to increase the number of women in the ranks. However, the police have new career plan regulations to promote equal participation of women in its ranks.[181]

Work Environment

Family Policies: Military and police personnel receive 18 weeks of paid maternity.[182] Child care is also provided. In particular, the police have new career plan regulations and amendments to the law to ensure the equal participation of women in its ranks.[183]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: There are directivesin place to prevent sexual harassment both in the military and the police.

Equipment and facilities: Equipment and uniforms for women in both institutions are available, and facilities to accommodate women are also provided.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Military personnel that participate in UN missions receive training on the principles of WPS. The training is provided by the Peace Operations Training Institute or by training centers from neighboring countries in the Southern Cone. Military personnel who participate in UN missions consistently receive training on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse. The training is both internally (within the organization) and externally (civilian populations outside the organization) focused. Nonetheless, it is unclear if these, or similar courses, are available and mandatory for the rest of the military at all levels.

The police and other law enforcement institutions receive training in gender perspectives from the Ministry of Women (MINMUJER). This Ministry is the normative and strategic governing body of gender policies, and it currently coordinates the implementation of the IV National Equality Plan.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

General monitoring, evaluation, and reporting are considered within the institutional framework of the Fourth NAP of Open Government of Paraguay.[184] The Paraguayan government has developed short-term plans as tools to ensure accountability for development policies. Civil society is an active contributor to their formulation. That said, the involvement of civil society with regards to security-related policies and activities of the military and the police is limited. In part, this is because the number of specialized NGOs in matters of gender and security is small. The military and the police collect sex-disaggregated data, but the data it is not routinely made public unless requested through transparency mechanisms.

Recommendations:

At the national level Paraguay should deepen and codify its commitment to the principles of the WPS agenda by expeditiously publishing a new, comprehensive NAP. The military and police should be given specific goals for advancing the agenda. The new NAP should include mechanisms to institutionalize its implementation so that it can withstand political changes in the executive. This can be achieved with the adoption of specific implementation plans for the armed forces and the police, and the allocation of resources to these ends. Monitoring and evaluation should be clearly established and include the systematic use of civil society groups, and all data and reports should be made publicly available.

Contributors:

María Gloria Báez Recalde, General Director of Prevention and Care Against Trafficking, Ministry of Women, Asunción, Paraguay

Laura A. Villalba, Senior Principal Consultant, Politics & Policy LLC, Minnesota, USA

December 2, 2020

Peru – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Peru has not adopted a NAP.

Overall Assessment:

Despite not having adopted a NAP, Peru has made concrete progress toward gender equality and the adoption of WPS principles in the armed forces and the police. International commitments are reflected in national legislation and the National Plan for Gender Equality. The latter serves as a roadmap for progress. That said, more work needs to be done regarding the integration of gender equality norms in Peru’s national security institutions.

National Importance/Political Will:

At the international level, Peru has shown commitment to UNSCR 1325 by supporting the legal international frameworks for gender equality, including the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women, the Inter-American Convention to Prevent, Punish and Eradicate Violence Against Women, and the Declaration and Platform for Action of the Fourth World Conference on Women. Additionally, Peru has advocated for the elimination of gender-based restrictions in the armed forces in multilateral forums, such as the Conference of Defense Ministers of the Americas.

At the national level, Peru has pursued a national gender equality agenda supported by the Constitution,[185] a legislative framework, and the National Plan for Gender Equality.[186] The Plan is intersectional in nature and addresses structural discrimination against women as a central problem in the country. Among its priorities, it includes guaranteeing women’s access and participation in decision-making institutions as well as guaranteeing the protection of children, adolescents and women against all types of violence. Overall, the national gender equality policy is projected to be implemented by 2030, in accordance with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

Peru has a Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations, which is active in the implementation of a gender mainstreaming in all ministries, including the Ministry of Defense (MoD) and the Ministry of the Interior (which includes the police). Therefore, although the MoD is not specifically identified as a main actor, it implements some policies related to the principles of the WPS agenda. For example, the gender policies of Peru’s National Agreement[187] and the national security and defense policy seek to reduce inequality gaps by promoting a human security approach; the White Paper on National Defense provides information related to the promotion of peace and security and the protection of human rights.

The national police started gender mainstreaming in the 1990s. It has included gender perspectives in its policies and provides training on both gender and women’s rights.[188]

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Military: WPS principles, and gender analyses and gender perspectives are mentioned in military strategies, plans, and other policy documents on an ad-hoc, not systemic, basis. Gender is not integrated in operational planning processes. There is some recognition of the role that gender plays in military operations, and it is framed as a human rights issue.

The prevention of sexual violence is neither included in military strategic documents, nor is it part of military regulations. However, it is considered in the Law of the Disciplinary Regime of the Armed Forces (Law 29131).[189] The Committee for Gender Equality of the Ministry of Defense (MoD) was created in 2017 to contribute to the follow-up and monitoring of the implementation of national policies and the strategic objectives of the National Gender Equality Policy. The latter has, as goals, the reduction of gender gaps in planning instruments and the actualization of a gender equal organizational culture. The MoD does not have a specific Gender Advisor position, nor does  it have a specific budget allocation for gender related work.[190]

Police: Violence against women and the role of the police is specifically mentioned in the Institutional Strategic Plan of the Police 2020-2024.[191] These issues are also covered in plans and protocols that mention the police as a main actor (for example, the National Plan Against Gender Violence 2016-2021). As a result, personnel of the national police are continuously trained in these issues.[192] The police have also assigned a Commissioner for the Fight Against Violence Against Women.[193] This position meets some of the characteristics of a GENAD, but it is mainly oriented to the external tasks of the institution.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army  11%
Army Senior Women  .5%
Navy  9.6%
Navy Senior Women  .3%
Air Force  9.6%
Air Force Senior Women  .2%
National Police  18.0%
National Police Senior Women  .4%
Women Deployed 2912%[194]

In the armed forces, there are no legal limitations for women to serve in all positions. However, there are no women serving in combat positions. Women do participate actively in UN missions. Among the three branches of the military, there are at least 12 women who serve in the rank of colonel. This number is expected to increase in the coming years due to the fairly recent incorporation of women into the armed forces (since 1997).[195] No recruiting goals have been established to increase women’s participation, but the recruitment system does target women.

Women serve in all occupations in the national police and throughout the national territory, including in the Emergency Squad, Explosives Deactivation, and Criminalistics and the Police Aviation Unit. [196] There are women in all specialties, but few women serve in the most senior ranks and not at the same rate as men.

Work Environment

Family Policies: Women in the military and the police receive 98 days of paid maternity leave.[197] Childcare assistance is provided.

Equipment and Facilities: Equipment and uniforms designed to maximize women’s performance exist, but they are not always available and must be constantly adapted.[198] Facilities including restrooms and accommodations are available for women at military and police facilities and during deployment for peacekeeping operations.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: ThePolice Disciplinary Regime Law (No. 30714) and the Armed Forces Disciplinary Regime Law (No. 29131) regulate and/or punish serious offenses related to harassment.

Training, Education, and Exercises

In the educational curriculum, there are no specific courses on gender equality. However, compulsory courses on international humanitarian law and human rights are part of the training of personnel who participate in military operations inside the country and those who participate in UN missions abroad. These courses are based on the notion of respect and the idea of human life as a fundamental right. In general, mandatory training on WPS principles in the armed forces has not been considered. This type of training is only mandatory for personnel deployed to UN missions. In the case of the police, police personnel are constantly trained on preventing and responding to sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse of civilians, and they actively collaborate with the Ministry of Women.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There are efforts to inform and evaluate the implementation of gender equality in the armed forces and police. The presentation of reports and evaluation is carried out through the Personnel Directorates of each institution. However, there is no gender office in either institution that focuses exclusively on gender mainstreaming. The data that is collected and analyzed is confidential. This is also the case with the police.

Recommendations: Peru should deepen and codify its commitment to UNSCR 1325 by developing a NAP. Specific goals with transparent performance indicators for advancing gender equality and WPS agenda are highly recommended, as well as resources to accomplish established goals. Peru should consider the creation of gender offices in security and defense institutions to focus on monitoring gender integration strategies. These offices would benefit from having GENADs to monitor and evaluate national policies and plans. It is also advisable to incorporate a gender perspective in the curriculum for all levels in the armed forces and the police. It is further advisable to encourage the training and education of women in all specialties of the armed forces as well as to increase the participation of women at all decision levels. Gender specific uniforms, equipment and facilities that are fully adapted to women are also important steps to ensure the full participation of women in all aspects of duty.

Report Contributors:

Leidy Depaz Caballero, International Lawyer, Master in Development and National Defense, Writer and Researcher.

Col. EP Lourdes Barriga Abarca, Director of the Scientific and Technological Institute of the Peruvian Army

Col.EP Guillermo Santolalla, Advisor to the Inter-American Defense Board

PhD Luis Garcia Westphalen, Technical Secretary of the Legal Defense Commission of the Ministry of Defense

Miguel Peña Castro, Multilateral Affairs Officer of the Ministry of Defense

December 2, 2020

Trinidad and Tobago – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan Status:

Trinidad and Tobago does not have a NAP but is actively engaged in developing one.

Overall Assessment:

Although Trinidad and Tobago does not have a NAP, they have engaged in a number of best practices for promoting women’s participation in government agencies, and a relatively high percentage (29%) of the national police are women. Notably, at the ministerial level, they have a Minister of Gender and Child Affairs with a department dedicated to gender equity and justice. However, the Ministry of National Security, which includes the military and police, is separate from this organization; although there are some gender advisors in the security sector, they do not serve at the highest levels, and their training is informal and on an ad hoc basis. 

National Importance/Political Will:

Trinidad and Tobago is a signatory of all international laws and frameworks promoting women’s rights, and gender equality is enshrined in the constitution and in laws that are mostly enforced by the police and the courts.[199] The Office of the Prime Minister includes a Minister of Gender and Child Affairs. The purpose of the Gender Affairs Division is to “effectively promote Gender Equity and Gender Justice through the process of Gender mainstreaming in all government Policies, Programmes and Projects.”[200] In 2018, the ministry published The National Policy on Gender and Development.[201] This comprehensive document outlines the government’s goals of promoting gender equality across the nation. However, although the national policy says it applies to “all government and ministry agencies,” and it has a section titled “Gender Based Violence and Human Security,” it does not spell out specific responsibilities, tasks, goals, or metrics for the Ministry of National Security, which encompasses both the military and police.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

WPS principles, gender analyses and gender perspectives are integrated into some strategy, plans, and policy and other doctrinal documents at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels. They are also occasionally mentioned in field manuals and handbooks. The principles of WPS are integrated into military and police exercises and operations on an ad-hoc, not a habitual basis, as evidenced by documents including exercise directives and operations orders. Both the military and police have some gender advisors, but only the police have trained gender advisors, and they are not assigned to the highest levels. They serve mostly in human resource departments. Prevention of sexual violence is mentioned in key documents, field manuals, and handbooks of both the military and police.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Military434772614.3%
Senior Military Women   
Police7,3232,93929%
Senior Police Women   

All positions in the military and police are open to women, but there are no recruiting goals to increase women’s participation, and women are limited by policy to 30% of the police force. In fact, there are women waiting to join the police force who cannot get in due to the 30% cap. Women are promoted to senior ranks at the same percentage as they serve across the force. A woman has held the highest position in the police force, serving for a period of time as the “acting” Commissioner of Police.

Work Environment

Family Policies: Women receive 90 days of paid maternity leave and men receive three days of paid paternity leave. Childcare and other family leave policies are available to support members of the military, and they are widely used.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: There is a sexual exploitation and abuse program in the military, but it is not transparent. The number of reported cases and the disposition of cases is not made public. There is no specific program for the police. However, both the military and police have programs to address sexual exploitation and abuse of civilians in the areas of operations.

Uniforms, Equipment and Facilities: There is women-specific individual equipment, including uniforms and personal protective equipment designed for and issued to all women. There are facilities including bathrooms and billets available for women in military and police facilities.

Training, Education, and Exercises

WPS principles are introduced, but not widely trained, during entry level training. Beyond entry level training, only the military continues to train personnel on the principles of WPS. Personnel receive training only on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation as it relates to civilians in the areas of operations, not as it relates to personnel within their own ranks.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There are some monitoring and reporting requirements for the military, but it is not a national level effort and there are no requirements for monitoring or evaluating gender equity implementation by the police. The police collect some sex-disaggregated data for analysis, but the military does not. There is informal involvement of some civil society organizations in monitoring and evaluating implementation of WPS principles/gender equality in the military and police.  

Recommendations:

At the national level, Trinidad and Tobago should deepen and codify its commitment to the principles of the WPS agenda by expeditiously publishing a comprehensive National Action Plan. The military and police should be given specific goals and benchmarks for advancing the agenda.

Both the military and police should immediately develop programs for addressing sexual harassment and abuse within the ranks.

Both the military and police should develop and implement a monitoring and evaluation program with benchmarks and goals to increase women’s participation at all levels.

An independent monitoring and evaluation program should be established utilizing civil society

groups and the annual reports should be made publicly available.

The restriction limiting women to 30% of the police force should be eliminated immediately.

Report Contributors:

Dr. Dianne Williams, Independent Researcher

Karen Lancaster-Ellis, PhD student at the University of the West Indies, Acting Superintendent of Police, Trinidad & Tobago Police Service

December 2, 2020

Uruguay – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Uruguay has not published a NAP, but one is in development.

General Assessment:

Uruguay has made concrete advancement towards the implementation of the WPS principles despite not having published a WPS NAP. As a contributor of personnel to the UN missions, its involvement with the WPS agenda is extensive. These efforts have also permeated the police. That said, the WPS standards should be integrated more fully in all security (defense and police) forces and not just those deployed in UN missions.

National Importance/Political Will:

The constitution guarantees that all people shall be treated equally, and in 2007 Uruguay enacted the Equal Rights and Opportunities between Men and Women law.[202] [203]Uruguay’s commitment to the WPS principles is reflected in key foreign policy documents, such as the Strategic Plan 2015-2020.[204] The Foreign Ministry is also consistent in its support for the international gender equality framework and explicitly makes references to UNSCR 1325.[205]

At the national level, the National Strategy for Gender Equality by 2030 stands out as the main instrument for the implementation of Uruguay’s commitments to gender equality.[206] The National Strategy is a comprehensive and inclusive roadmap, which guides the actions of the state in matters of gender equality in the medium term. It is also relevant that there is momentum in Uruguay for women’s rights.  In 2019, Uruguay elected for the first time a woman as Vice President of the Republic, and there is a very active multi-party caucus of congresswomen coordinating gender policies. Given the support for gender equality in the country and in the Congress, both the National Defense policy and the rest of the legal frameworks contain formulations that imply the presence and active participation of women.[207]

Nonetheless, there is room for improvement, particularly in referring explicitly to the Ministry of Defense (MoD) and the police as principal actors of the implementation of WPS and gender equality principles. Both institutions participate in the National Council of Gender, but neither has specific plans to implement the principles of UNSCR 1325.[208]

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, Policy

In Uruguay, the National Gender Council is a key government body that advances gender equality principles. This body, created by Law No. 18,104, mainstreams the spirit of UN Resolution 1325 and integrates the principles of gender equality in all public policies of the state, including those related to military strategy, policy, and planning. That said, none of these documents are publicly available.

The principles of WPS/UNSCR 1325 are more substantially integrated into key documents related to police strategy, plans, policy, and operations.[209] This is also the case for police operational planning process.

The Ministry of the Interior actively promotes gender equality in security institutions, for example, by the elimination of female entry quotas and their participation in UN missions.

Despite these advances, the military has not appointed a full-time Gender Advisor (GENAD). A GENAD is appointed only for UN missions. The police also not have a GENAD. That said, in both the military and the police there are double-hatted GFPs.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army13,5161,43210%
Army Senior Women  2%
Navy4,16159513%
Navy Senior Women  1.2%
Air Force2,17443817%
Air Force Senior Women  1.6%
National Police4,1271,30224%
National Police Senior Women  3%
Women Deployed104781[210]7%

On average, women make up 11% of the military. Their presence in flag positions remains very low. The Uruguayan armed forces frequently participate in UN missions. Uruguay is the largest troop contributor of Latin America. Of the troops contributed to UN missions, women represent 7.18% of all personnel.

