Women In International Security and Our Secure Future Co-Host High-Level Breakfast for Women Leaders at the NATO Summit

On July 10, 2024, Women In International Security (WIIS) and Our Secure Future (OSF), co-hosted a private breakfast event discussing the Women, Peace and Security agenda in today’s security framework.

The event, titled “Beyond Representation: Women’s Leadership,” examined women’s role in an evolving security environment. The rules-based international order has been challenged by conflicts around the world, threatening civilian populations and amplifying global insecurity. The event discussion highlighted the importance of women’s leadership in NATO and discussed government representatives’ outstanding contributions to Women, Peace and Security (WPS) initiatives. 

The WPS framework promotes two significant advancements: the advancement of women in defense strategy and the inclusion of a gender perspective in security plans and measures. By creating more opportunities for women to take on leadership roles within defense, these changes ensure that diverse voices and experiences shape strategic decisions. Additionally, incorporating a gender perspective into security strategies allows for a more comprehensive understanding of how security issues uniquely impact different genders, leading to more effective and equitable solutions. 

The event’s discussion featured the following distinguished speaker lineup followed by a broader conversation with the participants: 

  • Assistant Secretary Jessica Lewis, Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs, U.S. Department of State
  • Ambassador Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta, Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues, U.S. Department of State
  • Irene Fellin, NATO Secretary General’s Special Representative for Women, Peace and Security

Opening remarks by Ariela Blatter, WIIS President and CEO, set the stage for the conversation, emphasizing NATO’s 75th anniversary and the need to promote gender equality and diverse perspectives in security strategies. Further, WIIS’ research and the 1325 Scorecard gender assessment tool have led to measurable and actionable steps in NATO’s WPS agenda. 

OSF Vice President Sahana Dharmapuri also highlighted OSF’s efforts to incorporate WPS into all policymaking, including working to mainstream gender perspectives into security policy. Through its gender policy research and trainings, as well as establishing the first bipartisan U.S. WPS Congressional Caucus, OSF continues to support the advancement of the WPS agenda.

As part of the event, the keynote speakers discussed NATO’s role in advancing a gender lens in global security policy.  The role of NATO leaders includes consultations with ministers on a variety of security matters, such as cyber security and arms transfers. Weapon removal and de-mining efforts were also discussed, illustrating how security issues can offer women income opportunities and pathways to help survivors advocate for and shape policies.

It was also noted how important it is to work with NATO allies on issues related to WPS, especially on cybersecurity and emerging threats related to gender-based violence (GBV), and particularly technology-facilitated GBV (TFGBV). Currently, the world is experiencing more conflicts and crises than at any time since World War II, which is putting an adverse strain on international security. Governments must do more internationally, especially when it comes to participating in WPS initiatives. Women’s participation in the security field has plateaued after decades of growth, and partnering with women-led civil society organizations is an effective way to continue to grow women’s participation.

Recognizing the role of the WPS agenda at the NATO Summit, the speakers called for more partnerships between women-led civil society organizations and government officials, asserting that mentorship is crucial to learning and forming better policies.  It was noted that gathering women leaders across the security field is a privilege, but it should not have to be. Men policy makers need to care about gendered issues and gender-responsive leadership and women need to ensure leadership is accountable. 

As the conversation opened to Q&A, other participants discussed how they became aware of the WPS agenda and the importance of being supported by women and opening doors for others.  Participants reflected on the suffering of Ukrainian women during the war, highlighting the importance of qualitative participation of women in security policy. Apart from the number of women who are taking on leadership roles, a qualitative approach is necessary to understand the meaning and outcomes of women’s participation in peace and security decision-making processes. 

Participants also stressed that governments should use a gender lens in all policies and programming, as they see how much difference this approach could create. Concrete examples were shared on how women have established peace in their own communities, such as facilitating networks between women’s civil society members in Papua New Guinea to support the country’s peace-building operations.  

In addition, other speakers contributing to the discussion spoke about the importance of integrating more examples of WPS successes, enhancing women’s visibility in security, allocating budgets for WPS policy matters, and having stand-alone gender representatives. Participants reflected on their own country’s specific WPS and gender policies, as well as future goals for their WPS initiatives.

As the global landscape evolves, women play an increasingly crucial role in shaping peace and security agendas. Within NATO and beyond, the participants called for revising policies, amplifying women’s voices, and fostering inclusive decision-making processes. With NATO celebrating its 75th anniversary, it is essential to consider these insights and commit to recognizing, valuing, and nurturing women’s contributions to our collective security. 

A Book Discussion with Author Dr. Stéfanie von Hlatky

Marvin Dee Mathelier and Tahina Montoya

The Global Fragility Act (GFA) and its subsequent Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability (SPCPS) constitute a fundamental shift in the way the U.S. government will act to address the root causes of violence in fragile states and stabilize conflict-affected areas. Given bipartisan support and congressionally mandated funding, the GFA is designed to produce a coordinated strategy that builds on lessons learned and prioritizes building partnerships with local communities and civil society actors. In terms of implementation, the GFA requires a whole-of-government approach and interagency process with regular reporting mechanisms applied to five high-priority countries over a ten-year period.

In Spring 2023, four years after the passing of the GFA, the U.S. State Department released a 10-Year Strategic Plan for four priority countries and one priority region. Haiti is one of the SPCPS-designated priority states, along with Libya, Mozambique, and Papua New Guinea, as is the region of Coastal Western Africa (which includes Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, and Togo). The SPCPS specifically links the U.S. Strategy on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) to its work, recognizing that the root causes of violent extremism are gendered and thus intimately linked to structural inequalities and discriminations that must be addressed to reduce state fragility. Haiti’s own 10-Year Strategic Plan identifies severe gender inequality and Gender-Based Violence (GBV) as elements that undermine Haiti’s stability. 

With the SPCPS specifically calling attention to drivers of conflict that are deeply gendered, this policy brief argues that country implementation plans must consider a whole-of-government (WOG) approach that integrates a gender perspective. Haiti’s implementation plan must also recognize Haiti’s complex history and how it has contributed to the gendered dimensions of Haiti’s current violence—political, economic, cultural, and structural—and integrate these factors into the tailored approach emphasized in the GFA’s strategic documents. 

The policy brief begins with an assessment of current conditions in Haiti and then turns to the question of why current conditions are so intractable. Using Haiti as a case study, the policy brief shows how consideration of a country’s history and gender-specific issues are factors that must be considered when developing tangible solutions, as doing so is necessary to promote long-term stability. The policy brief then presents a set of recommendations that can strengthen the Haiti implementation plan and programmatic objectives in critical areas: formalize the informal sector workforce to empower women, reform education policy, increase support to the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, and mobilize the Haitian diaspora in support of U.S. assistance to Haiti.

Haiti: The Current Situation

In addition to the 2020 COVID pandemic, 2021 was a devastating year for Haiti. Multiple protests and demonstrations have since occurred in response to high inflation and rising food and gas prices. The poverty-stricken country also saw an alarming increase in criminal and gang activity, a sign of the weakening authority and the incapacity of the Haitian National Police to control the gangs. Tensions escalated when, on July 7, 2021, a group of 28 foreign mercenaries broke into the home of President Jovenel Moïse and assassinated him. Only five weeks later, on August 14, 2021, a 7.2 magnitude earthquake hit the southern claw of Haiti, causing billions of dollars worth of infrastructure damage and affecting the lives of over 1.2 million people.  

In the wake of these political, economic, and social crises, human rights violations over the past two years have escalated and accelerated. Women and children are particularly vulnerable. The number of kidnappings and abductions has tripled since 2021 as gangs use women and children for financial gain or tactical advantage. Of the 5.2 million Haitians requiring humanitarian aid (nearly half the population), three million are children. Severe malnutrition and cholera outbreaks are overtaxing a failing healthcare system, and gender-based violence is rampant.

It is estimated that gangs control 90% of the capital, Port Au Prince, instilling fear through the use of violent tactics such as kidnapping, rape, and murder to control areas. Occasionally, to further aggravate the populace, and in an attempt to oust Prime Minister Ariel Henry from power, these gangs block off access to fuel and goods, preventing access to other parts of the country. This further exacerbates food shortages that, if left unchecked, can lead to a man-made famine. The international community’s hesitancy to get involved has left citizens with few choices, leaving many to combat gangs on their own. Some citizens have retaliated by taking extreme actions of their own, such as burning gang members in the road as a deterrent.

On October 23, 2023, after intense pressure from both the Haitian government and human rights organizations, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) approved a Kenyan-led security mission to help the Haitian National Police combat gang violence. However, on October 24, 2023, Kenya’s High Court blocked the deployment of Kenyan police to Haiti after a petition was filed challenging the government’s deployment decision, and Kenya’s parliament has yet to schedule a debate on the issue, a ruling the High Court is expected to make on November 9.

Roots of Systemic Failure          

For Haiti, the current violence that handicaps efforts to stabilize the country and protect at-risk groups has roots in Haiti’s tumultuous history, which has been shaped by foreign intervention and occupation, crippling debts, weak governance structures, and devastating natural disasters.

Independence and Struggle: 1800-1900. Haiti became the first free Black republic on January 1, 1804, when a band of slaves raised an army to defeat France. To recoup and compensate for its economic losses, the French demanded reparations totaling 150 million francs ($20-30 billion in today’s currency). Debt payments consumed over 80% of Haiti’s revenues for the subsequent 122 years. The fear of political contagion from Haiti’s successful slave rebellion led countries, including the United States, to withhold recognition of Haiti’s sovereignty or offer any support for the young country.

U.S. Occupation: 1915-1934. The U.S. occupation of Haiti was designed to quell the political and economic turmoil plaguing Haiti and, through a campaign known as the Banana Wars, to protect U.S. financial assets and economic growth in the Western Hemisphere. Many atrocities and human rights violations, including torture, forced labor, and religious persecution against voodoo practitioners occurred during the U.S. occupation of Haiti. Additionally, under the guise of protecting Haiti’s financial assets, the U.S. took custody of over $500,000 from Haiti’s national bank, roughly equivalent to $15,351,300 billion in current dollars. The loss of these funds had significant impacts on the country’s economic development and stabilization, and especially on Haiti’s social fabric and education system.

Despite promoting the goal of creating 1,074 schools in Haiti, the U.S. built only 306, much lower in comparison to schools constructed by the U.S. in Cuba (2,600) and the Philippines (1,000). For children in those countries, this support resulted in a significant increase in access to both schools and education. Rather than develop schools to promote education for all Haitians, the U.S. provided agricultural training for predominantly black Haitians, while their mixed-race peers continued their education at the limited and exclusive French-based curriculum schools in Haiti. This specifically limited black Haitians’ ability to acquire critical skills and knowledge, further widening the education and socio-economic gaps for black Haitian children.

The Duvalier Regime: 1957-1986. The 30-year reign of terror of François and Jean-Claude Duvalier that led to the killing of over 50,000 men, women, and children contributed to a massive exodus of Haitian citizens. This “brain drain” of highly educated and skilled Haitians had a devastating effect on the country’s social and economic development and placed the country in a perpetual cycle of poverty. Haitian citizens continue to struggle while members of the Haitian diaspora secure more economic growth and send remittances back to Haiti, often the only income many families have. Women, in particular, were severely affected by the impacts of emigration and economic crises, as most were forced to work almost exclusively within the informal sector. Statistics show the staggering cost: in 2021, the World Bank reported that “vulnerable employment” among Haitian women had reached 83.5%. 

2004 and Beyond: 2004 ushered in a crushing series of humanitarian, political, and economic crises that continued to disproportionately impact women and children in Haiti. This began with the second coup of Haitian President Bertrand Aristide on February 29, 2004, which in the wake of Aristide’s ouster led to the establishment of the UN peacekeeping mission Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti (MINUSTAH). Peacekeeping forces worked with the Haitian National Police to support police efforts to reduce violence. Unfortunately, trust in MINUSTAH evaporated as tensions grew. Corruption and GBV were endemic; serious incidents of sexual abuse by UN peacekeepers against local citizens occurred, but few were held accountable for their actions. A severe cholera outbreak traced back to a sewage leak from a MINUSTAH base resulted in the loss of over 10,000 lives, and the UN was slow to accept responsibility. The withdrawal of MINUSTAH troops in 2019 left much destruction, loss of life, and a glaring security gap, creating an opening for gangs to take control of the country.

Finally, with more than 96% of its population exposed to hurricanes, floods, and earthquakes, Haiti has become even more vulnerable to natural disasters. A 2010 earthquake killed 222,570 people, injured over 300,000, and displaced 3.5 million Haitians. In 2016, Hurricane Matthew killed around 250,000 people and wiped out 120% of its GDP. The destructive earthquake that hit Haiti on August 14, 2021, was followed two days later by Tropical Storm Grace, causing massive flooding and landslides and worsening the already desperate conditions on the ground. 

All these systemic issues and intractable problems, combined with a lack of faith in the government, have forced Haitians to fend for themselves. For women, this meant relying increasingly on the informal sector, primarily selling goods on the street and making the hard decision to use their financial resources to feed their children, pay for medical bills, or decide which of their children was most eligible to go to private school. This overwhelming conundrum created a practice with serious repercussions for poorer Haitians. With little money to send their children to school, a legalized form of child labor or slavery called Restavèk developed. With the creation of this system, limited resources drove many families to send their children to other, presumably wealthier, families who had the relative means to provide education, shelter, and food in exchange for their children’s service.

Current Impact on Women and Children

Gender-Based Violence (GBV)

With the ongoing turmoil in Haiti, marginalized groups such as women and children continue to be disproportionally impacted. GBV and violence against women and children are used as a deterrent to control a community. A Health Policy Watch study that evaluated the use of rape as a weapon of war in Haiti stated that “80% of the women and girls who participated in this research had been victims of one or multiple forms of sexual violence by one or more perpetrators. In 33% of the cases, the assailants were described as bandits, gang members, or kidnappers. 14% of the victims were only 10 to 18 years old.”  

Unemployment Rate & Informal Work Sector

Haiti’s unemployment rate is currently 15.73%. Women make up 62% of the labor force, and nearly half of the Haitian women are heads of households, but they do not work in the formal sector. Women constitute more than 75% of the informal economy in Haiti, where they sell produce and other items on roadsides to support their families with no benefits, health insurance, or other job protections.  

Lack of Representation in Politics

Unsurprisingly, women’s political representation in Haiti is negligent. In 2019, women constituted only 2.54% of the Haitian parliament, though as of January 2023, there is no functioning parliament at all in the country. Haiti established a Gender Equality Policy in 2014 and the Haitian Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights (MCFDF) in 1994. Nevertheless, the plan has not been effectively implemented, and the MCFDF faces chronic underfunding (0.01—0.05% of the national budget), government and parliamentary hostility, and little political will to change the status quo. 

Restavèk System

As noted, a modern version of child slavery known as Restavèk remains prevalent in Haiti. Studies have shown that male and female children who have been “restavèks” (more than half of whom are girls) likely never attended school and are more prone to experience sexual, physical, and emotional violence in childhood than non-restavèk children (See Figure 1). Some children do return home, but with few options available to them, many turn to prostitution, join gangs, or become beggars, which only continues the poverty-stricken cycle in Haiti. The Haitian government has attempted to crack down on this practice, but many families continue to resort to the only means they can afford to feed their children and families. 

                     Figure 1: Restavèk vs Non-Restavèk Children

A graph of different colored bars

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Access to Education

Education in Haiti is valued but not accessible to all since 85% of schools in Haiti are private schools. Families understand the power and opportunities an education can bring and, if they have the means, are willing to pay more than 40% of their income to send their children to school. In families with multiple children, children may skip a year to let their siblings go to school or, as is often the case, preference is given to boys under the assumption that it will be easier for them to find jobs. Parents often have no money to pay for their daughter’s education, and it has been known that some girls ask their male counterparts for money in exchange for sex in hopes they will make enough money to afford an education. Additionally, while the global average for “mean years of schooling” is 8.7 years, Haiti’s is a mere 5.6 years, placing it 124th out of 150 countries.

An Opportunity for Change: The Global Fragility Act

The U.S. 10-year Strategic Plan for Haiti identifies key factors that contribute to Haiti’s fragility (including the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse and increased criminal gang activity) and delves into gender-specific issues that continue to contribute to the countries’ instability, namely, GBV and gender inequality that disproportionately impacts women and girls. It specifically highlights the creation of a working group that consulted 230 individuals from different facets of the Haitian government and civil society. But gaps remain. 