All positions in the military are open to women. The recruitment target for women in the armed forces is set at maintaining the current percentages. This is related to the national demographics. Uruguay’s population has not significantly grown in the past three decades; rather than increasing the gross number of women in the armed forces, the goal is to maintain the rate. The MoD has taken steps to achieve this, for example through presenting the military as an appealing professional career.[211]

In terms of the police, 25.6% of the personnel are women. The target goal for the recruitment of women in the police is 50%.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The principles of WPS/UNSCR 1325 are not consistently integrated into the education and training for military personnel. Specialized courses are available for Uruguayan personnel before deployment at UN missions. These courses are mandatory. But this is not the case for the rest of the personnel.[212] In the training, emphasis is given to the protection of vulnerable populations. This is particularly important after a series of sexual abuse accusations against the Uruguayan peacekeepers were acknowledged at the highest political level.[213] Since then, Uruguay has strengthened its instructions. This “lessons learned and good practice” response has been recognized by the UN as such.[214]

In terms of the police, the Ministry of the Interior provides an extensive curriculum and extracurriculum training program for police officers, including with regard to issues related to domestic violence, receipt of complaints, budgets and planning with a gender approach, trafficking of persons for the purpose of sexual exploitation, sexual and reproductive health, gender and sexual diversity, and gender and deprivation of liberty.

Work Environment

Family policies: The Uruguayan military and police provide maternity/paternity leave as well as childcare. This is a direct ordinance from the Ministry of the Interior that provides training on sexual and reproductive rights, pregnancy, breastfeeding and leave, including consultation services and the distribution of contraceptives.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: Both institutions have protocols to prevent and respond to sexual harassment cases within the ranks, although the protocol for the military is recent.[215] In 2020, a general from the army was sanctioned for a domestic abuse case.[216] There is also a sexual harassment and sexual exploitation and abuse prevention program to address issues of military and police personnel as perpetrators of violence in an area of operations.

Equipment and Facilities: Although there are facilities and infrastructure available for women in the military and the police, uniforms and equipment are not necessarily adapted.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

Despite not having published a WPS NAP, civil society is involved in the monitoring of the adoption of WPS/gender equality principles through the National Gender Council and the 4th National Action Plan for Open Government 2018-2020.[217]

In the area of accountability, the Ministry of the Interior, through the Division of Gender Policies, reports annually to the National Institute of Women on the implementation of the Plan for Equal Rights and Opportunities in its area of action.

Sex-disaggregated data is collected by the military and the police, and it is available through transparency mechanisms.

Recommendations:

Uruguay has a great opportunity to consolidate and expand the efforts of implementing WPS principles by adopting a NAP. The experience of the police can become the basis for an inward-looking perspective for the Plan. Uruguay’s experience with UN missions could also be the starting point for an external perspective. The NAP should specify particular tasks for the MoD, apart from those that it already undertakes. Further mainstreaming of a gender perspective in the military should be a priority, both for increasing the number of women in decision making-positions as well as in the training of all personnel. Assigning a full-time GENAD that is part of the senior command would prove valuable to achieve it. The consolidation of the protocols through a program for the prevention of sexual violence within the ranks should also be included.

December 2, 2020

[1] See Article 75, subsection 22 and 23 of the Constitution of Argentina. Senado y Cámara de Diputados, Constitución de Argentina. (Argentina, January 3, 1995), at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/0-4999/804/norma.htm

[2] See Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Decreto Nº 1895/2015, Plan Nacional de Acción de la República Argentina para la Implementación de la Resolución N° 1325/2000 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas y Subsiguientes.s. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (Argentina, September 21, 2015), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/decreto-1895-2015-252151/texto

[3] National Defense Policy Directive, Decree 1714/2009 (Argentina: National Defense Policy Directive, 2009) see CHAPTER III, “Regarding Human Rights and Gender Policies”, subsection e) and its update Decree 2645 / 2014

[4] Ministry of Defense, Decreto 1714/2009. (Argentina: Ministry of Defense, 2009), at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/160000-164999/160013/norma.htm

[5] Argentine NAP: p. 10. Government of Argentina, National Action Plan of the Argentine Republic for the Implementation of Resolution Nº1325/2000 of the Security Council of the United Nations. (Argentina, 2015),  at: https://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/Argentina%20NAP%202015%20(English).pdf;  and  see the Spanish version at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/250000-254999/252151/Dto1895.pdf

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ministry of Homeland Security, Resolución Nº58/2011, (Argentina, March 11, 2011), at: http://revistarap.com.ar/Derecho/administrativo/fuerzas_armadas_de_seguridad/1ADM0098095548000.html and Ministry of Homeland Security, Resolución Nº 1021/2011, (Argentina, October 20, 2011), at:

https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/resoluci%C3%B3n-1021-2011-188451/texto

[8] See Chapter III subsection E. Ministry of Defense, Decreto 1714/2009, (Argentina, October 10, 2011) at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/160000-164999/160013/norma.htm; see also the Ministry of Defense, Resolución Nº 1348/08, (Argentina: MoD, 2008) at: https://docplayer.es/78701127-Anexo-i-a-la-resolucion-mindef-no-1348-08-recursos-de-lucha-contra-la-violencia-familiar.html, Ministry of Defense, Resolución 1226/08, (Argentina: MoD, 2008),at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/resolucion_1226_08_anexos.pdf;  Ministry of Defense, Resolución 1407/08, (Argentina: MoD, 2008),at:  https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/resolucion_1407_08_anexo.pdf ; Ministry of Defense, Resolución 01/2010, (Argentina: MoD, 2010).

[9] Ibid. See also University of National Defense (UNDEF), Militares Argentinas: evaluación de políticas de género, (Argentina: UNDEF, September 2020), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/militares_argentinas._evaluacion_de_politicas_de_genero_libroonline.pdf

[10] Ibid.  

[11] See courses at CAECOPAZ, Centro Argentino de Entrenamiento Conjunto para Operaciones de Paz, (2020) at:  http://caecopaz.mil.ar/ofertaacademica.html

[12] Resolution MoD Nº 96/2014 establishes that each year the Chiefs of each Force and the Auditor General of the Armed Forces must designate personnel from the Gender Offices, the General Directorates of Personnel and the Auditors of each Force to receive specific training in “Gender and Institutional Management.”

[13] See Annex II, Comprehensive Gender Centers,  Ministry of Homeland Security, Resolución 1021/2011, (Argentina: MoHS, October 20, 2011)

https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/resoluci%C3%B3n-1021-2011-188451/texto; Ministry of Homeland Security,  Resolución 58/2011, (Argentina: MoHS, March 14, 2011), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/resoluci%C3%B3n-58-2011-180084/texto and Ministry of Homeland Security,  Resolución 1021/2011.

[14] Sex disaggregated data was available for evaluation.

[15] See Ministry of Defense Resolución 1226/2008

[16] See Article 38 subsection E. Congress of Argentina, Ley 19101 (June, 1971), at:  http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/15000-19999/19875/norma.htm;  Ministry of Defense, Resolución Nº706/2011, (Argentina: MoD, 2011), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/res_706_11.pdf; Ministry of Defense, Decreto 3413/79, (Argentina: MoD, 2011) at:  http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/15000-19999/19213/texact.htm

 Ministry of Defense, Resolución 198/2008 (Argentina: MoD, February 21, 2008), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/resolucion_198_08.pdf

[17] Ibid Ministry of Defense, Resolución 198/2008.

[18] See Chapter III, Article 11, subsection 7. Congress of Argentina  Ley 26485 (Argentina, April 1, 2009), at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/150000-154999/152155/texact.htm; Congress of Argentina, Ley 26394, (August 6, 2008) at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/140000-144999/143873/norma.htm and Ministry of Defense Resolución 112/2009.

[19] General Audit of the Armed Forces, Circular Nº 19/2009, (Argentina, December 9, 2009), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/circular_09.pdf

[20] Ministry of Defense, Resolución 213/2007, (Argentina, February 16, 2007), at:  https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/res_21307.pdf

[21] Ministry of Defense, Resolución 28/10,  (Argentina, January 20, 2010)  https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/resolucion_28_10.pdf; Ministry of Homeland Security Resolución 1019/2011,  (Argentina, October 12, 2011), at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/185000-189999/188315/texact.htm

[22] The National Action Plan 2020-2022 against gender-based violence has federal scope, including commitments from the provinces and municipalities. It is transversal at the level of the National Administration, Axis 4: “Integrated information management, transparency and monitoring.”

[23] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security (Brasilia, Brazil: 2017), at: http://funag.gov.br/biblioteca/download/1220-PNA_ingles_final.pdf

[24] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Extensão da Vigência do Plano Nacional de Ação sobre Mulheres, Paz e Seguranca (Brasilia: April 5, 2019) http://www.itamaraty.gov.br/pt-BR/notas-a-imprensa/20261-extensao-da-vigencia-do-plano-nacional-de-acao-sobre-mulheres-paz-e-seguranca

[25] Congresso of Brazil. Constitution of the Federal Republica of Brazil 1988 as amended to 2014 (Brasilia, Brazil: 2014), at: https://constitutions.unwomen.org/en/countries/americas/brazil?provisioncategory=b21e8a4f9df246429cf4e8746437e5ac

[26] Brazil NAP, pp. 8-10. The femicide law adopted under the Brazilian Penal Code, imposes specific sanctions for harming or killing women because of their gender. See also Law 13,112/2015 on registration of children; see also https://www.unwomen.org/-/media/headquarters/attachments/initiatives/stepitup/commitments-speeches/brazil-stepitup-commitment-2015-en.pdf?la=en&vs=5255

[27] See, for example, the National Plans of Policies for Women (Plano Nacional de Politicas para es Mulheres) developed by the National Secretariat of Politics for Women housed at the time in the Ministry of Human Rights. The first plan was developed in 2004, a second plan in 2008 for the period 2008-2011; and a third in 2013 for the period 2013-2015. See Centro de Apoio Operacional das Promotorias de Justiça dos Direitos Humanos, Governo Federal institui Sistema Nacional de Políticas para as Mulheres e Plano Nacional de Combate à Violência Doméstica (November 29, 2018) at: https://direito.mppr.mp.br/modules/noticias/makepdf.php?storyid=44 and the Brazilian NAP, p.12. See also Governo Federal. Secretaria Nacional de Políticas para Mulheres (SNPM) (Brazil, June 20, 2018) at https://www.gov.br/mdh/pt-br/navegue-por-temas/politicas-para-mulheres/politica-para-mulheres

[28] The National Policy System for Women, created in 2018, required states and municipalities to develop plans to mainstream gender equality and human rights. An example of a municipal plan can be found at: http://repositorio.londrina.pr.gov.br/index.php/menu-mulher/cmdm/resolucoes-5/31271-pmpm-2020-2021-final-publicacao/file .

[29] See Presidential Decree 10.174, http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2019-2022/2019/Decreto/D10174.htm#art8

[30] Ministry of Defense, Ordinance 893 of 2014. (Brazil, March 15, 2014), at: http://www.lex.com.br/legis_25426485_PORTARIA_N_893_DE_14_DE_ABRIL_DE_2014.aspx

[31] The Group was officially formed in 2016.

[32] See Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, Implementing the “Women, Peace and Security” agenda in Brazil: An Assessment of the National Action Plan, Strategic Paper 31 (Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute, August 2019) at: https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/2019-07-31_AE-31_Women-Peace-and-Security-National-Action-Plan.pdf; See also Renata Avelar Giannini and Perola Abreu Pereira, Building Brazil’s National Action Plan: Lessons Learned and Opportunities (London: LSE, March 3, 2020 – blog) https://www.lse.ac.uk/women-peace-security/assets/documents/2020/WPS24GianniniandPereira.pdf

[33] At the same event, corvette captain Marcia Andrade Braga, an officer in the Brazilian Navy who at that time served as Military Adviser for Gender at the headquarters of the United Nations Integrated and Multidimensional Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA), was awarded the United Nations Military Defender of Gender Award.

[34] See Renata Avelar Giannini and Perola Abreu Pereira, Building Brazil’s National Action Plan: Lessons Learned and Opportunities (London: LSE, March 3, 2020 – blog).

[35] See also Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No.4 (2020), pp.462-484.

[36] This is true for all previous and current Brazilian administrations. The MFA is the lead organization for the NAP, and they are focused on foreign affairs. In addition, Brazil’s foreign policy stance is very clear about the non-interference, not viewing domestic issues as part of a Security Council agenda. See also Drumond and Rebelo, Implementing the “Women, Peace and Security” agenda.

[37] See, for example, Ministry of Defense, Livro Branco de Defesa Nacional-Brasil 2020 (Brazil, 2020),at https://www.gov.br/defesa/pt-br/assuntos/copy_of_estado-e-defesa/livro_branco_congresso_nacional.pdf

[38] Ministry of Defense, Politica Nacional de defesa, Estrategia Nacional de Defesa (Brazil), at  https://www.gov.br/defesa/pt-br/assuntos/copy_of_estado-e-defesa/pnd_end_congresso_.pdf

[39] It may be noted that during the development of the NAP, the Ministry of Justice had frequent leadership changes and was not actively engaged. The other institutions did not feel comfortable including targets for the police in the absence of representation from the Ministry of Justice. Also, it must be noted that whenever the NAP mentions the police system, it refers to the state military police and not the federal police. The state military police falls under the authority of the national states. The state police institutions have very little knowledge about the WPS agenda. Brazilian police who participate in UN peacekeeping operations do so mostly on an individual basis, with little or no support from their states.

[40] Data from the Ministry of Defense, sent to the Igarapé Institute and shared for this publication. https://igarape.org.br/mulheres-forcas-armadas/pt/ and https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/AE-09_PROMOVER-GENERO-E-CONSOLIDAR-A-PAZ.pdf

[41] Approximately 32% of women serve in the army; 30 % in the navy and 39% in the airforce.

[42] In 2017 a total of 10,893 women applied. See Presidency of the Republic of Brazil. Women can now reach command positions in the Army, (Brazil, May 21,2018) at: http://www.brazil.gov.br/about-brazil/news/brazil-is-back/security-and-defense/women-can-now-reach-command-positions-in-the-army?TSPD_101_R0=77a741840fe2af28c521b181b3699e7ej0D00000000000000003b1dbcbdffff00000000000000000000000000005f8e587800c4f8d97408282a9212ab2000a46fe560e4ae79184380f9944be51f1c2319bd5ce6abec593c6d37edd47213cc0808a813bd0a2800c684a09af7d7ecd452921be3f0cd08b828d8836795a574833d7a94eb47075c2d993f4caba36e6fc2

[43] Renata Giannini, et al, Situações Extraordinárias: a entrada das mulheres na linha de frente das Forças Armadas brasileiras. Available at: https://igarape.org.br/mulheres-forcas-armadas/pt/

[44] See Law 13109, signed in 2015 by president Dilma Roussef. UN Women, Step it up for Gender Equality, (2015), at: https://www.unwomen.org/-/media/headquarters/attachments/initiatives/stepitup/commitments-speeches/brazil-stepitup-commitment-2015-en.pdf?la=en&vs=5255

[45] Renata Giannini, et al, Situações Extraordinárias: a entrada das mulheres na linha de frente das Forças Armadas brasileiras, at: https://igarape.org.br/mulheres-forcas-armadas/pt/

[46] Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, Two Years On: An analysis for supporting the review of the Brazilian National Action Plan on: Women, Peace and Security (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute August 2019), at https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/2019-07-31v2-AE31_summary-Women-Peace-and-Security-National-Action-Plan.pdf

[47] Natalia Eiras, Mulheres no Front, (Brazil, 2017), at: https://tab.uol.com.br/edicao/mulheres-exercito/#page1

[48] Renata Giannini, Promover o gênero e consolidar a Paz: a experiência brasileira, Strategic Paper 9(Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute, September 2014), at: https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/AE-09_PROMOVER-GENERO-E-CONSOLIDAR-A-PAZ.pdf

[49] See Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, Implementing the “Women, Peace and Security” agenda in Brazil: An assessment of the national Action Plan, Strategic Paper 31 (Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute, August 2019). See also https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/2019-07-31_AE-31_Women-Peace-and-Security-National-Action-Plan.pdf

[50] Centro de Apoio Operacional das Promotorias de Justiça dos Direitos, Governo Federal institui Sistema Nacional de Políticas para as Mulheres e Plano Nacional de Combate à Violência Doméstica Humanos, (Brazil, November 29, 2018) https://direito.mppr.mp.br/modules/noticias/makepdf.php?storyid=44

[51] All the references to the police in this report refer specifically to the Investigations Police of Chile (PDI), the civilian police, and not the Carabineros of Chile.

[52] Javiera Arce-Riffo, “Gender Parity in the Chilean Constitutional Convention: What Does it Mean for Chilean Democracy?”, (OxHRH Blog, April 2020), at: http://ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/gender-parity-in-the-chilean-constitutional-convention-what-does-it-mean-for-chilean-democracy; and Claudia Mojica, “Chile celebrates a Gender Equality Milestone”, (United Nations Development Program, November 2, 2020), at: https://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/blog/2020/chile-celebrates-a-gender-equality-first.html

[53] Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, “Canciller en conmemoración de la agenda “Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad”: “El trabajo de las mujeres contribuye a construir el tejido social y a prevenir conflictos a través del diálogo”, October 30th 2020 at: https://minrel.gob.cl/canciller-en-conmemoracion-de-la-agenda-mujeres-paz-y-seguridad-el/minrel/2020-10-30/174117.html

[54] Ministerio de Defensa, Libro Nacional de la Defensa 2017, (Santiago de Chile, Chile;  Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional, noviembre 2017), at: https://www.defensa.cl/media/LibroDefensa.pdf

[55] Subsecretaría para las Fuerzas Armadas, “Ministerios de Defensa y de la Mujer y Equidad de Género firman convenio para fortalecer la igualdad de género en las FF.AA.”, (Santiago de Chile, Chile: SSFFAA, May 2018), at: https://www.ssffaa.cl/noticias/ministerios-de-defensa-y-de-la-mujer-y-equidad-de-genero-firman-convenio-para-fortalecer-la-igualdad/

[56] Carlos Reyes P., “La primera delegada de género del Ejército: “De pronto se nos confunde el acoso laboral con lo cotidiano del trabajo”, La Tercera (January 30, 2019) at: https://www.latercera.com/la-tercera-pm/noticia/la-primera-delegada-de-genero-del-ejercito-de-pronto-se-nos-confunde-el-acoso-laboral-con-lo-cotidiano-del-trabajo/506503/

[57] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Establecen protocolo conjunto de denuncias por acoso sexual o laboral para las FF.AA., (Santiago de Chile, Chile: Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, March 12, 2019), at: https://www.defensa.cl/noticias/establecen-protocolo-conjunto-de-denuncias-por-acoso-sexual-o-laboral-para-las-ff-aa/

[58] Figures for the Army, Navy and Air Force are taken from the 2016 Report from Red de Seguridad y Defensa de America Latina (RESDAL), A Comparative Atlas of Defence in Latin America and Caribbean, (Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2016) at: https://www.resdal.org/ing/assets/atlas_2016_ing_completo.pdf

[59] Figures for the police are updated to 2020 and it does not consider administrative staff.

[60] This figure considers only Chile’s participation in UN Missions. See: Peace Keeping United Nations, Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020 (Peace Keeping United Nations, 2020) at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[61] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, No hayBarreras para la Mujer en la Defensa Nacional, (Santiago de Chile, Chile: Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, August 3, 2017), at: https://www.defensa.cl/temas-principales/no-hay-barreras-para-la-mujer-en-la-defensa-nacional/

[62]Admisión Armada de Chile, Grumete Infante de Marina, at:  https://www.admisionarmada.cl/grumete-infante-de-marina/postulacion/2016-06-21/151346.html

[63] Tamara Cerna, “El 49% de los nuevos estudiantes que ingresarán a la Escuela de Investigaciones son mujeres”, Emol (January 6, 2019), at: https://www.emol.com/noticias/Nacional/2019/01/06/933208/El-49-de-los-nuevos-estudiantes-que-ingresaran-a-la-Escuela-de-Investigaciones-son-mujeres.html

[64] Cámara de Diputadas y Diputados, Aprobación de Protocolo Conjunto en Denuncias de Acoso Sexual o Laboral en las Fuerzas Armadas, (Santiago de Chile; Cámara, March 12, 2019), at: https://www.camara.cl/verDoc.aspx?prmID=168321&prmTIPO=DOCUMENTOCOMISION

[65] See Humanas Colombia, 20 Años Exigiendo que el Gobierno Colombiano se conecte con la Paz y la Seguridad de las Mujeres, Pronunciamiento (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, July 2020), at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/arch_contenidos/i_e_73153_q_PRONUNCIAMIENTO_R1325.pdf; Also from Humanas Colombia, see Observatorio Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad (a group actively lobbying for a WPS NAP), Cumplimiento del Estado Colombiano con la Resolución 1325 de 2000: Informe de monitoreo del año 2017 y primer semestre de 2018, (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, December 2018), at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/ar/ar_9042_q_R1325informe.pdf..

[66] See Corte Constitucional, Constitución Política de Colombia 1991, Actualizada con los Actos Legislativos a 2016, (Bogota: Corte Constitutional), at https://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co/inicio/Constitucion%20politica%20de%20Colombia.pdf

[67] See Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP), Colombia en la Escena Global: Política Exterior Responsable, Innovadora y Constructiva, (Bogotá: DNP, May 2019) at https://www.dnp.gov.co/DNPN/Plan-Nacional-de-Desarrollo/Paginas/Pilares-del-PND/Legalidad/Colombia-en-la-escena-global.aspx; and also from DNP, Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2018-2022 at https://www.dnp.gov.co/DNPN/Paginas/Plan-Nacional-de-Desarrollo.aspx

[68] Ministerio de Defensa, Política Pública Sectorial de Transversalizacion del Enfoque de Genero para el Personal Uniformado de la Fuerza Pública 2018-2027, (Bogotá: MinDefensa 2018), at https://www.justiciamilitar.gov.co/irj/go/km/docs/Mindefensa/Documentos/descargas/Prensa/Documentos/politica_genero.pdf

[69] See, for example, Reserva Naval de Colombia, Uniformes, (Bogotá-Colombia, 2020), at https://www.reservanaval.co/uniformes

[70] See, for example, Julie Turkewitz, “Seven Colombian Soldiers Charged in Rape of Indigenous Girl,” The New York Times (June 26, 2020) at https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/26/world/americas/colombia-indigenous-girl-rape.html. See also, Daniel Arias Bonfante, “Denuncian Caso de Violencia Sexual de Policías,” RCNRadio (September 12, 2020) at https://www.rcnradio.com/bogota/denuncian-caso-de-violencia-sexual-de-policias-contra-tres-mujeres-en-bogota; Justicia, “Solo el 29% de uniformados con crímenes sexuales han sido condenados,” El Tiempo (July 4, 2020), at https://www.eltiempo.com/justicia/delitos/violencia-sexual-condenas-contra-militares-o-policias-por-crimenes-sexuales-514276

[71] See Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Politica Publica Sectorial: De Transversalizacion del Enfoque de Genero para el Personal Uniformado de Fuerza Publica 2018-2027 (Bogota: Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, 2018), at https://www.justiciamilitar.gov.co/irj/go/km/docs/Mindefensa/Documentos/descargas/Prensa/Documentos/politica_genero.pdf

[72] See note 1.

[73] See note 1.

[74] Ministry of Public Security, Política Institucional de Igualdad y Equidad de Género PIEG – MSP, (Costa Rica, November 16, 2020), at: https://www.seguridadpublica.go.cr/ministerio/igualdad_equidad_genero/politica_institucional_pieg.aspx

[75] Ministry of Public Security, Oficina de Igualdad de Género, (Costa Rica, November 16, 2020), at: https://www.seguridadpublica.go.cr/ministerio/igualdad_genero.aspx

[76]Observatorio de violencia de género contra las mujeres y acceso a la justicia. Hostigamiento sexual. (Suprema Corte de Justicia: Costa Rica, 2019), at: https://observatoriodegenero.poder-judicial.go.cr/index.php/soy-especialista-y-busco/circulares/hostigamiento-sexual

[77] Ministry of Public Security, Orientaciones Políticas del Ministerio de Seguridad Pública 2020. (Costa Rica, 2020) at: www.seguridadpublica.go.cr/documentos/orientaciones_politicas_ministerio_seguridad_publica.pdf

[78] Ministry of Public Security, Planes Anuales Operativos 2020. (Costa Rica, 2020), at:

https://www.seguridadpublica.go.cr/transparencia/planes/planes_inst/plananualoperativo/plan_anual_operativo_2020.pdf

[79] See toxic masculinity public force training course. Ministry of Public Security, Masculinidades, (Costa Rica), at: https://www.seguridadpublica.go.cr/ministerio/igualdad_equidad_genero/documentos/masculinidad.pdf

[80] Data from Department of Control and Documentation as of 08/19/2020.

[81] Andrea Mora, “Fuerza Pública busca 1000 policías nuevos para 2018,” El País (January 16, 2018), at: https://www.elpais.cr/2018/01/16/fuerza-publica-busca-1000-policias-nuevos-para-2018/

[82] Centros Infantiles de Atención Integral (CINAI), Dirección de CEN CINAI: 60 años contribuyendo con el bienestar de la niñez costarricense. (Costa Rica, May 8, 2011), at: https://www.cen-cinai.go.cr/images/pdf/Informes/LIBRITO_INTERACTIVO_MEMORIA_.pdf and https://www.cen-cinai.go.cr/index.php/cen-cinai/historia#

[83] The Ministry of Public Security has documents that require the respect and fulfillment of women’s rights, among them we can mention: 1. Executive Decree No. 015-2019 MSP “Declaration of the Ministry of Public Security as an institution with zero tolerance for sexual harassment.” 2. Agreement Number 124-2018-MSP “Declaration of zero tolerance for any manifestation of violence against women in the Ministry of Public Security”.

[84] See, for example data on femicide, which has gone down steadily in recent years. Poder Judicial, Feminicidios 2020, (Costa Rica, October 26, 2020), at: https://observatoriodegenero.poder-judicial.go.cr/images/Estadisticas/Femicidio/Documentos/Femicidio_2020_26_de_octubre-cd4.pdf

[85] See https://www.ifrc.org/docs/idrl/751ES.pdf

[86] Ministry of Planification and Development, Ley 1-12 Estrategia Nacional de Desarrollo 2030, (Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, 2012), at: https://mepyd.gob.do/mepyd/wp-content/uploads/archivos/end/marco-legal/ley-estrategia-nacional-de-desarrollo.pdf; and Ministry of Foreign Relations, Plan Estratégico 2015-2020 La Nueva Política de Relaciones Exteriores, (Santo Domingo, 2015) at: https://www.mirex.gob.do/pdf/planestrategico.pdf

[87] Ministry of Defense, Plan Estratégico Institucional PEI 2017-2020, (Santo Domingo, 2017), at: https://www.mide.gob.do/transparencyfile.aspx?id=6516 and National Police, Plan Estratégico Institucional, (Santo Domingo, January 2017) at: https://www.policianacional.gob.do/transparencia/plan-estrategico-institucional/

[88] UN Women, The Beijing Platform for Action: inspiration then and now, (UN Women, 2015), at: https://beijing20.unwomen.org/en/about

[89] Ministry of Women, Plan Nacional de Igualdad y Equidad de Género, (Santo Domingo, 2020), at: https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/2019_planeg_iii_dom.pdfx

[90] Ministry of Defense, ¿Quénes Somos? (Santo Domingo, 2020), at: https://www.mide.gob.do/detail.aspx?id=449&sl=96

[91] A PDF can be downloaded at Ministry of Defense, 6. Plan Estratégico de la institución, (Santo Domingo, 2017), at: https://www.mide.gob.do/transparencia/index.html

[92] Ibid. page 119.

[93] Mirando al los Cuarteles. Coronel Ana O Matos Feliz sigue en Equidad y Genero del MIDE, (September, 2016), at: https://www.mirandoloscuarteles.com/2016/09/coronel-ana-o-matos-feliz-sigue-en.html

[94] National Police, Oficina de Equidad de Género POA 2020, (República Dominicana, 2020), at:https://www.policianacional.gob.do/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/OFICINA-DE-EQUIDAD-DE-GENERO-POA-2020.pdf

[95]Army of the Dominican Republic, Institutional Strategic Plan 2017-2020, (Santo Domingo, 2017),at: https://www.ejercito.mil.do/transparencia/images/docs/plan_estrategico/2018/PLAN%20ESTRATEGICO%20INSTITUCIONALERD%202017-2020.pdf Army of the Dominican Republic, Avances del Plan Operativo 2019, (Santo Domingo, 2019), at: https://www.ejercito.mil.do/transparencia/planificacion-estrategica/plan-operativo-anual-poa/category/2019-30 and Army of the Dominican Republic, Avances del Plan Operativo 2020, (Santo Domingo, 2020), at: https://www.ejercito.mil.do/transparencia/planificacion-estrategica/plan-operativo-anual-poa/category/2020

[96] Fuerza Aérea de República Dominicana, Plan Estratégico Institucional, (Santo Domingo, 2017) https://transparencia.fard.mil.do/plan-estrategico-institucional/#59-wpfd-planificacion-estrategica-institucional

[97] Fuerza Aérea de República Dominicana, Plan Operativo Anual 2020, (Santo Domingo, 2020), at: https://transparencia.fard.mil.do/plan-estrategico-institucional/#60-wpfd-plan-operativo-anual-poa-plan-estrategico-institucional-1555038726

[98] Congreso de la República, Resolución No. 211-14 (Santo Domingo, 2014), at: https://observatoriojusticiaygenero.gob.do/documentos/PDF/normativas/NOR_Res_No_211_14.pdf and La República, “Discurso Completo de rendición de cuentas de Danilo Medina en 2019” La República.(February 27, 2019), at: https://listindiario.com/la-republica/2019/02/27/555400/discurso-completo-de-rendicion-de-cuentas-de-danilo-medina-en-2019

[99] Ministry of Defense, “MIDE resalta iniciativas del Gobierno para mejorar la vida de los militares” Ministry of Defense, at: https://mide.gob.do/detail.aspx?id=1409

[100] Op. Cit. page 74

[101]National Congress, Ley No. 24-97.(Santo Domingo, January1997), at: https://pdba.georgetown.edu/Security/citizensecurity/domrep/Leyes/ley24.html

[102] See Instituto Superior para la Defensa, Escuela de Graduados en Derechos Humanos y Derecho Internacional Humanitario (Santo Domingo: Ministerio de la Defensa, 2020), at: https://egdhdih.mil.do/

[103] See https://www.policianacional.gob.do/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/OFICINA-DE-EQUIDAD-DE-GENERO-POA-2020.pdf

[104] Office of Gender Equality and Development, Plan Nacional Operativo 2020, (Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: National Police, 2020), at: https://minpre.gob.do/transparencia/publicaciones-oficiales/

[105] National Police, Memoria Annual 2019. (Santo Domingo, 2019) at: https://www.policianacional.gob.do/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/MEMORIA-ANUAL-2019-FIRMADA.pdf and Ministry of Defense, Bienvenidos al Portal de Transparencia del Ministerio de Defensa. (Santo Domingo, 2020), at:https://www.mide.gob.do/transparencia/index.html

[106] Pax Christi International, Mujeres, paz y seguridad: panorámica y perspectivas en América Latina y el Caribe. (Belgium: Pax Christi International, December 2013), at: http://archive.paxchristi.net/MISC/2014-0216-es-am-GE.pdf