It is particularly important that a detailed implementation plan arising from interagency discussions successfully integrate a gender perspective. However, a growing list of documents referenced for GFA implementation (see Figure 3) has made an already complicated effort more onerous. 

Figure 3: U.S. Government Documents: WPS and GFA

December 2017The United States Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017
June 2019The United States Strategy on Women, Peace, and Security
December 2019Global Fragility Act
December 2020The U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability
December 20202020-2024 The USAID Strategic Framework: Haiti
April 2022Announcement of GFA Priority Countries and Regions
March 2023U.S. Department of State Integrated Country Strategy
March 2023Publication of Country and Regional Plan Summaries

Despite multiple failed attempts by Haiti and the international community to address existing complex conflict dynamics, the Global Fragility Act and its 10-Year Strategic Plan for Haiti offers an opportunity to course-correct if implemented with a gender-sensitive lens alongside the people of Haiti. We offer four tangible recommendations that help codify how gender-conscious GFA implementation could look like in Haiti. They provide a unique and crucial approach to stabilizing Haiti’s fragile situation through the lens of gender-centric solutions.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Recommendation 1:  Increase Women’s Economic Agency in the Workforce

Through the support of the DoS, DoD, and USAID under the GFA, the Haitian government should create a joint coalition with the Haitian Ministry of the Economy, local government officials, and local NGOs to develop a pilot project for supporting the women-led informal sector. While most plans would center their efforts in the capital, specifically in Port-au-Prince, this plan is better suited for development and implementation in Cap Haitian, the second-largest city in the country.  With over 190,000 people, Cap Haitian is in the northern tip of Haiti and has thus far been shielded from the violence currently engulfing key cities in Haiti. Through monitoring mechanisms and data collection, a pilot case will provide lessons learned for implementing programs tailored to support women’s agency in more fragile and conflict-ridden environments. This approach has positive multiple effects, and it will address the persistent insecurity women face socially and economically and help ensure they are in a space that enables economic growth for their families and encourages career development.               

Recommendation 2:  Enhance the Ministry of Women’s Affairs

While the Haitian government has established laws addressing gender equality, policymakers are noncompliant with the laws. Enhancing the capability of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs is needed to oversee and enforce these laws, though it is doubtful the Haitian government will extend the resources and staff to support the Ministry’s work. International assistance can provide financial support for the Ministry’s activities, such as developing education and gender awareness programs for men, women, and children or building women’s economic empowerment. Collaboration among diverse international stakeholders that provide training, business advice, and increased access to financial resources or that work to build women’s business leadership and ownership in emerging markets will strengthen the Ministry’s capacity to empower more women.

Recommendation 3:  Education for Children

Education is the key driver to economic growth within a country. A highly educated and skilled labor force will increase the quality of work in all sectors and will contribute to increased income, tax revenue, and better-quality public education. To get there, with the help of GFA entities, Haiti should establish an education initiative similar to the approach conducted in the High Performing Asian Economies (HPAE) that includes Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and China. Although different in culture, government structure, and region, these countries were able to shift from developing countries to leading economies within half a decade. With high rates of investment in education, the governments were able to reallocate funds towards human capital such as schools and other necessary training, which helped each respective economy grow. This is a challenge for Haiti–not just because of government instability and scarce resources for education, but because of structural inequalities in the education system itself that must be eliminated to spur greater economic growth in the country. Nevertheless, making progress towards quality universal education must be a political priority.

Recommendation 4: Mobilizing the Haitian Diaspora

Despite significant international assistance to Haiti–$13 billion between 2011 and 2022 alone–Haiti remains an impoverished failed state. Earlier efforts have failed for many reasons, among them, poorly managed projects, local capacity limitations, corruption, and a political and economic elite complicit in gang violence and unwilling to implement structural changes to address state instability. An approach that has not been optimized is leveraging the Haitian diaspora to advance develop-driven, long-term solutions for Haiti, with the diaspora working hand in hand with the U.S. government and Haitians on the ground. Outside of the Haitians on the ground, there is no other group that understands the complexity and issues within the island nation or that contributes more to Haiti’s GDP: around two-thirds of Haiti’s GDP comes from remittances, showing that the Haitian diaspora not only influences but drives and deeply cares about Haiti’s success.

The Global Fragility Act and the 10-year strategic plan for Haiti can lead to novel implementation approaches by incorporating members of the diaspora while engaging with Haitian civil society organizations, and do so with the intent to leverage Haitian diaspora expertise. This includes engaging with organizations like the U.S. National Haitian Elected Officials Network (NHEON), a U.S.-based organization of Haitian-American politicians who can be an additional voice and liaison between Haitian citizens and U.S. organizations working towards implementing the GFA. We also recommend exploring the opportunity to grant voting rights to Haitians living abroad. While Haitians living abroad are eligible for dual citizenship, they cannot currently vote in Haitian elections. Doing so would insert a diversity of views and weaken the ability of corrupt politicians to manipulate voters, in the hope that diaspora voters would help to push the Haitian government to be more accountable to its citizens.

Conclusion

While Haiti’s history has contributed greatly to its current situation, and prior policies (with the best of intentions) have failed to alter Haiti’s current state, the Global Fragility Act is, undoubtedly, currently the best option to address fragility in Haiti. Though a challenge, cooperation between U.S. government agencies working with Haiti’s citizens and the diaspora to develop and implement the above-listed recommendations would contribute to addressing key concerns of GBV, employment, education, and safety, all of which are discussed in the guiding frameworks that have been identified as key documents for GFA implementation in Haiti. Despite the delay in implementation, the GFA is a policy that provides a significant opportunity for change. If implemented alongside the people of Haiti in a gender-sensitive way, the GFA can address fragility in innovative ways that will work for Haiti and its people.

Antigua and Barbuda – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Antigua and Barbuda does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Antigua and Barbuda have yet to adopt a NAP but have made concrete progress in addressing the security of women and girls through other avenues. The country is working toward gender mainstreaming and integrating gender perspectives into a wide range of policies, programs, and initiatives related to peace and security—notably in climate change policies and gender-based violence (GBV) programs. The government shows a commitment to integrating gender equality and WPS principles in the national police and defense forces and mainstreaming gender in other parts of its administration, such as the Department of the Environment. Still, more can be done to provide more and sustained funding for gender mainstreaming and greater participation of women in its security forces. The government should augment its efforts by appointing trained Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points in its security forces and implement a data-driven and results-based monitoring and evaluation mechanism to ensure efficient and effective implementation of its gender equality plans.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Antigua and Barbuda is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Optional Protocol to CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, Antigua and Barbuda have adopted a national policy framework on gender equality, enacted relevant and progressive legislation, and worked towards increasing women’s participation in decision-making positions. Like other Caribbean nations, Antigua and Barbuda identifies climate change as a primary security concern and has developed national plans and policies to address the impacts of natural disasters and climate emergencies.[1] Recognizing the disproportionate effects of climate change on women and girls, the government acted to develop gender-responsive plans and programs to address these effects.  