[107] See Instituto de Educación Superior en Formación Diplomática y Consular (INESDYC), Sobre el INESDYC, (Santo Domingo, 2014), at: http://www.inesdyc.edu.do/sobre-el-inesdyc

[108] Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana, Política para la Igualdad de Género, (Quito, Ecuador: Cancillería, January 2018), at: https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/politica_para_la_igualdad_de_genero_2018.pdf ; and, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana, Agenda de Política Exterior 2017-2021, (Quito, Ecuador: Cancillería, 2018), at https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/agenda_politica_2017baja.pdf

[109] Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana, Plan Nacional de Seguridad Integral: Plan Específico de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana 2019-2030, (Quito, Ecuador: Cancillería, 2019), at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2019/07/plan-nacional-min-exteriores-web.pdf

[110] Consejo Nacional para la Igualdad de Género, Agenda Nacional de Mujeres y Personas LGBTI 2018-2021, (Quito, Ecuador: Consejo Nacional para la Igualdad de Género, 2018), at: https://www.igualdadgenero.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Agenda_ANI.pdf

[111] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Política de Defensa Nacional del Ecuador “Libro Blanco,, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio de Defensa, December 2018) at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Pol%C3%ADtica-de-Defensa-Nacional-Libro-Blanco-2018-web.pdf; Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Plan del Sector de 2017-2021, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio de Defensa, July 2019),  at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/plan-sectorial-web.pdf

[112] Ministerio del Interior, Plan Nacional de Seguridad Ciudadana y Convivencia Social Pacífica, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio del Interior, 2019), at: https://www.ministeriodegobierno.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/PLAN-NACIONAL-DE-SEGURIDAD-CIUDADANA-Y-CONVIVENCIA-SOCIAL-PACI%CC%81FICA-2019-2030-1_compressed.pdf 

[113] Ministerio de Defensa, Política de Género de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ecuador, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio de Defensa, March 2013), at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2013/03/politicas-texto-final.pdf

[114] Comando Conjunto de las Fuerzas Armadas, Plan Estratégico Institucional de las Fuerzas Armadas, (Quito, Ecuador: Comando Conjunto, January 2012), at  https://www.ccffaa.mil.ec/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2019/04/k-anexo-1-PLAN-ESTRATEGICO-FF.AA_.-2010-2021.pdf

[115] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Estatuto Orgánico de Gestión Institucional, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio de Defensa, November 2017), at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2017/11/oct_ESTATUTO-ORGANICO-DE-GESTION-ORGANIZACIONAL_nov2017.pdf

[116] Ministerio del Interior, Doctrina Policial de la Repúbica del Ecuador, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio del Interior, December 2012), at: https://www.ministeriodegobierno.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2012/12/Doctrina-Policial-de-la-Repu%CC%81blica-del-Ecuador.pdf

[117] Unless stated otherwise, this data was obtained through different public sources collected by contributors to this report and is updated until 2019.

[118] Ministerio del Interior, 2019, op. Cit.

[119] This figure is for Ecuador’s participation in UN Missions. See: Peace Keeping United Nations, “Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020,” at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[120] Ministerio de Defensa, Cartilla de Género: Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador,  (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio de Defensa, March 2017), at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2017/03/cartilla-genero-2017-marzo.pdf

[121] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, “Fuerzas Armadas Fortalecen sus Filas con Mujeres en la Carrera Militar”, (December 2019), at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/fuerzas-armadas-fortalecen-sus-filas-con-mujeres-en-la-carrera-militar/

[122] Consejo Nacional para la Igualdad de Género, 2019, op. Cit.

[123] Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos, Ficha Metodológica: Indicador ODS, Porcentaje de Mujeres Oficiales de Policía, (Quito, Ecuador: CEEG, 2019), at: https://www.ecuadorencifras.gob.ec/documentos/web-inec/Sistema_Estadistico_Nacional/Objetivos_Desarrollo_Sostenible_ODS/Objetivo_5/Meta_5.5/Indicador_5.5.2/4_FM_Porcentaje_mujeres_oficiales_policia.pdf

[124] PeaceWomen, “National Action Plan: Guatemala”, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, at https://www.peacewomen.org/action-plan/national-action-plan-guatemala

[125] http://extwprlegs1.fao.org/docs/pdf/gua134317.pdf

[126] Secretaría Presidencial de la Mujer (SEPREM), Política Nacional de Promoción y Desarrollo Integral de las Mujeres y Plan de Equidad de Oportunidades, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: SEPREM, Nov 2009), at  http://www.segeplan.gob.gt/downloads/clearinghouse/politicas_publicas/Derechos%20Humanos/Politica%20Promoci%C3%B3n%20%20y%20desarrollo%20Mujeres%202008-2023.pdf

[127] UN Women, Sepur Zarco case: The Guatemalan women who rose for justice in a war-torn nation (UN Women, October 19, 2019), at: https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2018/10/feature-sepur-zarco-case

[128] UN Women, 2019, op. Cit.

[129] Secretaría Técnica del Consejo Nacional de Seguridad (STCNS), Ley Marco del Sistema de Seguridad Nacional, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: STCNS, February 2018), at https://stcns.gob.gt/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/06_Ley_Marco_SNS_.pdf

[130] Ministerio de Gobernación (MinGob), Pacto por la Seguridad, la Justicia y la Paz, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: MinGob, May 2012) https://www.plazapublica.com.gt/sites/default/files/pacto_por_la_paz_la_seguridad_y_la_justicia.pdf

[131] Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional, Libro de la Defensa Nacional de la República de Guatemala, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: MinDef, 2015), at  https://www.mindef.mil.gt/datos_abiertos/pdf/Libro%20de%20la%20Defensa.pdf

[132] MIMPAZ, National Action Plan for the Implementation of Resolution 1325 of the United Nations Security Council and Related Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: MIMPAZ, 2017), at https://gnwp.org/wp-content/uploads/Guatemala-NAP-2017_DP160100212.pdf

[133] Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional, ACUERDO GUBERNATIVO NÚMERO 130-2016, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: MINDEF, June 2016), at http://www.dgam.gob.gt/ACUERDO%20130-2016.pdf

[134] Dirección General de la Policía Nacional Civil, Modelo Policial de la Seguridad Integral Comunitaria, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: PNC, August 2014), at https://pnc.edu.gt/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Manual-MOPSIC1.pdf

[135] UNFPA Guatemala, Manual Policial Didáctico para Prevención de Casos de Violencia Contra la Mujer para niños, niñas y padres de familia, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: UNFPA, February 2020), at: https://guatemala.unfpa.org/es/publications/manual-policial-did%C3%A1ctico-para-prevenci%C3%B3n-de-casos-de-violencia-contra-la-mujer-para

[136] This figure is for Guatemala’s participation in UN missions. See: Peace Keeping United Nations, Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020, (Peace Keeping United Nations, 2020) at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[137] Alicia Álvarez, “Un país sin generalas: las mujeres en el Ejército de los hombres,” Plaza Pública (April 23, 2019), at https://www.plazapublica.com.gt/content/un-pais-sin-generalas-las-mujeres-en-el-ejercito-de-los-hombres

[138] Redacción Diario La Hora, “Mujeres fortalecen a la PNC con su capacidad e inteligencia; hay 5 mil 451”, Diario La Hora (August 9, 2017), at https://lahora.gt/mujeres-fortalecen-a-la-pnc-con-su-capacidad-e-inteligencia-hay-5-mil-451/

[139] Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional, Comando Regional de Entrenamiento de

Operaciones de Mantenimiento de Paz (CREOMPAZ), (Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional), at: https://www.mindef.mil.gt/Organizacion/4misiones_paz/2creompaz/creompaz.html

[140] Secretaría Presidencial de la Mujer (SEPREM), Cuarta reunión ordinaria de la Mesa Interinstitucional sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad -Mimpaz, (Guatemala: SEPREM, August 13, 2020), at: https://seprem.gob.gt/cuarta-reunion-ordinaria-de-la-mesa-interinstitucional-sobre-mujeres-paz-y-seguridad-mimpaz/

[141] Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (aka AMLO) assumed the Mexican Presidency on December 1, 2018.

[142] The military is indeed heavily involved in public security. Unlike many other countries in Latin America, Mexico has no territorial disputes, and the AMLO administration considers the threat of external aggression low to non-existent. See also Maureen Meyer, One Year after National Guard’s Creation, Mexico is Far From Demilitarizing Public Security, Commentary (Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, May 26, 2020). See Also Mark Stevenson, “Mexico puts Military in Charge of Customs Operations,” Associated Press (July 18, 2020).

[143] Red Nacional de Organismos Civiles de Derechos Humanos, Impunidad Feminicida, (Ciudad de México, March 2020) at: https://redtdt.org.mx/mujeres/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2020/03/131019-informe-de-mujeres-6.pdf ; National Federal Journal of the Federation, Development Plan 2019-2024, (Mexico City, 2019), at: https://www.dof.gob.mx/nota_detalle.php?codigo=5565599&fecha=12/07/2019 and National Institute for Women, Qué Hacemos, (Ciudad de México 2020) at: https://www.gob.mx/inmujeres/que-hacemos

[144] The only information available was the announcement of the development of a NAP (page 112) in the Second Annual report of the Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection. Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection, Second Annual Report: Security 2019-2020, (Mexico City, 2020), at: https://www.gob.mx/cms/uploads/attachment/file/574793/2019-2020_Segundo_Informe_de_Labores_SSPC__1_.pdf

[145] Secretariat of Foreign Relations, México anuncia la adopción de su Política Exterior Feminista, (Mexico City, January 9, 2020), at https://www.gob.mx/sre/prensa/mexico-anuncia-la-adopcion-de-su-politica-exterior-feminista?state=published#:~:text=La%20Pol%C3%ADtica%20Exterior%20Feminista%20de%20M%C3%A9xico%20est%C3%A1%20fundada%20en%20un,sociedad%20m%C3%A1

[146] Andres Manuel López Obrador, National Peace and Security, (Mexico City, November 2018) Plan, at: https://lopezobrador.org.mx/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/PLAN-DE-PAZ-Y-SEGURIDAD_ANEXO.pdf and Mexican Congress, National Strategy of Public Security, (Mexico City, May 16, 2019), at: https://www.gob.mx/cms/uploads/attachment/file/434517/Estrategia_Seguridad-ilovepdf-compressed-ilovepdf-compressed-ilovepdf-compressed__1_.pdf . Mexican feminists have become increasingly critical of the actions of the AMLO administration, particularly its lack of response to the violence against women. See, for example, Denise Dresser, “Mexican Women Are Furious. AMLO Should Start Listening,” Americas Quarterly (October 6, 2020)

[147] Secretariat of National Defense, National Defense Sector Program, (Mexico City, June 2020), at https://dof.gob.mx/nota_detalle.php?codigo=5595529&fecha=25/06/2020

[148] Navy Secretariat, Navy Sector Program 2020-2024, (Mexico City, 2020), at  https://transparencia.semar.gob.mx/rendicion%20de%20cuentas/Programa-Sectorial-de-Marina-2020-2024.pdf

[149] Data for this report was provided through interviews with personnel at the Secretariat of Defense.

[150] The Army and Air Force are part of the same organization.

[151] Estimated number of women in senior ranks, obtained by adding those reported on 2018 see: Fernanda Nava, “En el Ejército 5 mujeres logran grado de general”, La Razón, (November 5, 2018), at https://www.razon.com.mx/mexico/ejercito-5-mujeres-logran-grado-de-general-sedena-escalafon-militar-mexico/ and Jorge Medellín, “Ascensos en el Ejército Mexicano. Defensa” (November 18, 2020), at: https://www.defensa.com/mexico/ascensos-ejercito-marina-mexico-siete-nuevos-generales-division; SEDENA, “Relación del Personal que asciende en la promoción general del 18 nov.2020”, (México: SEDENA, November 18, 2020), at: https://www.gob.mx/cms/uploads/attachment/file/592807/BOLETIN_DE_ASCENSOS_2020.pdf

[152] This number refers to the number of women in senior ranks accounted up to 2013. See SEMAR, “Entorno de las Mujeres en la Armada de México”, (Mexico City: SEMAR, 2013), at: http://www.semar.gob.mx/redes/igualdad/1.pdf

[153] Most of the deployments of the Mexican armed forces occur inside the Mexican territory as part of the efforts against organized crime.

[154] These figures correspond to Mexico’s participation in UN Missions only. See Peace Keeping United Nations, Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020, at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[155] National Institute for Women (INAMU) Memoria Institucional 2019 (Panama, 2019), at: https://inamu.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/INAMU-Memoria-2019-comprimido.pdf

[156] ONU Mujeres, Gobierno de Panamá y ONU Mujeres firman acuerdo de cooperación (May 11, 2020), at: https://lac.unwomen.org/es/noticias-y-eventos/articulos/2020/05/onu-mujeres-y-gobierno-de-panama-firman-acuerdo-de-cooperacion

[157] Official Gazette Constitución Política de la República (November 15, 2004), at: https://pdba.georgetown.edu/Constitutions/Panama/vigente.pdf

[158] All the mentioned laws and its respective links can be found at the National Institute for Women (INAMU), Normativa. (Panama, 2020), at: https://inamu.gob.pa/normativa/ additional information for the budget can be found here https://inamu.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/PROYECTOS-INVERSIÓN-SEPTIEMBRE.pdf

[159] See page 18-19, Official Gazette, Ley N.54 (Panama: Government of Panama, July 11, 2017), at: https://www.gacetaoficial.gob.pa/pdfTemp/28320/GacetaNo_28320_20170712.pdf

[160] See Ley N°71 Official Gazette, Ley N.71 (Panama: Government of Panama, December 30, 2008), at: https://docs.panama.justia.com/federales/leyes/71-de-2008-dec-30-2008.pdf

[161] See page 62, National Institute for Women (INAMU) Memoria Institucional 2019 (Panama, 2019), at: https://inamu.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/MEMORIA-INAMU-LISTA-PARA-IMPRIMIR.pdf

[162] National Institute for Women, Activity Report 2020 (Panama, 2020) https://inamu.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/POA-2020-SECRETARIA-GENERAL-fusionado.pdf

[163] See Oficina de Equidad de Género y Equiparacion de Oportunidades, Manual of the Gender Equality Office, (Panama, 2019), athttps://www.minseg.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/MANUAL_OEGEO.pdf

[164] See page 46, Office of Institutional Development, Manual de Organización del Ministerio de Seguridad Pública (Panama: Ministry of Public Security, 2015), at: https://www.minseg.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Manual-de-Organizacion-y-Funciones.pdf

[165] See page 2, Ministry of Public Security, Estrategia País De Seguridad Ciudadana, (June, 2015), at: https://www.minseg.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Resumen-Estrategia-Pais-de-Seg-Ciudadana.pdf

[166] Information provided by the human resources office of each institution.

[167] Ministry of Labor and Laboral Development (MITRADEL), Código de Trabajo (December 31, 1971), at: https://www.mitradel.gob.pa/trabajadores/codigo-detrabajo/

[168] MITRADEL, Ejecutivo sancionó ley de Licencia de Paternidad (May 25, 2017), at: https://www.mitradel.gob.pa/ejecutivo-sanciono-ley-licencia-paternidad/

[169]National Assembly, Prupuesta de Ley que Modifica el artículo 178 del Código Penal (Panama, September 10, 2020), athttps://www.laestrella.com.pa/nacional/180216/ley-acoso-sexual-vigencia

[170]Legislative Assembly, Ley Orgánica de la Policía Nacional (Panama, Jun 3, 1997), at: https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CAT/Shared%20Documents/PAN/INT_CAT_ADR_PAN_25554_S.PDF

[171] Ministry of Public Security, Memorias 2019 (Panama, 2019), at: https://www.minseg.gob.pa/descargas/Memoria2019.pdf

[172]Alejandro Marin Leiva, “Violence against women and the COVID-19 pandemic in Panama” (Panama: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, August 12, 2020), at: https://www.kas.de/en/web/panama/event-reports/detail/-/content/violencia-contra-la-mujer-y-la-pandemia-en-panama-1

[173] Gobierno Nacional, Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2030, (Asunción, Paraguay: Gobierno Nacional, December 2014), at: https://www.stp.gov.py/pnd/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/pnd2030.pdf

[174] See: Organization of the United Nations (UN), Sustainable Development Goals, (New York: UN, November 2020), at: https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/gender-equality/

[175] Ibid, p. 42.

[176] Consejo de Defensa Nacional (CODENA), Política Nacional de Defensa 2019-2030, (Asunción, Paraguay: CODENA, 2019), at: http://www.mdn.gov.py/application/files/7415/6415/4362/Politica_de_Defensa_Nacional_2019-2030.pdf

[177] Ministerio del Interior (MDI), Tranversalización del Enfoque de Género en la Estrategia Nacional de Seguridad Ciudadana (ENSC), (Asunción, Paraguay: MDI, February 2014), at: http://www.mdi.gov.py/images/pdf_mdi/informe_enfoque_genero_24feb.pdf

[178] Ministerio de la Mujer (MINMUJER), IV Plan Nacional de Igualdad 2018-2024, (Asunción, Paraguay: MINMUJER, December 2018), at: https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/paraguay_2018-2024_plan_de_igualdad.pdf

[179] Figures excerpted and adaptaded from: Seminario Internacional ”Experiencias exitosas y lecciones aprendidas de la inclusión de la mujer en operaciones militares y acciones de seguridad” with the Directorate of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law – Gender Unit from the MoD in June 2020.

[180] This figure is for Paraguay’s participation in UN missions only. See: Peace Keeping United Nations, Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020 (Peace Keeping United Nations, 2020) at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[181] Ministerio del Interior (MDI), Mujeres policía tienen nuevo “Reglamento de Plan de Carrera” (Asunción, Paraguay: MDI, Novermber 20, 2018), at: http://www.mdi.gov.py/index.php/component/k2/item/10978-mujeres-polic%C3%ADa-tienen-nuevo-%E2%80%9Creglamento-de-plan-de-carrera%E2%80%9D

[182] See Law No. 5508/2015 Art.13 “Promotion, Protection of Maternity and Support for Breastfeeding,” at https://www.bacn.gov.py/leyes-paraguayas/4428/promocion-proteccion-de-la-maternidad-y-apoyo-a-la-lactancia-materna

[183] Ministerio del Interior (MDI), Mujeres policía tienen nuevo “Reglamento de Plan de Carrera” (Asunción, Paraguay: MDI, Novermber 20, 2018), at: http://www.mdi.gov.py/index.php/component/k2/item/10978-mujeres-polic%C3%ADa-tienen-nuevo-%E2%80%9Creglamento-de-plan-de-carrera%E2%80%9D

[184] Secretaría Técnica de Planificación para el Desarrollo Económico y Social (STP), Cuarto Plan Nacional de Gobierno Abierto de Paraguay 2018-2020, (Asunción, Paraguay: STP, August 2018), at: https://observatorioplanificacion.cepal.org/es/planes/cuarto-plan-de-accion-nacional-de-gobierno-abierto-de-paraguay-2018-2020

[185] For further reference see: subsection 2 of article 2 of the Political Constitution of Peru that establishes the right of every person to equality before the law, providing that no one should be discriminated against on the basis of origin, race, sex, language, religion, opinion, economic condition or of any other nature; see also Law 26628.

[186] Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables (MIMP), Plan Nacional para la Equidad de Género 2012-2017, (Lima, Perú: MIMP, 2012), at: https://www.mimp.gob.pe/files/direcciones/dgignd/banner/planig_2012_2017.pdf

[187] See: Congreso de la República, Políticas de Estado del Acuerdo Nacional, (Lima, Perú: Congreso, 2020), at http://www.congreso.gob.pe/DIDP/objetivos_acuerdo_nacional/#:~:text=El%20Acuerdo%20Nacional%20es%20el,y%20afirmar%20su%20gobernabilidad%20democr%C3%A1tica.

[188] Gobierno del Perú, Informe de los Avances en el Cumplimiento de la Ley Nº 28983 de Igualdad de Oportunidades entre Mujeres y Hombres, (Lima, Perú: CDN, 2007), at: https://cdn.www.gob.pe/uploads/document/file/199106/2007-Informe_LIO.pdf

[189] See Law 29131 and legislative Decree N ° 1145 Law, both related to the disciplinary regime of the Armed Forces. Also see Legislative Decree that establishes rules of employment and use of force by the Armed Forces in the national territory: El Peruano, Reglamento del Decreto Legislativo N° 1095, Decreto Legislativo que establece reglas de empleo y uso de la fuerza por parte de las Fuerzas Armadas en el territorio nacional, (Lima, Perú: El Peruano, March 2020), at https://busquedas.elperuano.pe/normaslegales/reglamento-del-decreto-legislativo-n-1095-decreto-legisla-decreto-supremo-n-003-2020-de-1864943-1/

[190] Redacción Andina Agencia Peruana de Noticias, “Ministerio de Defensa crea Comité para la Igualdad de Género”, Andina, (August 23rd 2017), at: https://andina.pe/agencia/noticia-ministerio-defensa-crea-comite-para-igualdad-genero-679585.aspx#:~:text=El%20Ministerio%20de%20Defensa%20(Mindef,las%20pol%C3%ADticas%20y%20gesti%C3%B3n%20institucional.&text=La%20norma%20lleva%20la%20r%C3%BAbrica%20del%20ministro%20de%20Defensa%2C%20Jorge%20Nieto

[191] Ministerio del Interior (MININTER), Plan Estratégico Nacional 2020-2024, (Lima, Perú: MININTER, June 27th 2020), at: https://cdn.www.gob.pe/uploads/document/file/925453/550-2020-IN__Aprobar_el_Plan_Estrat%C3%A9gico_Institucional_PEI_2020_-_2024_del_Ministerio_del_Interior_.pdf

[192] 27

[193] Redacción Andina Agencia Peruana de Noticias, “Mininter presenta a comisionado de la lucha contra la violencia hacia la mujer,” Andina (December 20, 2018), at: https://andina.pe/agencia/noticia-mininter-presenta-a-comisionado-de-lucha-contra-violencia-hacia-mujer-736703.aspx

[194] Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops (2020), at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[195] See: Congreso de la República, Ley Nº 26628 de acceso de las mujeres a las escuelas de oficiales y suboficiales de las Fuerzas Armadas, (Lima, Perú: Congreso de la República, June 19th, 1996), at: https://docs.peru.justia.com/federales/leyes/26628-jun-19-1996.pdf

[196] Redacción Andina Agencia Peruana de Noticias, “Policía: más de 25,000 mujeres trabajan con valor y arrojo en el Perú”, Andina (March 7, 2018), at: https://andina.pe/agencia/noticia-policia-mas-25000-mujeres-trabajan-valor-y-arrojo-el-peru-702343.aspx

[197] Redacción Actualidad Laboral, “Se publica ley que regula el uso de descanso pre y postnatal del personal femenino de las Fuerzas Armadas y Policía Nacional del Perú”, Actualidad Laboral (October 10, 2019), at: https://actualidadlaboral.com/se-publica-ley-que-regula-el-uso-de-descanso-pre-y-postnatal-del-personal-femenino-de-las-fuerzas-armadas-y-policia-nacional-del-peru/#:~:text=El%20d%C3%ADa%20de%20hoy%2C%2010,y%20Polic%C3%ADa%20Nacional%20del%20Per%C3%BA

[198] Ministerio de Defensa (MINDEF), Reglamento de Uniformes del Ejército, (Lima, Perú:MINDEF, 2004), at: https://es.scribd.com/doc/131125940/RE-670-10-Reglamento-de-Uniformes

[199] See Laws of Trinidad and Tobago, Trinidad and Tobago Constitution (Trinidad and Tobago) at: http://laws.gov.tt/pdf/Constitution.pdf

[200] See Gender and Child Affairs, Office of Gender and Child Affairs, (Trinidad and Tobago: Office of the Prime Minister,  2020) at: http://opm-gca.gov.tt/Gender/WhatWeDoatGender

[201]See Gender and Child Affairs, National Policy on Gender and Development, (Trinidad and Tobago: Office of the Prime Minister 2020) at: http://www.opm-gca.gov.tt/Gender/Gender-Initiatives/NationalGenderPolicy

[202] See the Section II of Constitution of Uruguay. Government of Uruguay, Constitución de la República, (1967), at: https://www.impo.com.uy/bases/constitucion/1967-1967/8

[203]https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CCPR/Shared%20Documents/URY/INT_CCPR_ADR_URY_14906_S.pdf

[204] See relevant foreign policy related documents: Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Plan Estratégico 2015-2020: Bases para la Política Exterior de Uruguay, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores), at: https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-relaciones-exteriores/sites/ministerio-relaciones-exteriores/files/2018-10/bases%2Bpara%2Bla%2Bpolitica%2Bexterior%2Bdel%2Buruguay.pdf; Instituto Nacional de las Mujeres (InMujeres), Informe de Uruguay sobre la implementación de la Declaración y Plataforma de Acción de Beijing, (Montevideo, Uruguay: InMujeres), at: https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/13220Uruguay_review_Beijing20.pdf

[205] Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, “Comunicado de Prensa No. 63/20: Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad: Diálogo Intergeneracional de Alto Nivel para celebrar aniversario de la Resolución 1325 (2000)”, (July 15, 2020), at : https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-relaciones-exteriores/comunicacion/noticias/mujeres-paz-seguridad-dialogo-intergeneracional-alto-nivel-para-celebrar

[206] Ministerio de Desarrollo Social, Estrategia Nacional para la Igualdad de Género 2030, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, 2017), at: www.gub.uy/ministerio-desarrollo-social/sites/ministerio-desarrollo-social/files/2019-08/estrategia-nacional-para-la-igualdad-de-genero_web.pdf;

[207] Instituto Nacional de Impresiones y Publicaciones Digitales (IMPO), Ley N° 18650, Ley Marco de Defensa Nacional, (Montevideo: IMPO, 2010) at: https://www.impo.com.uy/bases/leyes/18650-2010/16; also from IMPO see Decreto N° 129/016 (Montevideo: IMPO, 2016), at:

https://www.impo.com.uy/bases/decretos-originales/129-2016/2; Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Plan Estratégico del Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Ministerio de Defensa) at: https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-defensa-nacional/institucional/plan-estrategico/plan-estrategico

[208] In its art. 8, the 18.650 law, defines the integration of the National Council of Gender: The National Council is created within the orbit of the Ministry of Social Development Coordinator of Public Policies for Gender Equality, chaired by a representative of the National Institute of Women, which will also be composed of a representative of each Ministry designated by the respective Minister. See: Ministerio de Desarrollo Social, Consejo Nacional de Género, Documento Base de Trabajo 2015-2020, (Montevideo, Uruguay: InMujeres, 2015), at: https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-desarrollo-social/sites/ministerio-desarrollo-social/files/2020-08/documento-base-cng-2015-2020.pdf

[209] Ministerio del Interior, Guía de Procedimiento Policial, Actuaciones en Violencia Doméstica y de Género, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Minterior, July 2011), at: https://www.minterior.gub.uy/genero/images/stories/guia_de_procedimiento_policial.pdf

[210] See Uruguay’s participation in UN Missions. Peace Keeping United Nations, Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020), at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[211] Diálogo, “Uruguay women make great strides in military”, Diálogo Revista Militar Digital (October 8, 2013), at https://dialogo-americas.com/es/articles/uruguay-women-make-great-strides-in-military/

[212] National Peace Operations Training Institute of Paraguay, Courses (Uruguay, 2020), at: http://www.enopu.edu.uy/en/educacion/cursos/

[213] Presidencia de Uruguay, El presidente Tabaré Vázquez enumeró medidas para combatir abuso sexual en misiones de paz, (September 18, 2017), at: https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/vazquez-naciones+unidas-explotacion-sexual-onu

[214] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Naciones Unidas distingue a Uruguay como Referente en Políticas de Protección a la Niñez en Misiones de Paz, (June 23, 2020), at: https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-defensa-nacional/comunicacion/noticias/naciones-unidas-distingue-uruguay-referente-politicas-proteccion-ninez

[215] Ministerio del Interior, Protocolo de actuación ante situaciones de acoso sexual en funcionarios y personal, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Minterior and UNFPA, December 2012), at https://www.minterior.gub.uy/genero/images/stories/protocolo_acoso_sexual.pdf. For the military, see: Ministerio de Defensa, Gobierno aprobó protocolo de actuación ante situaciones de acoso sexual en el Ministerio de Defensa, (February 14, 2020), at https://presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/decreto-prevencion-acoso-sexual-ministerio-defensa

[216] Redacción El Observador, “General sancionado por violencia doméstica aceptó el pase a retiro ofrecido por el Ejército”, El Observador (October 13, 2020), at: https://www.elobservador.com.uy/nota/general-sancionado-acepto-el-pase-a-retiro-ofrecido-por-el-ejercito-20201013115448

[217] Presidencia de Uruguay, 4to Plan de Acción Nacional de Gobierno Abierto 2018-2020, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Presidencia, November 2018), at: www.gub.uy/agencia-gobierno-electronico-sociedad-informacion-conocimiento/sites/agencia-gobierno-electronico-sociedad-informacion-conocimiento/files/2019-02/4to_plan_accion_gobierno_abierto_vf_26_11_2018_0.pdf

By Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, Kayla McGill and Zi Xue

UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) called for greater participation of women in peace and security decision-making processes and underscored the importance of incorporating a gender perspective when addressing international peace and security challenges. In November 2017, the US Congress adopted the Women, Peace and Security Act, which posited that “the United States should be a global leader in promoting the meaningful participation of women in conflict prevention, management and resolution, and post-conflict relief and recovery efforts.”1 While much progress has been made since 2000, the roles and numbers of women in foreign policy and security establishments remain underdeveloped, including in the United States. 

In 2018, Women In International Security (WIIS)—as part  of an effort to measure the gender disparities in the US foreign policy and security communities—surveyed 22 US foreign policy and international security think tanks.2 This scorecard provides an update to that survey. This scorecard also spotlights the nuclear security community—both as a subset  of the foreign policy and security community and as its  own community.3

Foreign policy and international security experts in the United States have taken renewed interest in issues related to greatpower competition, including nuclear security, arms control and disarmament issues. In addition, at both international and national levels, policymakers and non-governmental actors have recognized the lack of women in nuclear security, arms control and disarmament issues. For example,  the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution in 2010 that urged UN member states to promote the equitable representation of women in the field of disarmament and to strengthen women’s effective participation.4 In 2018, the UN Secretary-General’s agenda for disarmament called for the full and equal participation of women in all decision-making processes related to disarmament and international security. The UN Secretary General also committed to gender parity on all panels, boards, expert groups and other bodies established under his auspices in the field of disarmament.5 These efforts are all part of the national and international commitments made under the  WPS agenda.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have also undertaken a range of initiatives to raise awareness about the lack of women in the nuclear security, arms control and disarmament communities. For example, Article 36 (a UKbased NGO created in 2011) and the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) have tracked women’s scant representation in multilateral disarmament fora.6 In November 2018, Laura Holgate, the former US ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), launched the Gender Champions in Nuclear Policy (GCNP) initiative  to address gender imbalances in the field.7 As of July 2020, heads of 58 US and non-US organizations had committed to “breaking down barriers and making gender equity a working reality in their spheres of influence.”8 The International Gender Champions Disarmament Impact Group published a Gender and Disarmament Resource Pack in 2018 outlining what a gender perspective in arms control, nonproliferation and disarmament might look like.9 In 2019, New America examined the role of women in nuclear policy, including

how women navigated the nuclear security field and how gender diversity (or rather the lack thereof) affected US policymaking.10 The Ploughshares Fund committed $1 million to a Women’s Initiative Campaign in April 2019 to create greater gender diversity within the nuclear establishment.11

There is thus progress in the advancement of the role of women in nuclear security. That said, there is very little data with respect to the representation of women in the nuclear security arena.