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Antigua and Barbuda does not have a WPS NAP. However, over the past two decades, the government successfully implemented the following gender-responsive policies and national gender action plans:

  • National Policy Framework: Antigua and Barbuda adopted “The National Gender Policy (2013-2018),” which provides a strong foundation for addressing women’s rights and gender equality, recognizes the importance of women’s participation in peacebuilding, and emphasizes the importance of protecting women and girls during armed conflict;[2]
  • Gender Responsive Implementation: During the process of updating the “National Determined Contributions 2021,” Antigua and Barbuda made sex-disaggregated data for gender analysis more accessible and developed a series of national surveys to create an evidence base “of the differentiated impacts of climate change on men and women and the role of women as agents of change and on opportunities for women;”[3]
  • Legal Measures: Antigua and Barbuda took steps to align its legal framework with the principles of the WPS agenda. The Domestic Violence Act (2015) criminalizes domestic violence and provides legal remedies for survivors.[4] The Sexual Offences Act (1995) was amended to strengthen protections against sexual violence and harassment;[5]
  • Gender-Based Violence: Antigua and Barbuda recognizes the urgency of addressing gender-based violence (GBV) and has taken steps to combat it. A series of national strategic plans were developed and updated in the past decade, outlining the government’s approach to addressing GBV, setting out strategies for prevention, support services for survivors, and measures to strengthen the legal and institutional response to GBV.[6]

Antigua and Barbuda increased its efforts to advance gender mainstreaming to fight climate emergencies and its effects on women and girls. The Department of the Environment took the lead in several initiatives:

  • Developed creative gender-responsive frameworks, including climate financing for women and girls, recruited young women professionals as M&E consultants, and established a fund through which vulnerable communities, including women, can access support;[7]
  • Adopted a Gender Action Plan focusing on building women’s capacity to access the scientific and technical fields;[8]
  • Developed a Gender Manual to guide the Department’s National Gender Focal Points and other local agencies on how to mainstream gender into their daily activities.[9]

The government of Antigua and Barbuda partnered with the Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency (CDEMA), the regional inter-governmental entity for disaster management, to launch a gender-responsive early warning system in the country.[10]

Military and Police

The Royal Police Force of Antigua and Barbuda (RPF) planning documents and operational planning processes reference WPS principles. National policies and documents include legal protection of vulnerable persons (women, girls, and boys) from domestic violence and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). Information specific to the Antigua and Barbuda Defence Force (ABDF) was unavailable.

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

Data were unavailable to confirm whether the military and national police forces have appointed Gender Advisors or Gender Focal Points.

Gender in the Ranks

The ABDF is a small military force. Out of an estimated 245 members, 50 are women (20%).[11] Its main priorities include internal security, prevention of drug smuggling and trafficking, protection from marine pollution, and relief services during natural disasters. Since the ABDF’s founding, all positions are open to men and women.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Training of government officials, law enforcement agencies, and civil society organizations addresses gender issues in the context of peace and security. Gender-sensitive training programs and workshops have been conducted to sensitize stakeholders, including police, judges, magistrates, and court personnel, on “the basic concepts of gender and GBSV, victim-blaming and other forms of re-victimization, and the relevant support services available to both survivors and perpetrators.”[12]

The Directorate of Gender Affairs has trained over 300 police officers on domestic violence legislation and gender-based violence, among other related topics.[13] Authorities also reported that several domestic violence programs include law enforcement and army officers training.[14]

The ABDF and RPF have also received training on conducting gender-sensitive firearms investigations. The United Nations Office of Disarmament Affairs partnered with both forces to teach participants how to apply gender perspectives to criminal firearms investigations. By adopting this approach, investigators have identified evidence of gender-based violence and equipped security personnel with the necessary skills to conduct a gender-sensitive and rights-based approach.[15]

Work Environment

The RPF has promoted gender mainstreaming in its policies. The RPF does not publicly provide official guidelines or policies. However, the government has partnered with academic institutions and international organizations like the UN to strengthen its commitment to gender mainstreaming. On March 4, 2023, the RPF partnered with the American University of Antigua-AUA Campus, convening over 200 policewomen to present on topics aimed at empowering female police officers.”[16] While the RPF does not publish current sex-disaggregated employment rates, women comprise more than 200 of the estimated 750 staff members of the RPF—over 26% of the total force.[17] All positions and ranks are open to women and men in the RPF.  

Family Policies

No publicly available documents outline family leave policies specifically for the ABDF or RPF. Labor laws in Antigua and Barbuda provide 13 weeks of maternity leave but no statutory paternity leave.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

As in many countries, women in Antigua and Barbuda are adversely affected by gender-based violence. Acknowledging this, the RPF launched the Special Victims Support Unit (SVSU) in 2017, handling all cases of domestic and intimate partner violence, sexual assault, and other gender-based related crimes.[18] The SVSU comprises officers who have received specialized sensitization training to meet the needs of survivors of gender-based and sexual violence. There is no publicly available information on workplace harassment, abuse policies, or training for the ABDF and RPF personnel.

Equipment and facilities

No information on gender-specific equipment or facilities is publicly available.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

The government of Antigua and Barbuda monitors and evaluates the implementation of gender mainstreaming within various government agencies and ministries. It works closely with several UN agencies, including the UNDP, UNEP, and UN Women, to promote gender-inclusive initiatives. Antigua and Barbuda also regularly submit voluntary reports to international organizations on its efforts to promote gender equality and women’s rights. These reports update the country’s progress and challenges in implementing gender-related policies and initiatives.

However, the ABDF and the RPF appear disconnected from the gender mainstreaming initiatives by the government and do not monitor, evaluate, or report gender-responsive programming. More publicly available information regarding monitoring and evaluation requirements from these security organizations would provide more transparency. The government acknowledges that advancing in gender integration requires the collection of sex-disaggregated data; more needs to be done both in the collection and public distribution of such data.[19] Information on whether the RPF and ABDF have appointed gender advisors or gender focal points was not available.

Recommendations

Overall, Antigua and Barbuda have advanced gender equality and gender mainstreaming considerably. The government has implemented policies and programs to promote and advance women’s rights at all levels of society and made political and financial commitments to promote gender equality and the security of women and girls. Yet, more can be done to achieve the goals set forth by UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions.

For the Government of Antigua and Barbuda:

  • Adopt a WPS NAP, drawing inspiration from existing gender-responsive laws, frameworks, and policies and engaging with key stakeholders, including government agencies and the security sector, civil society organizations, and women’s groups in its development.
  • Conduct monitoring and evaluation to ensure gender mainstreaming within security forces, gathering sex-disaggregated data to support the process.
  • Commit to gender-responsive budgeting to track progress in training, programming, and institutional capacity building related to gender mainstreaming goals in the security forces.

For the ABDF:

  • Ensure all ranks receive anti-harassment and abuse training and make ABDF policies publicly available.
  • Work with government agencies to collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on female participation in the force.
  • Develop a monitoring and evaluation mechanism to assess progress in implementing gender equality and WPS principles over time.
  • Recruit Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points to support ABDF leadership.

For the RPF:

  • Commit to a monitoring and evaluation mechanism that engages civil society and utilizes sex-disaggregated data to guide future planning, programming, and policy decisions.
  • Promote gender-sensitivity and sexual harassment prevention training to ensure all police officers and law enforcement personnel have access to such training.
  • Recruit Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points to ensure the integration of gender perspectives in RPF policies and programs.

Barbados – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status 

Barbados does not have a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Barbados has demonstrated a moderate amount of political will and has taken several steps in recent years toward implementing the WPS agenda. Women remain underrepresented in the military but do not face sex-based restrictions on promotion. In the police force, women are more proportionally represented, and the force has a strong orientation toward the prevention of gender-based violence (GBV). Future actions taken by the government of Barbados toward achieving WPS principles depend on committing funding and staff to transform institutional policies and culture to advance gender equality and WPS principles in security sector forces.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Barbados is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, the current National Strategic Plan (2005-2025) mentions gender equity and equality as areas of strategic note.[20] Barbados established a Bureau of Gender Affairs whose mandate is the integration of a gender perspective in all national development plans to achieve gender equality.[21] Barbados also adopted the Domestic Violence Protections Order Amendment Act 2016, which empowers the Royal Barbados Police Force (RBPF) with robust emergency protection orders in cases of gender-based violence.[22]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policies

The principles of WPS and gender-based violence are mentioned in police strategic documents and operational policy processes. The RBPF has created an action plan for addressing domestic violence and GBV.[23]

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomen% Women
Military[24]5406010
Barbados Police Force1,18717216.3

Women in the Barbadian military have achieved the highest level of enlistment distinction for a soldier.[25] All positions in the military and police forces are open to women.

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

There are no Gender Advisors (GENADs) or Gender Focal Points (GFPs) in the Barbados Defence Force (BDF) or the RBPF, though the country has gender equality offices and units.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Barbados provides updates to the Organization of American States MESECVI, which examines adherence to the Belém do Pará Convention. The MESECVI 2019 reported that the Barbados police conducts training “in relation to women’s Human rights[sic].”[26] Barbados has hosted intervention programs focused on encouraging nonviolent lifestyles for men.[27] In 2022, Barbados was one of six country police forces in the Caribbean to form a community of practice to improve responses and mitigation measures against gender-based violence.[28]

The 2005-2025 National Strategic Plan signaled an intention to conduct gender sensitivity training “at all levels of the public services, private sector, and the community.”[29] Police officers receive training from the Family Conflict Intervention Unit (FCIU) on domestic violence, as do new recruits.[30] Information pertaining to training for military personnel was unavailable.