This WIIS Gender Scorecard seeks to fill this void.

To assess how well women are integrated into this community, we examined the number of women experts working on nuclear security issues in US think tanks. We also examined the number of women writing on arms control and nuclear security issues and being published in academic and specialized journals. Think tanks and journals play an important role in shaping foreign and defense policies, including nuclear security policies. Indeed, in the United States members of think tanks frequently move in and out of many critical positions in government. Together with their colleagues in academia, they also participate in policy debates in the media and in writing for specialized academic journals.

In sum, this scorecard does three main things:

  • Scoring the Tanks. We assess the gender distribution in 32 think tanks in the United States—22 foreign policy and international security think tanks and 10 think tanks and programs that are more specifically focused on arms control and nuclear security policy. We also examine the extent to which gender has been integrated into programming.12
Table 1: Washington, DC Think Tanks with Women at the Helm 
Center for American Progress (CAP)Ms. Neera Tanden, President and CEO2011
German Marshall Fund (GMF)Dr. Karen Donfried, President2014
Heritage FoundationMs. Kay Coles James, President2017
New AmericaDr. Anne-Marie Slaugther, CEO2013
Wilson Center for International ScholarsMs. Jane Harman, President and CEO2011
Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms ControlMs. Valerie Lincy, Executive Director2012
  • Scoring the Journals. We review the gender distribution in 11 major international security journals and five major arms control and nuclear security journals. In addition, we examine to what extent gender perspectives are represented in the journals.
  • Bringing into Focus the Nuclear Security Community. We examine the gender distribution of nuclear security experts in 32 think tanks. In addition, we consider the gender distribution of articles on arms control and nuclear security issues in 11 major international security journals and  5 major arms control and nuclear security journals. We also examine to what extent gender perspectives are represented in arms control and nuclear security articles.

The Headlines

Despite some progress, the national and international security field, including the nuclear security field, remains a maledominated field.

  • The percentage of women leading think tanks has declined, from 32 percent in 2018 to 19 percent in 2020. 

(See Table 1)

  • The percentage of women on think tank governing boards has increased slightly, from 22 percent in 2018 to 

25 percent in 2020. (See Figure 1)

  • The percentage of women experts working on foreign policy, national and international security issues has increased, from 27 percent in 2018 to 35 percent in 2020.13

(See Figure 2)

The nuclear security community is small. The majority of arms control and nuclear experts work in specialized think tanks and publish in specialized journals.

  • Of the foreign policy and international security think tanks surveyed, only 10 percent of experts (3 percent women and 7 percent men) focus entirely or in part on nuclear issues.14

(See Figure 3)

  • There are 162 nuclear experts working in the specialized arms control and nuclear security think tanks and programs—49 (30 percent) are women.15

Despite renewed interest in nuclear security issues, the percentage of articles devoted to these issues remains small, and few have women authors.

  • In the international security journals only 9 percent of articles published between 2015 and 2019 were devoted to nuclear security. Only 15 percent of those articles were written by women. (See Figure 6.)
  • In the arms control and nuclear security journals, women wrote 17 percent of the articles on nuclear security issues.

Gender perspectives remain largely ignored in the national and international security, including the nuclear security, community.

  • Only one out of 32 think tanks has integrated gender into its programming.
  • In the academic and specialized literature, most articles with a “gender” perspective focused on women in the field—very few articles examined how gender (and notions of masculinity and femininity) shapes thinking about national and international security, including about  nuclear security.16

This scorecard shows that women in the international security field, including in the nuclear security field, remain severely underrepresented. The percentage of women experts and women authors remain well below the 60 percent of women enrolled for over a decade in graduate programs (master’s and doctoral programs) in the social and behavioral science (including political science and international relations); the over 55 percent of women students in the professional schools of international affairs; the 43 percent of women members of the International Studies Association (ISA); and the 38 percent of women members of the ISA’s  International Security Studies Section (ISSS).17

While this scorecard does not incorporate any qualitative interviews in the community, there have been a number of studies that examine how women experience the international security and nuclear security field. A 2019 survey of the members of the International Security Studies Section (ISSS) of the International Studies Association (ISA) showed considerable problems within the international security community, of which the nuclear security community is a subset. The survey showed that women were more likely to report hostility and exclusion and to describe the section as “insular,” “clubby” and an “old boys’ network.”18 In her 2019 study of women in the nuclear arms control and nonproliferation field, Heather Hurlburt talked about the “gender tax” that women in nuclear policy face. She shows “how experiences of sexism, harassment, and gendered expectations translate into constant mental and emotional weight.”19 A 2019 report about the nuclear security field, even though not focused on gender, showed that early and midcareer women professionals found the field rife with

The lack of gender diversity (including ethnic and racial diversity) and the small number of women experts have serious implications not only for the field itself, but also  for policy.21

One such implication is that a small group of mostly likeminded people monopolizes influence and shapes policies. The fact that the nuclear security field seems to live very much in its own bubble or ecosystem of think tanks and journals reinforces its insular nature. Only 10 percent of experts  (7 percent men and 3 percent women) in the think tanks focus on nuclear security issues. Most of the knowledge production and action on nuclear security happens in the specialized institutes and journals. Carol Cohn has written about how language, particularly in the nuclear sphere, kept women and different perspectives out.22 Michèle Flournoy has talked about how women had to fit into a “consensual straitjacket” in the nuclear policy sphere.23 Many early and midcareer professionals in this community defined the field as “old (in terms of both age and ideas) and static.” 24  “Most of the people who work in this field have been doing the same thing for  30 years, and their thinking has not evolved at all, especially in arms control. It’s the dogma. This community … hasn’t evolved with changes in the security environment.”25

Scoring the Tanks

The scorecard reviews think tanks along five main axes:

  • Gender distribution of those who lead think tanks;
  • Gender distribution of governing boards of the think tanks;
  • Gender distribution of experts in the tanks’ foreign policy and international security programs;
  • Gender distribution of experts focusing on nuclear security issues;
  • Level of commitment to gender and/or women’s programming.

Heads of Think Tanks

Of the 32 think tanks surveyed, women lead only six  (19 percent). (See Table 1)

Of the 22 foreign policy and international security think tanks, women lead only five (23 percent): The Center for American Progress (CAP), the German Marshall Fund (GMF), the

Heritage Foundation, New America, and the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars. Compared with 2018, this is a decrease.26

Of the 10 arms control and nuclear security think tanks and programs, a woman heads one: the Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control.

sexism and gender discrimination.20

Figure 1: Gender Ratio – Think Tank Governing Boards                    Governing Boards

2018 and 2020  

The gender gap remains stark at the level of the governing 2018   boards. The James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies

• MENWOMEN            is the only institution that has achieved parity on its governing board. It is followed by the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS),

which has 44 percent women on its governing board.

On average, the percentage of women members of the board  of directors or trustees is 25 percent, compared with 23 percent in 2018. (See Figure 1) The specialized arms control and

nuclear institutes do a little better, with 31 percent of women

                                     2020                                                                on their boards.

• MEN

                                 • WOMEN                                                    Experts

Compared with 2018, the overall gender balance in the think tanks has improved, from 27 percent of women experts in  2018 to 35 percent in 2020. (See Figure 2)27 That said, very few think tanks have achieved parity. There is also great variation among the think tanks. (See Table 2 and Figure 4. See also the

Appendix)

Figure 2: Gender Ratio – Foreign Policy and National and International Security Experts in Think Tanks 2018 and 2020  Nuclear Experts

2018

                           ••  MENWOMEN                                     Of the 20 foreign policy and international security think tanks 28

surveyed, only 10 percent of experts (3 percent women and 

7 percent men) focus entirely or in part on nuclear issues. (See Figure 3)

The gender distribution within this group of nuclear experts is slightly lower than the overall gender balance of these institutes. Of the 185 nuclear experts, 55 (30 percent) are

2020      women and 130 (70 percent) are men. (See Figure 5)  MENWOMEN         That said, many arms control and nuclear experts work in

specialized think tanks. We surveyed 10 major think tanks and programs that focus exclusively on arms control and nuclear security issues. Together they comprise 175 experts—162 of which focus on nuclear security issues as defined in this scorecard.29 The percentage of women experts working on nuclear security issues in these 10 think tanks  and programs is 30 percent.

Figure 3: Percentage and Gender Ratio of Nuclear Experts 

in Think Tanks                                                                                                  There is, of course, great variation among the think tanks.

Out of the 10 think tanks, only one has achieved parity—the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI). (See Table 3 and Figure 5. 

See also the Appendix)

•••   MEN NUCLEAR EXPERTS

WOMEN NUCLEAR EXPERTS

NON-NUCLEAR EXPERTS

Table 2: Percentage of Women Experts in Foreign Policy and International Security Think Tanks 
RankThink Tank% of Women 
1Aspen Institute50%
2US Institute of Peace (USIP)49%
3Third Way47%
RAND Corporation42%
Stimson Center
6New America41%
7Institute for Policy Studies (IPS)36%
8  Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)31%
Atlantic Council
10  The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars30%
Center for a New American Security (CNAS)
12Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)27%
  13  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP)26%
American Enterprise Institute (AEI)
Brookings Institution
16Heritage Foundation22%
17Center for American Progress (CAP)19%
18Cato Institute11%
19Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA)10%
20Lexington Institute0%
Table 3: Percentage of Women Experts in Arms Control and Nuclear Security Think Tanks 
RankThink Tank% of Women 
1Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI)55%
 2Arms Control Association 43%
Global Zero
4Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control40%
5James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies38%
6Physicians for Social Responsibility33%
7Pugwash Council28%
 8Managing the Atom Project, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs,  Harvard Kennedy School27%
9Federation of American Scientists17%
10Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation11%

Substantive Focus

We also examined the substantive focus of those working on nuclear security issues to explore whether gender has an impact on the types of issues people study.30 Our survey found that the majority of nuclear experts focus on issues related to deterrence, followed by arms control. From their bios, we found no notable differences in terms of substantive focus between men and women.

Gender and Women’s Programming

Programming on gender within the institutes has seen little change since 2018.31 Most DC think tanks do not consider the role of gender in national and international security. For many in the traditional security think tank community— men and women—gender is often equated with women or a “woman’s point of view.” This lack of understanding of gender as a multilevel social construct that governs relations between men and women within societal structures and institutions is widespread within the DC foreign policy and security, including in the nuclear security, think tank community.

Figure 4: Gender Ratio – Foreign Policy and International Security Experts in all Think Tanks                                        Measure Names

Figure 5: Gender Ratio – Nuclear Security Experts in all Think Tanks

Measure Names

Of the think tanks surveyed only one—the US Institute of Peace (USIP)—has recognized gender as an important component of its programming. Since 2016, USIP has had a director for gender policy and strategy that oversees and advises all programs on gender. The director sits in the Policy, Learning and Strategy Center, which reports directly to USIP’s president. In addition, USIP functions as the Secretariat for the US Civil Society Working Group on Women, Peace and Security (WPS).32

Other think tanks have notable gender or women programs:

The Center for New America Security (CNAS) has a Women in National Security program.

The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has a Smart Women, Smart Power Program and a Women’s Global Leadership Program.

The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) has a Women and Foreign Policy Program and a Women and Foreign Policy Program Advisory Council.

The German Marshall Fund (GMF) since 2017 has organized an annual Women of Color in Transatlantic Leadership Forum. In June 2020, it surveyed the gender balance of European thinks tanks.33

New America has a Gender and Security program housed in its Political Reform Program.

The RAND Corporation has a web page called “RAND Women to Watch,” on which it addresses “Gender Equity in the Workplace” and “Gender Integration in the Military,” including issues related to women and transgender military personnel. In its work on female populations, RAND addresses issues faced by women and girls, including women refugees, migrants and gender-based and intimate partner violence.

In 2020, the Woodrow Wilson Center appointed a gender advisor. In addition, the center has a Middle East Women’s initiative, a Maternal Health Initiative and a Global Women’s Leadership initiative.

The other think tanks have occasional events and publications on gender and security and the WPS agenda. They may  also have one or two individuals working on gender and security issues.34

The Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) houses the Gender Champions in Nuclear Policy initiative. All the heads of  the 10 specialized arms control and nuclear security think tanks have signed on as Gender Champions. The heads of  the Carnegie Endowment, Third Way and the Stimson

Center have also signed onto the Gender Champion in

Nuclear Policy Pledge.35

Scoring the Journals

The influence of women in the national and international security field, including in the nuclear security field, can also be measured by how well they are represented in academic and professional journals.36

We examined articles in 11 major peer reviewed international security journals, as well as articles in 5 major journals exclusively focused on arms control and nuclear security  issues.

Women wrote 23 percent of the articles in the international security journals versus 64 percent written by men and  13 percent written by mixed gender teams.

That said, there is great variation amongst the journals. Critical Studies on Security is close to parity, with 45 percent of articles written by women versus 48 percent of articles written by men and 8 percent of articles written by mixed gender teams. Security Dialogue has 42 percent of articles written by women versus 47 percent written by men and 11 percent written by mixed gender teams. The Journal of Conflict Resolution is an outlier in the sense that it has the highest percentage of articles written by mixed gender teams—namely, 30 percent versus a 13 percent average. The Journal of Strategic Studies and Survival have the least amount of articles written by women. (See Table 4 and the Appendix.)

Articles on Arms Control and 

Nuclear Security Issues

Our survey found that the majority of articles on nuclear security are published in specialized journals.37  In the  11 international security studies journals surveyed, the percentage of articles that focused on nuclear security issues was only 9 percent. (See Figure 6 and Table 4. See also the Appendix) Of those articles, 15 percent were written by women.38 When we broaden our category and include other weapon and arms control issues, the percentage of articles rises to 16 percent, of which women wrote less than a quarter (21 percent).39 

In the arms control–specific journals, the percentage of articles on nuclear security issues written by women was even lower—17 percent.40 If we broaden our category and include other weapon and arms control issues, the percentage

increased slightly, to 19 percent.41 (See Table 5 and the

Appendix)

That said, there is quite a bit of variation amongst the  arms control journals. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists scores above the average, with 22 percent of articles written  by women. At the other end, the Journal for Peace and  Nuclear Disarmament had only 11 percent of articles written by women.

Our analysis also confirms earlier studies that found that women coauthor less than men, and when they do coauthor, they are more likely to coauthor with men than with other women.42

Figure 6: Percentage of Nuclear Security Articles in International

Security Journals – 2015-2019 

Gender Perspectives

Of the 3,068 articles surveyed in the 16 journals, we found a mere 91 articles (3 percent) with a gender perspective. This number dropped to 2 percent when we considered only articles that focus on arms control and nuclear issues.

Table 4: Percentage of Articles written by Women in International Security Journals – January 2014-December 2019
Rank  Journal  % of Articles  by Women  
1Critical Studies on Security45%
2Security Dialogue42%
3Cooperation and Conflict30%
4European Journal of International Security27%
5Journal of Global Security Studies26%
6International Security23%
7Security Studies22%
8Contemporary Security Policy16%
9Journal of Conflict Resolution15%
10Survival14%
11Journal of Strategic Studies11%

The majority (71 percent) of the gender articles were penned by women. In the general security studies journals, women wrote 73 percent of those articles. In the arms control and nuclear security journals, they wrote 65 percent of genderfocused articles.

However, most of the articles with a gender perspective focused on the gender balance within the international security and arms control community and how to increase the number of women in the field. Very few examined how gender (and notions of masculinity and femininity) affects thinking about international security, including nuclear security issues.

Lastly, we examined whether men and women wrote about the same topics in the nuclear and arms control field. While we did not see a marked difference in our think tank analysis between the topics men and women studied, in the journals we did see some differences. Women were more likely to write about drones and unmanned aerial vehicles, chemical and biological weapons and nuclear energy and climate. Men were more likely to write about outer space, proliferation (including nonproliferation) and nuclear deterrence issues.