Work Environment

Women in Barbados are entitled to at least 12 weeks of maternity leave.[31] The Barbados government announced on July 29, 2023, that paternity leave will be available in 2024.[32] No data were available regarding uniforms and equipment. Police stations in Barbados cite inadequate facilities as a notable constraint in integrating women into the force.[33]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

Police strategic action plans highlight the responsibility to protect civilians from GBV and domestic violence. Toll-free domestic violence reporting lines are maintained at each station.[34]Data on anti-harassment and abuse policies in the RBPF and BDF were unavailable.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

Information on the monitoring and evaluation mechanisms for the military and police forces was unavailable. While the Barbados national police publish police statistics, the data collected are not sex-disaggregated.[35] The Bureau of Gender Affairs collects data, but the Bureau’s limited resources make data collection difficult.[36]

Recommendations

For the Barbados government:

  • Adopt a WPS NAP, engaging with key stakeholders, including government agencies, civil society organizations, women’s groups, and local communities throughout the process;
  • Provide necessary resources to maintain a monitoring and evaluation mechanism to ensure the effective implementation of gender integration policies;
  • Secure better funding and staff for the Bureau of Gender Affairs and for collecting sex-disaggregated data and data analysis to assess progress in gender integration.

For Barbados Defence Force:

  • Appoint fully trained Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points to implement gender mainstreaming in military policy, planning, and operational documents;
  • Evaluate sexual harassment and sexual exploitation and abuse policies for personnel and provide sexual harassment and abuse prevention programming and training in all ranks;
  • Evaluate institutional policies and practices (e.g. family leave, childcare, sexual harassment and abuse policies, promotion opportunities, hostile work environment) that work to recruit, promote, and thus retain women in the force.

For the Royal Barbados Police Force:

  • Appoint a Gender Advisor or Gender Focal Point to promote gender mainstreaming and gender-responsive policies in the force;
  • Collect sex-disaggregated data to ensure better analysis and evaluation of measures needed to improve police services;
  • Ensure that sexual harassment and abuse prevention policies for police personnel are in place and training in sexual harassment/abuse and GBV programs are mandatory for all police and law enforcement officers.

Belize – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Belize does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

The government of Belize has made a significant commitment to gender equality and gender mainstreaming. Belize’s 2020 WPS agenda for its security forces is a big step towards achieving gender equality and inclusion in the Ministry of National Security of Belize. The Belize Police Force (BPF) performs better in terms of women in the ranks—over 25% as opposed to 6% of women represented in the Belize Defense Force, signaling the need for the defense force leadership to review recruitment policies as well as existing institutional policies and practices that are often hurdles to women’s participation in security forces. As the Belize government steps up its efforts to address growing gender-based violence, it must also act to decrease gender-based violence in its security forces through prevention training and the enforcement of existing zero-tolerance policies.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Belize is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, Belize’s interest in the WPS agenda has grown over the past decade. In 2020, the Ministry of National Security launched the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda for the security forces in Belize to “empower women as equal partners in the development of a prosperous and stable Belize, especially in achieving our national security goals.”[37] In the Belize National Security and Defense Strategy 2018-2021, Goal 3 aimed to “provide the necessary environment for a prosperous and stable Belize.” The Strategy further includes an objective to “[i]mprove investment in gender equality and youth development.”[38]

As in many countries, gender-based violence incidents in Belize have increased. The rise in gender-based violence prompted the government to pass a National-Gender Based Violence Plan of Action (2010-2that led to legislative reform and the establishment of a domestic violence unit in the Belize National Police, among other actions.[39] However, the Belize Ministry of Human Development acknowledged that the impact of these changes was limited, and it is still unclear whether the plan will be renewed in the current decade.[40]

The creation of the Ministry of National Security’s WPS agenda demonstrates the political will to advance gender equality and the rights of women in Belize. Other efforts to improve the conditions of women are the regular publication of “Gender-Based Violence Statistics” through the Belize Crime Observatory and the Women and Family Support Department of the Ministry of Human Development, which works to “promote gender equality and equity” among its citizens.[41]

The National Women’s Commission acts as “a strategic advisory body to the Government of Belize on issues of gender.”[42] The Commission addresses threats and mistreatment a person may suffer when reporting gender violence. It has opened a virtual space for the person submitting the complaint to report any unprofessional behavior while filing the report.

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

As mentioned earlier, Belize’s National Security and Defense Strategy 2018-2021 states that gender equality is a strategic objective. In January 2022, the Government of Belize announced the beginning of stakeholder consultations for the National Security Strategy 2022-2027, which included the participation of members from the security forces, government, private sector, and civil society.[43] However, no further information about the 2022-2027 Strategy is publicly available online.

The Ministry of National Security’s WPS agenda (2020) aims to set the framework “to increase women’s participation in efforts to promote security, maintain peace, and prevent conflict.”[44] The Ministry has focused on recruiting and promoting more women, education, and training in sexual- and gender-based violence in security forces and implementing the WPS agenda.

The Women’s Department of Belize released a handbook in 2012 on sexual violence, which presented definitions, response protocols, risk reduction actions, and other relevant information regarding sexual violence.[45]

Gender in the Ranks

The Belize Police Force has over 500 female police officers. Currently, 25% of police officers serving are women.[46] In March 2023, the BPF held a ceremony celebrating the promotion of 62 female police officers to positions ranging from constable to senior superintendent.[47]

In contrast, just over 90 female officers in the Belize Defence Force (BDF) are women and constitute only 6% of the total number of BDF officers.[48] There have been allegations of assault in the military, though the BDF maintains a zero-tolerance policy towards sexual harassment and assault. Progress is evident in the 2023 officer selection board decisions, where five of the ten recruits are women. Five women recruits are in officer training programs in the United States and will be commissioned as second lieutenants in the BDF.[49] All positions in the Belize military and police forces are open to women.

No data were available on the appointment and training of Gender Advisor and Gender Focal Points in the military or police forces.

Training and Education

Members of the BPF and BDF have access to training and education opportunities on gender mainstreaming and GBV. Members of the BDF also participate in region-wide WPS training to encourage more effective gender integration in the military.[50]

Work Environment

According to the Belize Labour Act, women receive fourteen weeks of maternity leave in any public or private industrial or commercial undertaking and every branch of government.[51] The law does not provide for paternity leave or parental leave.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

In February 2022, the Ministry of National Defence and Border Security and the Ministry of Home Affairs and New Growth Industries established the Joint Sexual Violence Prevention and Response (JSVPR) Programme for the security forces that will provide response services when sexual assault occurs within the Belize security forces.[52]

In 2019, the Belize organization Our Circle, a national organization that supports family units formed by LGBTQ+ persons, received funding to address gender and diversity issues in the Belize Defence Force and to conduct “a review of welfare policies which already exist not only from a gender equality perspective but also a sexual orientation and gender identity approach.”[53] Part of the initiative involved training a cohort of peer educators to provide training in the ranks and work to ensure the BDF has the guidance and data to ensure a safe environment for all service members. Although there is no more information on the advancement of this project, it shows the collaboration between civil society organizations, a regional non-governmental organization, and the security forces in Belize.

Monitoring and Evaluation

The Belize Crime Observatory collects sex-disaggregated data on gender-based violence.[54] This information is publicly available online, making it possible to observe the trends of gender violence in Belize and assist policymakers in creating more effective policies and strategies against this phenomenon.

Recommendations

For the Belize Government:

  • Adopt a WPS National Action Plan (NAP) based on the new Women, Peace, and Security Agenda and following the National-Gender Based Violence Plan of Action;
  • Update the National Gender-based Violence Plan of Action of 2010 to meet current and updated goals and strategies to achieve them;
  • Update the Revised National Gender Policy of 2013, upload it on their official publications, and give maintenance to the webpage to access information. 

For the Belize Defense Force:

  • Evaluate strategies to increase the number of female recruits and address gaps in institutional policies and practices (e.g., family leave, childcare, sexual harassment policies, promotion opportunities) that often impact the recruitment of women and their decision to remain in the force;
  • Evaluate sexual harassment and sexual exploitation and abuse programming for protecting military personnel within the ranks and make the data publicly available;
  • Deploy trained Gender Advisors or Gender Focal Point officers;
  • Ensure sex-disaggregated data is collected, analyzed, and made publicly available;
  • Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation.

For the Belize Police Force:

  • Consider appointing a Gender Advisor and Gender Focal Point officer;
  • Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the ranks are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for all law enforcement officers;
  • Collect sex-disaggregated data and make the data publicly available;
  • Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation.

Bolivia – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Bolivia does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

While Bolivia does not have an official NAP, it has made significant strides to advance the WPS agenda and develop comprehensive strategies to address the challenges faced by women in the country. The government’s commitment to gender equality and gender mainstreaming is reflected in its declaration of  2022 as the “Year of the Cultural Revolution to Dismantle Patriarchy for a Life Free from Violence Against Women.” National institutions and mechanisms have been established to support women in the ranks and counter discrimination, gender harassment, and gender-based violence (GBV). More attention is needed in establishing work-life integration policies for security institutions, such as maternity and paternity leave and family leave. The military and national police forces have comprehensive monitoring and evaluation tools to assess progress in gender equality initiatives and programs. Nevertheless, developing an official WPS NAP could solidify Bolivia’s standing as a progressive regional leader, driving positive change and fostering greater gender equality and security.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Bolivia is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Bolivia signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment and is a signatory of the American Convention on Human Rights “Pact of San José, Costa Rica.”

At the national level, Bolivia’s constitution, adopted in 2009, recognizes women’s rights and promotes gender equality. Article 8, Section 15 obligates the state to take all necessary measures to prevent and eliminate GBV and designates power to the president to create ministries and enact laws that promote gender equality.[55] In January 2022, after conducting years of analysis on the factors contributing to gender inequality, the Bolivian government announced that 2022 would be the “Year of the Cultural Revolution to Dismantle Patriarchy for a Life Free from Violence Against Women.”[56] The government followed up with comprehensive laws to criminalize various forms of GBV and the provision of services for women and girls who are victims of domestic and intimate partner violence, rape and sexual assault, sexual harassment, and femicide.”[57][58]

Foreign policy documents, including the Bolivia Foreign Policy Plan and the Plan for Economic and Social Development 2021-2025, also support the government’s policy of dismantling patriarchy and call for strengthening regulatory frameworks to address and dismantle the structural causes of violence against women.[59] 

Finally, the country has established institutions and mechanisms to promote gender equality and women’s rights:

  • The Ministry of Justice and Institutional Transparency has a Directorate of Gender Equality (Dirección de Igualdad de Género) that is responsible for coordinating and implementing policies and programs related to gender equality, the promotion of women’s rights, and the elimination of gender-based discrimination;
  • The National Council of Women is under the Ministry of Justice and Institutional Transparency. It advises the government on policies and strategies to promote gender equality and women’s rights. The Council brings together representatives from government agencies, civil society organizations, and women’s rights advocates to ensure cohesion and proper implementation;[60]
  • The “Multisectoral Plan to Dismantle Patriarchy and Promote Women’s Right to Practice the Right Way of Living” also advocates for women’s rights by implementing policies and coordinating initiatives.[61]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Several policies are in place that testify to the political commitment of the military to implement WPS principles. TheStrategic Plan to Dismantle Patriarchy and the Prevention of Violence Against Women” identifies the military and police as principal actors in preventing violence against women and advancing gender equality.[62]

Gender in the Ranks

The most recent Institutional Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Defense 2016-2020 cited goals and quotas to increase the participation of women in all ranks of the Bolivian armed forces. The government has worked closely with UN Women and the Bolivian Ministry of Justice to recruit more women.[63] The government set a goal of increasing the number of women in the armed forces to 8.65% by 2020.[64] This goal was surpassed; as of 2021, women accounted for an estimated 10% of the armed forces.[65]Current projections estimate that by 2025, women will make up 11.7% of the total military force, though that number will likely be higher due to these efforts.[66] Women in Bolivian security forces face other challenges as well, including corruption, abuse of power, and mistreatment of women officers by their male counterparts.[67]

In terms of the Bolivian Police Corps (PNB), women comprise 16.25% of officers. The PNB likewise does not have official policies linked to the WPS agenda. However, as part of the government’s plan to dismantle patriarchy, the PNB was identified as a leading actor in combatting GBV and violence against women. According to the Strategic Institutional Plan for Bolivian Police 2016-2020, a strategic objective is to equip police with training, equipment, and infrastructure to protect women from violence.[68]

For the armed forces and the police, all positions of all ranks are open to women, and the principles of WPS, though not specified as such, are integrated into military programming, strategy, and planning.

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

According to publicly available documents, GENADs are currently serving in the PNB. They are fully trained and serve at senior levels. Information on whether the Bolivian armed forces retain GENADs or Gender Focal Points (GFPs) was unavailable.

Training, Education, and Exercises

In adhering to the government’s overall strategy of decolonization and dismantling patriarchy, the armed forces and national police receive specialized training and education on these principles. According to government sources, 4,240 armed service members received specialized training with “a focus on decolonization, dismantling patriarchy, and the fight against racism and discrimination.”[69] Various police units received specialized training on best practices for addressing gender-based violence and crimes against women and combatting human trafficking, which disproportionately affects women and girls.[70]   

Work Environment

The Ministry of Defense instituted a Gender Equity program to prevent GBV, raise awareness of the issue, and encourage more women to consider careers in the military and defense institutions. This program allows for the gradual increase of women in military service and has created a more equitable work environment for women.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

In 2016, the Ministry of Defense established several mechanisms, measures, and policies to ensure the recruitment and retention of women in the armed forces. These included a series of anti-harassment protocols in the workplace, manuals for gender units, and an inspection guide to ensure proper implementation.

Despite progress, there are documented cases of gender violence and discrimination in the military. Between 2019 and 2021, the General Directorate of Human Rights and Intercultural Affairs in the Armed Forces received 340 cases of violations of human rights and gender violence and discrimination. According to the most recent publicly available information, 168 patients were registered in 2019, 91 in 2020, and 81 in 2021. The reduction by year in the number of complaints by women is likely attributable to the implementation of Law 348 (called “the law that grants women a life free of violence”)[71] and various gender initiatives by the armed forces, which establishes four ways to report harassment: complainants can report directly to the Ministry of Defense, Force Commanders, the supervisor in their unit, or a designated person in their larger military unit. Under these initiatives, victims receive psychological, legal, medical, and social work support and are encouraged to report their complaints to the Public Ministry and Special Force to Combat Violence.[72] 

Women police officers in Bolivia likewise face sexism, harassment, and abuse by male colleagues. Women make up an estimated 16.25%, or 6,500, of the 40,000-person police force and have, historically, been undervalued. Recognizing this problem, the Ministry of Government launched the “Mujer Policia y FELCV Digna” program in 2021, spearheaded by Lt. Colonel Jannet Montecinos.[73] The program aims to investigate complaints of sexism and verbal or physical harassment against women police officers by their colleagues.[74]

Family Policies

Bolivia has maternity and family leave policies for women and men. Women are entitled to 90 days of maternity leave, broken down into 45 days before the expected due date and 45 days after the child’s birth. Men receive three days of paid paternity leave. There are no provisions for parental leave.[75]

Equipment and Facilities

Information about equipment and facilities for women in security forces is not publicly available.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

Despite the absence of a WPS NAP, the Bolivian armed forces and the national police have developed comprehensive tools for monitoring the success of various gender equality initiatives and programs. The Gender Council, established by the Ministry of Defense, developed measures and mechanisms to evaluate gender equality progress, both in the rate of women graduating from Bolivia’s Military College and in the recruitment and promotion of women in the military. GENADs serve in the police force under Lt Colonel Montecinos to monitor and evaluate the “Mujer Policia y FELCV Digna” program and identify gaps in implementing gender equality principles.[76]

Recommendations

For the Government of Bolivia:

  • Adopt a robust WPS NAP that aligns with national gender plans and policies and engage with civil society actors, women’s rights groups, and other key stakeholders throughout the NAP development process;
  • Adequately fund sexual and gender-based violence training in security forces;
  • Incorporate gender-responsive budgeting to track progress in training, programming, and institutional capacity building related to gender mainstreaming goals in the security forces;
  • Evaluate institutional policies and practices (e.g., family leave, childcare, promotion opportunities, hostile work environment) that work to recruit, promote, and thus retain women in the military and police forces.