Concluding Thoughts

The nuclear security community is a subset of the national  and international security community.  Both communities  are deeply entrenched male-dominated communities, in  which “old-boy networks” continue to thrive. While we have seen the number of women experts in the think tanks increase from 27 percent to 35 percent, no progress was made in terms of governing boards, and the number of women heading  think tanks has regressed. Both communities continue to struggle with the integration of women. It is also striking that while it is recognized by many in the international security, including the nuclear security, community that new approaches and new thinking are necessary, gender as a lens through which to analyze international, including nuclear, security challenges is not on think tank agendas. Too little thought is given in either the think tanks or the journals to how gender and notions of masculinity and femininity influence understanding of international and national  security challenges, including challenges related to nuclear security policies.

  Table 5: Percentage of Articles written by Women in Arms Control Journals – January 2014-December 2019 Rank Journal % of Women  1 Bulletin of Atomic Scientists 22% 2 International Journal of Nuclear Studies 20% 3 Arms Control Today 19% 4 Nonproliferation Review 17% 5 Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament 11%

While patriarchal structures are difficult to take down, in recent years we have seen some progress in the amount of efforts to break down these structures.

First, the number of women interested in international security issues is increasing. Their enrollment in international affairs schools continues to surpass that of men. Second, a number of people and organizations, including funding organizations, have realized that the changed strategic landscape requires new approaches and new people. This need is apparent for the international security community and particularly for the small, somewhat atrophied nuclear security community. The Nsquare initiative, the Gender Champions in Nuclear Policy, and the Ploughshares Fund’s women initiative are explicitly geared toward creating a more diverse and open community. These efforts have also been supported by major funders of this community such as Carnegie Corporation New York and the MacArthur Foundation. Third, after the killing of George Floyd in the summer of 2020, organizations including foreign policy and international security think tanks expressed renewed commitment to building a more diverse workforce. Many think tanks in the international security and nuclear security have signed on to the Organizations in Solidarity initiative of WCAPS.43

It is important to hold organizations accountable and to make sure that progress is measured not just in declaratory statements but also in actions. This scorecard provides numerical baselines.

Our analysis of the journals, even though it encompasses a broader group of experts, reinforces conclusions from the think tank analysis. Women authors remain grossly underrepresented. Journals, like think tanks, suffer from gender gaps.

Many of our 2018 recommendations still hold. Four stand out:

  • Thinks tanks should periodically carry out a gender analysis of their institutions. An inward gender analysis should be intersectional and must include collection and analysis of data related to gender, race, ethnic background, sexual orientation, age and disability. It must focus on knowledge production as well as recruitment, retention and promotion processes. It must also examine policies and practices related to issues such as remuneration, remote work, family leave and sexual harassment. Finally, the think tanks should make deliberate efforts to diversify their governing boards.
  • Think tanks should carry out an analysis of their partnerships and knowledge dissemination. Such an outward gender analysis should focus on whom they partner with and how content is disseminated. Among the questions one should ask: What type of publications are produced, what type of events are organized, who participates and attends these events, who is tapped for media appearances?
  • Think tanks should consider appointing a gender advisor and locate these advisors not in the human resource office but in the front offices with direct access to the leadership.
  • Journals continue to have gender gaps. One is expressed in terms of women authors published in the journals; the other is represented in the lack of gender perspectives. Editors and editorial boards should resort to periodic gender audits of their journals. Such audits would include issues related to the gender balances and substantive background of editorial staff, editorial boards and outside reviewers. It should also include an analysis of the readership—many of whom are also potential authors.

References

  1. US Congress, Women, Peace and Security Act of 2017, Public Law No. 115-68 (10/06/2017). In accordance with the law, the White House published its WPS Strategy in June 2019. See White House, United States Strategy on Women, Peace, and Security (Washington, DC: White House, June 2019).
  2. See Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Soraya Kamali-Nafar, The WIIS Gender Scorecard: Washington, DC Think Tanks – 2018, WIIS Policy Brief (Washington, DC: WIIS, September 2018-1).
  3. This scorecard was supported by a grant from the Ploughshares Fund.
  4. See UN General Assembly A/Res/65/69 (2010). See also UN General

Assembly resolutions A/Res/67/48 (2012); A/Res/68/33 (2013); A/ Res/69/61 (2014); and A/Res/71/56 (2016). In addition, the Genevabased Conference on Disarmament held its first informal meeting  on gender and disarmament in August 2015. In May 2016, it held a second informal plenary on Women and Disarmament, in which delegations restated their support to increase the role of women in the disarmament field.

  • See UN Secretary-General, Securing Our Common Future: An Agenda for Disarmament (New York: United Nations, October 2018).
  • See Renata Hessmann Dalaqua, Kjolv Egeland and Torbjorn Graff Hugo, Still Behind the Curve: Gender Balance in Arms Control, NonProliferation and Disarmament Diplomacy (Geneva: UNIDIR, 2019).
  • See GCNP website at gcnuclearpolicy.org. See also Pamela Hamamoto and Laura Holgate, “Gender Champions,” in Tom Z. Collina and Cara Marie Wagner, eds., A New Vision: Gender, Justice, National Security (Washington, DC: Ploughshares Fund, April 2019), pp. 40-45.
  • See GCNP website and GCNP, Gender Champions in Nuclear Policy, Impact Report 2019 (Washington, DC: NTI, May 2020), p. 2.
  • International Gender Champions Disarmament, Gender and Disarmament Resource Pack (Geneva: UNIDIR, 2018 and updated in January 2020).
  • See Heather Hurlburt et al., The Consensual Straitjacket: Four Decades of Women in Nuclear Security (Washington, DC: New America, March 2019).
  • SeeTom Z. Colinna and Cara Marie Wagner, eds., A New Vision: Gender, Justice, National Security (Washington, DC: Ploughshares Fund, April 2019).
  • While gender is generally defined and discussed as meaning more than just whether one is a man or a woman, this scorecard takes the binary approach. We identified experts and authors as either women or men by examining their bios, photographs and use of pronouns.
  • This scorecard tallies national and international security experts, including foreign policy and international affairs experts. Definitions of national and international security differ from institution to institution, some use an expanded definition of security, including human security, others have a narrow definition of security. For more on who is included within each of the think tanks see the methodology section on p.15.
  • This corresponds to 185 experts (55 women and 130 men) out of a total of 1,931 experts.
  • These institutes employ a total of 175 experts, but only 162 (113 men and 49 women) work on nuclear security issues.
  • For more on gender and security, see Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, eds., The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020).
  • See Hironao Okahana and Enyu Zhou, Graduate Enrollment and Degrees: 2006-2016 (Washington, DC: Council of Graduate Schools,

2017); website of the Association of Professional Schools of International Affairs (APSIA); and the website of the International Studies  Association (ISA).

  1. Maria Rost Rublee et al., “Do You Feel Welcome? Gendered Experiences in International Security Studies,” Journal of Global Security Studies, Vol. 5, No. 1 (2020), pp. 216-226.
  2. Hurlburt et al., Consensual Straitjacket, pp. 6 and 18-28.
  3. See Nsquare, Greater Than: Nuclear Threat Professionals Reimagine Their Field (Washington, DC: NSquare, December 2019). See also Bonnie Jenkins, “Diversity Makes Better Policy,” in Tom Z. Collina and Cara Marie Wagner, eds., A New Vision: Gender, Justice, National Security (Washington, DC: Ploughshares Fund, April 2019), pp. 34-39.
  4. This scorecard focuses on gender. That said, the lack of gender diversity often goes hand in hand with discrimination on other  identity markers, such as race, ethnic background, sexual orientation and age. After the killing of George Floyd in summer 2020, Women  of Color Advancing Peace, Security and Conflict Transformation (WCAPS) launched the Organizations in Solidarity project to root out institutional racism. Many organizations and think tanks, including in the nuclear security arena, (and those surveyed in this scorecard)  signed on to the project.
  5. Carol Cohn, “Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense

Intellectuals,” Signs, Vol. 12, No. 4 (1987), pp. 687-718; Carol Cohn and

Sara Ruddick, “ A Feminist Ethical Perspective on Weapons of Mass Destruction,” in Steven Lee and Sohail Hashmi, eds., Ethics and Weapons of Mass Destruction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 405-435; Carol Cohn, “The Perils of Mixing Masculinity and Missiles,” The New York Times (January 5, 2018).

  • Cited in Hurlburt et al., Consensual Straitjacket.
  • See Nsquare, Greater Than, p. 14.
  • Ibid., p. 15. See also note 17.
  • In 2018, 32 percent of think tanks were headed by women. The reins of the Center for a New American Security passed from a woman to a man, and leadership position of the US Institute of Peace is vacant as of the summer of 2020 with the departure in August 2020 of Nancy Lindborg, who had been president and CEO since 2015.
  • This number also does not include information with regard to the German Marshall Fund (GMF). At the time of our survey no data was available on the website regarding experts at GMF. In addition, at the time of our survey the Bipartisan Policy Centre had no longer a foreign policy international security program.
  • Amongst the nuclear programs in the Foreign Policy and

International Security think tanks mention should be made of the Project on Nuclear Issues (PONI), a program, housed at CSIS, that is geared towards the next generation of professionals in the nuclear security field. In addition, the Carnegie Endowment hosts every two years an international non-proliferation conference attracting hundreds of experts, officials and journalists from around the world.

  • Nuclear experts are defined as experts and analysts who study topics related to nuclear deterrence, weapons of mass destruction, nuclear policy, general nuclear issues, nuclear security (nuclear materials, fuel cycle, nuclear energy, radiological security), arms control and disarmament, nuclear technologies, defense strategy with a nuclear focus, regional studies with nuclear focus (North Korea, China, Iran, Asia-Pacific, Korea, Middle East). See also the methodology section in this scorecard.
  • Within our overall nuclear security category, we defined nine subtopics: nuclear deterrence, weapons of mass destruction, nuclear policy, nuclear security (nuclear materials, fuel cycle, nuclear energy, radiological security), arms control and disarmament, nuclear technologies, defense strategy with a nuclear focus, regional studies  with nuclear focus (North Korea, China, Iran, Asia-Pacific, Korea, Middle East) and miscellaneous nuclear issues.
  • See de Jonge Oudraat and Kamali-Nafar, WIIS Gender  Scorecard 2018.
  • TheU.S. Civil Society Working Group on Women, Peace and Security (U.S. CSWG)brings together over 40 organizations and civil society groups working on women’s issues, gender and the WPS agenda. While many of these groups are active in advocacy and operational work, many will also conduct research and produce policy papers. See https://www.usip.org/programs/advancing-women-peace-and-security.
  • See Rosa Balfour, Corinna Hörst, Pia Hüsch, Sofia Shevchuk and Eleonora del Vecchio, Absent Influencers? Women in European Think Tanks, Policy Paper No. 5 (Brussels, Paris, Washington, DC: GMF,  June 2020).
  • For example, Lisa Aronsson at the Atlantic Council, Saskia Brechenmacher at the Carnegie Endowment or Mackenzie Eaglen at the American Enterprise Institute.
  • All gender champions adopt a panel parity pledge. See GCNP website.
  • For more on the representation of women in journals, see Nadia

Crevecoeur, Kayla McGill and Maya Whitney, The Gender Balance in 11 Security Journals, A review of the literature and PowerPoint analysis of women authors in security journals, draft manuscript (Washington, DC:

WIIS, 2020).

  • Nuclear security issues were determined by title keyword searches. The following keywords were used: weapons—nuclear, hypersonic, missiles (ICBMs, etc.), missile defense, nuclear technology in weapons, cleanup from nuclear accidents, nuclear energy, IAEA, nuclear terrorism, deterrence, nonproliferation. Treaties: disarmament and arms control, nuclear disarmament, NPT, CTBT, INF, nuclear export control, fissile materials negotiations. We also added a country level: USA, China, Russia, France, UK, NATO/Europe, Iran, India/Pakistan, Middle East, North Korea. Arms control issues were broadly defined and determined by the following title keyword searches: weapons—nuclear, hypersonic, missiles (ICBMs, etc.), drones, biological weapons, chemical weapons, missile defense, technology in weapons (very specific, not just technological advances in general but focused on weapons), cybersecurity/cyber war. General themes: geoengineering and climate change, medical/radio isotopes, cleanup from nuclear accidents, nuclear energy, IAEA, nuclear terrorism, space, materials. Treaties: disarmament and arms control, nuclear disarmament, NPT, CTBT, INF, export control, biological and chemical weapons control, fissile materials negotiations, arms trade, general. We also added a country level: USA, China, Russia, France, UK, NATO/Europe, Iran, India/Pakistan, Middle East, North Korea.
  • The overall number of articles in the 11 security journals was 

2,147, of which 194 were devoted to nuclear security issues. There were 29 (15%) written by women, 149 (77%) by men, and 16 (8%) by mixed gender teams. When we expand our focus and include other weapons and arms control issues, the total number of articles was 338. 

  • Of those 338 articles, 72 (21%) were written by women, 232 (69%) by men and 34 (10%) by mixed gender teams. The overall percentage of articles written by women is 23 percent.
  • Of the 921 articles, 683 focused on nuclear security issues. There were 115 (17%) written by women, 512 (75%) by men; and 56 (8%) by mixed gender teams.
  • Of the 921 articles in the five arms control and nuclear security journals, 178 (19%) were written by women, 661 (72%) by men, and  82 (9%) by mixed gender teams.
  • See Crevecoeur, McGill and Whitney, Gender Balance in  11 Security Journals.
  • See the WCAPS website.
Appendix: Think Tanks  
Foreign Policy and International Security Think Tanks American Enterprise Institute (AEI) Head: Robert Doar (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 29 – 6 (F) + 23 (M) 21% female 2020 Total: 31 – 8 (F) + 23 (M) 26% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total:  2 – 0(F) + 2 (M) 0% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 27 – 0 (F) + 27 (M) – 0% female 2020 Total: 27 – 1 (F) + 26 (M) – 4% female Atlantic Council Head: Frederick Kempe (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 227 – 66 (F) + 161 (M) – 29% female 2020 Total: 327 – 102(F) + 225 (M) – 31% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 12 – 1 (F) + 11 (M) – 8% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 200 – 39 (F) + 161 (M) – 20% female 2020 Total: 199 – 41 (F) + 158 (M) – 21% female Aspen Institute Head: Dan Porterfield (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 10 – 2 (F) + 8 (M) – 20% female 2020 Total: 8 – 4 (F) + 4 (M) – 50% female Nuclear Experts: None Governing Board: 2018 Total: 77 – 26 (F) + 51 (M) – 34% female 2020 Total: 81 – 28 (F) + 53 (M) – 35% female Bipartisan Policy Center (BPC) Head: Jason Grumet (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 17 – 4 (F) + 13 (M) – 24% female 2020 Not Available Governing Board: 2018 Total: 17 – 5 (F) + 12 (M) – 29% female 2020 Total: 14 – 5 (F) + 9 (M) – 36% female Brookings Institution Head: John R. Allen (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 109 – 28 (F) + 81 (M) – 26% female 2020 Total: 117 – 30 (F) + 87 (M) – 26% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 13 – 3 (F) + 10 (M) – 23% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 89 – 19 (F) + 70 (M) – 21% female 2020 Total: 86 – 19 (F) + 67 (M) – 22% female Cato Institute Head: Peter N. Goettler (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 11 – 3 (F) + 8 (M) – 27% female 2020 Total: 9 – 1 (F) + 8 (M) – 11% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 1 – 0 (F) + 1(M) – 0% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 19 – 2 (F) + 17 (M) – 11% female 2020 Total: 18 – 2 (F) + 16 (M) – 11% femaleCarnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) Head: William J. Burns (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 32 – 10 (F) + 22 (M) – 31% female 2020 Total: 27 – 7 (F) + 20 (M) – 26% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 5 – 1 (F) + 4 (M) – 20% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 31 – 7 (F) + 24 (M) – 23% female 2020 Total: 31 – 8 (F) + 23 (M) – 26% female Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA) Head: Thomas G. Mahnken (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 32 – 4 (F) + 28 (M) – 13% female 2020 Total: 30 – 3 (F) + 27 (M) – 10% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 15 – 6 (F) + 9 (M) – 40% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 8 – 2 (F) + 6 (M) – 25% female 2020 Total: 9 – 3 (F) + 6 (M) – 33% female Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) Head: John J. Hamre (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 108 – 32 (F) + 76 (M) – 30% female 2020 Total: 118 – 37 (F) + 81 (M) – 31% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 12 – 6 (F) + 6 (M) – 50%  Governing Board: 2018 Total: 44 – 5 (F) + 39 (M) – 11% female 2020 Total: 44 – 5 (F) + 39 (M) – 11% female Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) Head: Richard N. Haass (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 75 – 22 (F) + 53 (M) – 29% female 2020 Total: 85 – 23 (F) + 62 (M) – 27% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 3 (F) + 4 (M) – 43% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 36 – 11 (F) + 25 (M) – 31% female 2020 Total: 36 – 11 (F) + 25 (M) – 31% female Center for a New American Security (CNAS) Head: Richard Fontaine (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 78 – 29 (F) + 49 (M) – 37% female 2020 Total: 73 – 22 (F) + 51 (M) – 30 % female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 9 – 2 (F) + 7 (M) – 22% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 21 – 2 (F) + 19 (M) – 10% female 2020 Total: 25 – 3 (F) + 22 (M) – 12% female Center for American Progress (CAP) Head: Neera Tanden (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 19 – 3 (F) + 16 (M) – 16% female 2020 Total: 16 – 3 (F) + 13 (M) – 19% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 3 – 0 (F) + 3 (M) – 0% Governing Board: 2018 Total: 9 – 2 (F) + 7 (M) – 22% female 2020 Total: 10 – 3 (F) + 7 (M) – 30% femaleGerman Marshall Fund (GMF) Head: Karen Donfried (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 44 – 12 (F) + 32 (M) – 27% female 2020 Not Available Governing Board: 2018 Total: 19 – 5 (F) + 14 (M) – 26% female 2020 Total: 21 – 8 (F) + 13 (M) – 38% female Heritage Foundation Head: Kay Coles James (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 32 – 7 (F) + 25 (M) – 22% female 2020 Total: 46 – 10 (F) + 36 (M) – 22% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 14 – 2 (F) + 12 (M) – 14% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 25 – 6 (F) + 19 (M) – 24% female 2020 Total: 27 – 5 (F) + 22 (M) – 19% female Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) Head: Robert L. Borosage (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 16 – 7 (F) + 9 (M) – 44% female 2020 Total: 36 – 13 (F) + 23 (M) – 36% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 1 – 1 (M) + 0 (F) – 0% Governing Board: 2018 Total: 18 – 8 (F) + 10 (M) – 44% female 2020 Total: 18 – 8 (F) + 10 (M) – 44% female Lexington Institute Head: Merrick “Mac” Carey (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 6 – 1 (F) + 5 (M) – 17% female 2020 Total: 6 – 0 (F) + 6 (M) – 0% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 1 – 0 (F) + 1 (M) – 0% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 7 – 0 (F) + 7 (M) – 0% female 2020 Total: 6 – 0 (F) + 6 (M) – 0% female New America Head: Anne-Marie Slaughter (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 104 – 34 (F) + 70 (M) – 33% female 2020 Total 103 – 42 (F) + 61 (M) – 41% female Nuclear Experts: None Governing Board: 2018 Total: 22 – 6 (F) + 16 (M) – 27% female 2020 Total: 20 – 6 (F) + 14 (M) – 30% female RAND Corporation Head: Michael D. Rich (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 613 – 245 (F) + 368 (M) – 40% female 2020 Total 541 – 229 (F) + 312 (M) – 42% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total 47 – 12 (F) + 31 (M) – 28% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 26 – 7 (F) + 19 (M) – 27% female 2020 Total 24 – 7 (F) + 17 (M) – 30% female
Appendix: Think Tanks  
Stimson Center Head: Brian Finlay (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 72 – 37 (F) + 35 (M) – 51% female 2020 Total: 106 – 45 (F) + 61 (M) – 42% female * Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 40 – 18 (F) + 22 (M) – 45% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 27 – 7 (F) + 20 (M) – 26% female 2020 Total: 30 – 9 (F) + 21 (M) – 30% female Third Way Head: Jonathan Cowan (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 17 – 8 (F) + 9 (M) – 47% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 8 – 4 (F) + 4 (M) – 50% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 30 – 6 (F) + 24 (M) – 20% female US Institute of Peace (USIP) Head: … Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 72 – 35 (F) + 37 (M) – 49% female 2020 Total: 84 – 41 (F) + 43 (M) – 49% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 2 (F) + 5 (M) – 29% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 15 – 3 (F) + 12 (M) – 20% female 2020 Total: 15 – 3 (F) + 12 (M) – 20% female The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Head: Jane Harman (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 187 – 64 (F) + 123 (M) – 34% female 2020 Total: 151 – 46 (F) + 105 (M) – 30% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 4 – 1 (F) + 3 (M) – 25% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 16 – 5 (F) + 11 (M) – 31% female 2020 Total: 17 – 5 (F) + 12 (M) – 29% femaleArms Control and Nuclear Security  Think Tanks Arms Control Association Head: Daryl G. Kimball (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 3 (F) + 4 (M) – 43% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 3 (F) + 4 (M) – 43% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 35 – 12 (F) + 23 (M) – 34% female Center for Arms Control and NonProliferation Head: Edward Levine (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 19 – 2 (F) + 17 (M) – 11 % female Nuclear Experts 2020 Total: 19 – 2 (F) + 17 (M) – 11% female Governing Board: (Does not include the Szilard Advisory Board) 2020 Total: 24 – 5 (F) + 19 (M) – 21% female Federation of American Scientists Head: Ali Nouri (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 18 – 3 (F) + 15 (M) – 17% female Nuclear Experts 2020 Total: 12 – 3 (F) + 9 (M) – 25% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 17 – 6 (F) + 11 (M) – 35% female Global Zero Head: Derek Johnson (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 3 (F) + 4 (M) – 43% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 3 (F) + 4 (M) – 43% female Governing Board: Not Available James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies Head: William Potter (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 13 – 5 (F) + 8 (M) – 38% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 13 – 5 (F) + 8 (M) – 38% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 4 – 2 (F) + 2 (M) – 50% female Managing the Atom Project, Belfer Center, Harvard Kennedy School Head: Matthew Bunn (M), Steven Miller (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 30 – 8 (F) + 22 (M) – 27% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 30 – 8 (F) + 22 (M) – 27% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 45 – 15 (F) + 30 (M) – 33% femaleNuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) Head: Ernest J. Moniz (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 18 – 9 (F) + 9 (M) – 50% female 2020 Total: 22 – 12 (F) + 10 (M) – 55% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 19 – 9 (F) + 10 (M) – 47% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 34 – 7 (F) + 27 (M) – 21% female 2020 Total: 35 – 8 (F) + 27 (M) – 23% female Physicians for Social Responsibility Head: Jeff Carter (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 6 – 2 (F) + 4 (M) – 33% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 2 – 0 (F) + 2 (M) – 0% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 27 – 11 (F) + 16 (M) – 41% female Pugwash Council Head: Sergio Duarte (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 43 – 12 (F) + 31 (M) – 28% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 43 – 12 (F) + 31 (M) – 28% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 8 – 2 (F) + 6 (M) – 25% female Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control Head: Valerie Lincy (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 10 – 4 (F) + 6 (M) – 40% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 10 – 4 (F) + 6 (M) – 40% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 9 – 3 (F) + 6 (M) – 33% female
Notes: Absolute Numbers and Gender Ratio of Articles in International Security Journals – January 2014-December 2019
            Contemporary Security Policy   152         25           16%        109           72%          18           12% Nuclear Security Articles 47 8 17% 32 68% 7 15% Cooperation and Conflict 168 51 30% 94 56% 23 14% Nuclear Security Articles 5 2  40% 3 60%   – Critical Studies on Security 200 90 45% 95 48% 15 8% Nuclear Security Articles 28 13 46% 14 50% 1 4% European Journal of International Security 63 17 27% 40 63% 6 10% Nuclear Security Articles 14 2 14% 10 72% 2 14% International Security 114 26 23% 77 67% 11 10% Nuclear Security Articles 32 6 19% 20 62% 6 19% Journal of Conflict Resolution 403 60 15% 224 56% 119 29% Nuclear Security Articles 18 4 22% 11 61% 3 17% Journal of Global Security Studies 117 30 26% 68 58% 19 16% Nuclear Security Articles 16 3 19% 10 62% 3 19% Journal of Strategic Studies 233 26 11% 192 82% 15 7% Nuclear Security Articles 56 9 16% 41 73% 6 11% Security Dialogue 191 80 42% 89 47% 22 11% Nuclear Security Articles 17 8 47% 7 41% 2 12% Security Studies 159 34 22% 107 67% 18 11% Nuclear Security Articles 21 4 19% 15 71% 2 10% Survival 347 48 14% 280 81% 19 5% Nuclear Security Articles 84 12 14% 70 83% 2 3% Journal                                                                                      Total No                            Women*                                       Men*                               Mixed Gender Teams
Notes: Absolute Numbers and Gender Ratio of Articles in Arms Control Journals – January 2014-December 2019
            Arms Control Today   251         47           19%        191           76%           13            5% Bulletin of Atomic Scientist 392 85 22% 271 69% 36 9% International Journal of Nuclear Studies 54 11 20% 32 60% 11 20% Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament 63 7 11% 52 83% 4 6% Nonproliferation Review 161 28 17% 115 72% 18 11% Journal                                                                                      Total No                            Women*                                       Men*                                 Mixed Gender Teams *Includes articles by single authors and by same sex coauthors
Methodology  
Think Tanks All data come from the think tanks’ own websites. Data for the think tanks were collected between September 2019 and January 2020, except for Third Way. Data for Third Way were collected in July 2020. Data for the governing boards of all think tanks were collected in July 2020. We were not able to retrieve data for experts from the German Marshall Fund’s (GMF) website. The Bipartisan Policy Center (BPC) no longer features a national or international security program on its website. Hence, data for GMF and BPC are incomplete. While gender is generally defined and discussed as meaning more than just whether one is a man or a woman, this scorecard takes the binary approach. We identified experts and authors as either women or men by examining their bios, photographs and use of pronouns. This scorecard tallies experts, analysts and fellows. We did not include people whose main responsibilities are in the administrative, operational, personnel, development, communication, and editorial sectors. Experts in foreign policy, defense and national and international security were selected based on the identification of such experts by the think tanks themselves. Nuclear security experts were identified by searching the think tank websites and expert bios for any the following terms: nuclear deterrence, weapons of mass destruction, nuclear policy, general nuclear issues, nuclear security (nuclear materials, fuel cycle, nuclear energy, radiological security), arms control and disarmament, nuclear technologies, defense strategy with a nuclear focus, regional studies with nuclear focus (North Korea, China, Iran, Asia-Pacific, Korea, Middle East). We did not analyze experts’ seniority. Some think tanks include junior staff; others identify only mid-level and senior staff. We did not distinguish between nonresident and resident experts. Again, for each think tank, we followed the think tank’s own identification of its experts. In the case of RAND we excluded all adjunct experts. Adjuncts at RAND are the equivalent of non-residential fellows in other institutions. RAND will feature some adjunct experts, but not all adjuncts on its website. Upon request and in consultation with RAND we decided to leave all adjuncts off this tally. The following experts, analysts, fellows, scholars and staff have been included for: AEI: All Foreign and Defense Policy Scholars; Atlantic Council: All Fellows and Non-Resident Fellows mentioned under Experts; Aspen Institute: All Security & Global Affairs, including the Aspen Strategy Group, the Cybersecurity & Technology Program, and the Homeland Security Program; Bipartisan Policy Center: No Information; Brookings Institution: All Experts in theForeign Policy Program; Cato Institute: All Nat./ Int. Security Experts; Carnegie Endowment: All Experts in the Washington, DC office; CSBA: All All Nat./Int. Security Experts; CAP: Foreign Policy and Security Program; CSIS: All Experts; CFR: All Experts; CNAS: All Experts; GMF: Not Available; Heritage Foundation: Heritage Foundation: All Experts in the International, National Security, and Nuclear Energy Issue Areas; IPS: All Experts; Lexington Institute: All Experts; New America: All Analysts and Fellows in the Cybersecurity Initiative, the International Security Program and the Gender and Security Program; RAND: All experts in the Homeland Security and Public Safety, the International Affairs, and the National Security Programs. Our tally does not do not include Adjuncts, Operational Staff and Legislative Assistants. It may also be noted that some experts in the Homeland Security and Public Safety program are more focused on public safety and domestic issues. Similarly, some experts in the International Affairs Program are focused on non-security international affairs issues; Stimson Center: Senior Research Team & Distinguished Fellows; Third Way: Experts in Climate and Energy and National Security; USIP: All Experts; The Wilson Center: All Experts; Arms Control Association: All Expert Staff; Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation: All Experts; FAS: All Expert Staff; Global Zero: All Expert Staff;  James Martin Center for Non-Proliferation Studies: All Expert Staff; Managing the Atom Project, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs: All Experts; NTI: All Expert Staff;  Physicians for Social Responsibility: All Expert Staff; Pugwash Council: All Expert Staff;  Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control: All Expert Staff.  The Full Think Tank Data Set is available from WIIS. Journals Sixteen journals were examined over the period January 2014–December 2019: 11 security studies journals and 5 journals focused exclusively on arms control and nuclear security issues. 11 – International Security Journals: Contemporary Security Policy; Cooperation &Conflict; Critical Studies on Security; European Journal of International Security; International Security; Journal of Conflict Resolution; Journal of Global Security Studies; Journal of Strategic Studies; Security Dialogue; Security Studies; Survival. 5 – Arms Control and Nuclear Security Journals: Arms Control Today; Bulletin of Atomic Scientists; International Journal of Nuclear Studies; Journal for Peace &Nuclear Disarmament; Nonproliferation Review. The survey covered all articles published in these journals. We excluded editorial comments, reviews of any kind (i.e., book reviews) external news articles or blogs, letters to the editor, addendums and other nonrelevant sections. We established 6 datasets. Data set 1: All 16 journals. Comprises all articles from the 11 international security and 5 arms control and nuclear security journals from January 2014 to December 2019. Does not include letters to the editor, book reviews, or external blogs. Total articles: 3,068 by women (individual and coauthor): 665 by men (individual and coauthor): 2,036 by mixed gender teams: 367 articles with a gender perspective: 91 Data set 2: All international security journals  (11 journals). January 2014-December 2019 Total articles: 2,147 by women (individual and coauthor): 487 by men (individual and coauthor): 1,375 by mixed gender teams: 285 gender articles: 71 arms control/nuclear articles: 338 Data set 3: All arms control and nuclear security journals (5 journals). January 2014-December 2019 Total articles: 921 by women (individual and coauthor): 178 by men (individual and coauthor): 661 by mixed gender teams: 82 articles with a gender perspective: 20 Data set 4: All arms control and nuclear security articles (16 journals). Comprises all articles  from the 5 nuclear journals and 338 arms control/nuclear security issues articles from  the 11 security journals. Total articles: 1,259 by women (individual and coauthor): 250 by men (individual and coauthor): 893 by mixed gender teams: 116 articles with a gender perspective: 21 Data set 5: All nuclear security articles in all journals (16 journals). Total articles: 877 by women (individual and coauthor): 144 by men (individual and coauthor): 661 by mixed gender teams: 72 Data set 6: All nuclear security articles in internationals security journals (11 journals). Total articles: 194 by women (individual and coauthor): 29 by men (individual and coauthor): 149 by mixed gender teams: 16 All data is available from WIIS. Contact: info@ wiisglobal.org, Subject: Scorecard data