For the Armed Forces of Bolivia:

  • Clarify and adequately resource maternity, paternity, and family leave policies specific to the armed forces and police;
  • Appoint GENADs and GFPs to support leadership and staff, provide technical expertise, and ensure effective implementation of gender mainstreaming in security institutions;
  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data and integrate it into the monitoring and evaluation process to encourage goals of increasing women’s participation in security fields;
  • Mandate gender-sensitive, GBV, and anti-harassment training for service members in all ranks.

For the Bolivian Police Corps:

  • Provide adequate support and resources to conduct gender-sensitive, GBV, and anti-harassment training for police officers in all grades;
  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data and goals and integrate them into the monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation;
  • Revise institutional policies and practices that will improve the recruitment, promotion, and thus retention of women in the police force.

Dominica – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Dominica does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Despite electing the first woman Prime Minister in the Caribbean in 1980, Dominica faces challenges in direction and transparency to implementing gender mainstreaming initiatives in its government and the Commonwealth of Dominica Police Force (CDPF). Dominica has no military forces, though it is a member of the Regional Security System (RSS), a regional security alliance in the Caribbean. Given the scarcity of publicly available information and data in regional and international bodies before 2022, it is unclear whether the Dominican government is committed to adopting a NAP.

Regarding gender equality at the civil society level, Dominica established the Bureau of Gender Affairs to build partnerships for gender-related programming. Dominica has adopted a National Gender Policy, but little public information is available to evaluate programmatic initiatives and their effectiveness, including whether such programming extends into the CDPF. Dominica’s commitment to adopting the WPS agenda and its principles is thus an open question, but there is much room for improvement. The government should be encouraged to commit the political will and the necessary resources to adopt legal measures and policies to advance gender equality and the WPS principles in the security forces.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Dominica is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) though not the Optional Protocol to CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, gender equality is mentioned twice in the national constitution of Dominica, which was revised and updated in 2014.[77] Few domestic or foreign policy documents are made publicly available. There is no mention of WPS or women’s security more broadly in official national or foreign policy documents made publicly available.

The primary government ministry that works on issues of gender is the Bureau of Gender Affairs, which develops partnerships for gender-related programming within civil society.[78] No documents made publicly available by the Bureau identify the national police as actors or collaborators in gender equality initiatives or in gender-based violence (GBV) prevention programs. The Bureau is the primary governmental partner executing Dominica’s 2006 National Policy and Action Plan for Gender Equity and Equality in the Commonwealth of Dominica (NPAP).This plan signaled the government’s shift in focus from “women’s empowerment” to “gender equality.”[79] The document further outlines that the Bureau has the responsibility to institutionalize gender mainstreaming, develop gender-responsive policies, and ensure policy implementation at various government agencies.[80]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Following the NPAP adoption, Dominica’s government adopted the National Gender Policy in 2006, which promotes gender equality, sustainable development, and social justice.[81] Little information about recent initiatives or programming is made publicly available, though this does not necessarily indicate the absence of efforts to fulfill the National Gender Policy. There is some indication that the Bureau of Gender Affairs is active though struggles to implement gender mainstreaming across ministries and government agencies because of a lack of resources.[82] 

Nevertheless, recent data that would aid in understanding strategies, plans, or practices related to gender equality in civil society and in institutions such as the national police are unavailable, as Dominica does not regularly report on gender-related data to the same degree as other countries in the Latin American and Caribbean region.

Gender in the Ranks

The Commonwealth of Dominica Police Force (CDPF) website states that the force has 444 active personnel.[83] The Dominica police force is recruiting women and expects to increase its forces above 500 police officers. In 2021, it recruited 14 females out of 53 recruits (26%), and in 2022, the Dominican police inducted 51 new trainees, 25% of whom (13) were women.[84] Dominica has no military forces.

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

No current data were available.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The Bureau of Gender Affairs conducted police training on gender sensitization and analysis and gender violence and human rights training.[85]

Work Environment

Women in the Dominican police force continue to struggle on many fronts. Despite progress over the past decades—by 2016, women constituted 12% of the police force and served in every police department—promotional opportunities are limited and tend to favor men, women have less managerial support and little to no female mentors, and institutional sexism remains an ongoing concern.[86]

Success will depend on the leadership’s capacity to change policy and practice—by integrating gender mainstreaming and WPS principles in central directives and guidance documents, promotions to leadership ranks, training and education opportunities, and creating a positive climate and environment of trust and respect for all officers.

Family Policies

In Dominica, women  are entitled to receive 14 weeks of paid maternity leave. Men receive two days paternity leave. There is no legal requirement for parental leave.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

Dominica has not adopted legal protections against sexual harassment. Incidents of sexual harassment are addressed–though not adequately–via the Sexual Offences Act. The Act is currently under review and will reportedly be revised to respond to sexual harassment cases fully.[87] No information is publicly available to identify whether the national police force has or enforces anti-harassment or abuse policies. Domestic laws that criminalize rape (including spousal rape) of men and women exist.[88] However, no sexual harassment legislation allows for civil remedies or criminal penalties for harassment in the workplace, schools, or public spaces.[89]

Equipment and Facilities

No information is publicly available.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

No information is publicly available.

Recommendations:

The Dominican government should act to build a comprehensive strategy to integrate gender equality and the principles outlined in the WPS agenda across government and society and commit the political and financial resources to sustain it.

For the Government of Dominica:

  • Develop a WPS NAP to identify priorities, responsibilities, and resources to advance gender equality and women’s full participation and advancement in the security sector;
  • Ensure adequate budgeting and staffing for the country’s Bureau of Gender Affairs to allow for effective gender mainstreaming in government institutions, policies, and practices;
  • Collect gender-disaggregated data relating to gender equality indicators, including violence against women and girls, and regularly publish the results;
  • Implement a monitoring and evaluation mechanism that is independent, transparent, and includes civil society in every stage of the process;
  • Regularly participate in voluntary national reviews as part of UN conventions on women’s rights and work with UN committees to promote gender equality programming. 

For the Commonwealth Dominica Police Force:

  • Develop strategies and policies to recruit, train, and promote increased women’s participation within the police force;
  • Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the force are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for all law enforcement officers;
  • Ensure sex-disaggregated data is collected, analyzed, and made publicly available;
  • Engage with government agencies, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders to ensure transparency and adequate monitoring, evaluation, and reporting in gender mainstreaming initiatives to meet local community concerns.

El Salvador – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

El Salvador adopted its first WPS NAP in 2017 (2017-2022), developed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Salvadoran Institute for the Development of Women, and the Implementation Committee and Technical Monitoring Committee.[90] In March 2022, El Salvador presented its biannual National Action Plan: Women, Peace, and Security 2022-2024 (Mujeres, paz y seguridad 2022-2024)to strengthen further the implementation of the WPS agenda in the country.[91] 

Overall Assessment

El Salvador’s 2017-2022 NAP outlined a series of indicators and objectives and has established a biannual WPS National Action Plan (NAP) for 2022-2024. Alongside several other documents related to gender, El Salvador shows strong signs of prioritizing the implementation of WPS principles, which speaks to the political will demonstrated by the country. Institutionally, the security sector leadership signaled its commitment to gender mainstreaming and implementing WPS principles by appointing Gender Advisors (GENADs) to serve in the El Salvadoran military and police forces.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, El Salvador is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) though not the Optional Protocol to CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, El Salvador’s foreign policy includes gender equalityas one of its main pillars, and the government has developed policies that support actionable programs.[92] The Salvadoran Institute for the Development of Women (Instituto Salvadoreño para el Desarrollo de la Mujer, or ISDEMU) is the most important national gender institution. It is a significant actor responsible for formulating, executing, and monitoring compliance with the National Policy for Women, promoting legislative initiatives on women’s issues, and championing the participation of civil society, women’s organizations, and local communities in their work.[93]

In 2017, the National Civil Police of El Salvador (PNC) adopted an implementation plan that engages all government agencies in meeting WPS objectives.[94] Documentation indicates that the government is prepared to allocate resources and personnel towards WPS implementation, supported by a GENAD and an additional budget allotment.[95] El Salvador’s government website, where most information about its policies is publicly available, reflects the government’s commitment to transparency.

For the Armed Forces of El Salvador, the National Action Plan 2017-2022 supports the active participation of women in the armed forces and calls on the government to increase the number of women serving and integrate a gender perspective in institutional structures. It also obliges the government to educate and contribute to gender training in the national police and the armed forces.[96]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The principles of WPS are mentioned in key security documents. The Institutional Policy for Gender Equality in the Justice and Public Security Sector 2018-2027 establishes lines of action to increase gender equality.[97] The Operation Manual of the Armed Forces contains sections on gender violence and gender equality.[98] These documents also note the responsibility to protect vulnerable persons (women and children). Before adopting its first WPS NAP, the El Salvadoran government passed the “2011 Special Comprehensive Law for a Life Free of Violence for Women,” guaranteeing institutional responsibility to protect.[99]

Gender in the Ranks

In July of 2021, the El Salvadoran government announced the addition of 1046 new members  (857 men and 189 women) to the military forces.[100] With the 2021 addition, the army now stands at 20,100 members. The government aims for a goal of 40,000 members by 2026.[101]  It is unclear whether the government has set a goal for the gender composition of this force.[102]

The gender distribution in the National Police is as follows:[103]

 WomenMen% Women
Administration1,6024,25627.35
Operative3,16919,24114.14

The gender distribution in rank within the National Police is as follows:

 WomenMen% Women
Commissioner2011614.71
Sub Commissioner1611612.12
Inspector Chief5935.10
Inspectors141618.00
Sub Inspector525448.72
Sergeant10414976.50

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

In 2015, the El Salvadoran armed forces created an Institutional Gender Unit (UGI) equivalent to a GENAD. The responsibilities of this unit and its Focal Points are laid out in the Operation Manual  published in 2021.[104]  The head of the gender unit in the El Salvador police force, Coralia Elizabeth Cuellar, received special gender training before her appointment.[105]

Training, Education, and Exercises

The education and training material of the police at the junior-, mid-, and senior levels have integrated WPS principles.[106] Police personnel receive special training on the protection of vulnerable persons from sexual violence and exploitation. Pre-deployment, they receive training on the protection of the rights of vulnerable persons, cultural awareness, gender perspective, the regards of international law, and specific gender norms in the operational area.

Anti-harassment and Abuse Policies

In terms of anti-harassment and abuse policies within the security forces, there is a code of conduct but no sexual harassment or sexual exploitation prevention program.

Work Environment

The work environment and labor rights, such as maternity leave, are regulated by legal requirements observed in labor legislation.[107] In El Salvador, a woman is entitled to 16 weeks of paid maternity leave. Men receive three days of paternity leave at 100% of regular pay.[108] There are also family leave policies for the military and human resource policies for the National Police.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

Government institutional indicators have been used for transparency and to identify areas for improvement.[109] Each institution has its transparency site that publishes constant updates, changes, and notes on the status of different task areas and ministerial documents. Likewise, civil society organizations participate in WPS reviews, including the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), working alongside the national police to evaluate the professional level of the institution, its reach, and its budget based on statistical analysis.[110]

The PNC collects sex-disaggregated data mainly for transparency, which are publicly available in the Police Management Results Report (Informe de resultados de la gestión policial).[111]

Recommendations

For the Government of El Salvador:

  • Engage with civil society organizations to adopt the second iteration of the national WPS NAP;
  • Restore adequate funding from the general budget for programs advancing gender equality and the WPS agenda;
  • Continue training on gender-based and WPS principles for the military and the national police;
  • Make results of sex-disaggregated data available to the public.

For the National Civil Police of El Salvador:

  • Explicitly prohibit sexual harassment, exploitation, and assault in the National Police Code of Conduct;
  • Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the ranks are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for all law enforcement officers;
  • Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation.

For the Armed Forces of El Salvador:

  • Draft and adopt a gender implementation plan and incorporate inclusive language in institutional policy, manuals, protocols, and directives;
  • Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the ranks are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for service members at all ranks;
  • Address gaps in institutional policies and practices, such as promotion policies, that can adversely affect the recruitment and retention of women in the military;
  • Include more information on pre-deployment training on WPS towards the military in documents made available on the government’s transparency portal.

Grenada – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Grenada does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Though lacking a WPS NAP, Grenada demonstrates a strong political commitment to the principles of gender equality. Various government policy documents, the creation and maintenance of offices that support women’s inclusion, and Grenada’s frequent participation in regional and international gender and human rights reviews are evidence of national and political will to implement WPS principles. Grenada has taken proactive measures by developing multiple strategies and plans to address these areas of improvement. Grenada published a Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) 2014-2024 and the Domestic Violence Act of 2010. Grenada’s strengths are its political commitments to advancing gender equality, addressing violence against women and girls at all levels of society, identifying strategic domestic and international partners to achieve these commitments and its overall transparency and active engagement in regional and international gender and human rights assessments. Nevertheless, high levels of violence against women and charges of sexual harassment and assault in the national police force indicate that more can be done.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Grenada is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Grenada signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

Grenada was one of only 45 countries that chose to participate in the Voluntary National Review process for the United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (2022). The review document proposed several action plans prioritizing SDG goals, including Goal 5: Gender Equality.[112] Grenada also developed a comprehensive national review in 2019 tracking the progress of implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, which highlighted priorities, achievements, and challenges in implementing gender equality fully.[113]

At the national level, the government of Grenada has also enacted several laws and regulations that promote gender equality and protect women’s rights.[114] The Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) 2014-2024 is a comprehensive framework that emphasizes increasing women’s participation and leadership at all levels of decision-making, gender-sensitive training in the public and private sectors, and establishing a Gender Management System with monitoring and evaluation procedures and Gender Focal Points to coordinate and guide the process.[115] The country has also developed several concrete mechanisms in government ministries, including the Gender-based Violence Unit in the Division of Gender and Family Affairs, formerly the Domestic Violence Unit.[116]

Rates of violence against women remain high in Grenada and are of particular concern for government agencies. In the past decade, several protocols were implemented to reduce violence against women and girls, including the National Domestic Violence and Sexual Abuse Protocol and the Strategic Action Plan to Reduce GBV. [117] On June 28, 2023, the Grenada government announced the establishment of a digital platform designed to collect and analyze data on gender-based violence to inform and support better decision outcomes.[118]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Police exercises, operations, and activities reference the principles of WPS and gender equality.[119] Grenada does not have a standing military force, though it is a member of the Regional Security System (RSS), a regional security alliance in the Caribbean. Nevertheless, the government has prioritized the strengthening of WPS principles and addressing women’s security, including combating human trafficking, addressing violence against women, and developing policies to address climate crises.[120]

Like many other countries in the Caribbean, Grenada has experienced grave impacts of climate change, particularly drastic changes in rain patterns, warming ocean temperatures, a rise in sea levels, and an intensification of hurricanes and tropical storms. These effects have impacted nearly every sector of the country, with women and girls bearing the brunt of climate crises and disasters. Grenada has taken a proactive role in examining the gendered impacts of climate change and developing gender-responsive disaster recovery.

GEPAP, the National Climate Change Policy, 2017-2021, and the National Climate Change Adaptation Plan (NAP) for Grenada, Carriacou, and Petite Martinique each signal a significant shift in how Caribbean countries view the implementation of the WPS agenda.[121] These national action plans will mainstream gender in traditionally underrepresented sectors and will build the resilience of communities to disasters, assist communities in adapting to adverse impacts of climate change, and support the creation of a green economy.[122] Future iterations of national action plans in the region will likely prioritize climate change as a significant security risk rather than as a traditional security indicator. 

Gender in the Ranks (Police)

The Royal Grenada Police Force currently has 940 officers, with 130 positions (13.8%) held by women—a number that has not substantially changed since 2012. Reportedly, the RGPF has 318 rank officers, which includes front-line supervisors, middle and senior managers, and executives.[123] All positions are open to women in the Royal Grenada Police Force, although women report that there are cultural and institutional limitations to service, including gender-based discrimination and harassment of female officers.[124]

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

The Grenada government has appointed Gender Focal Points (GFPs), and an Inter-Ministerial Council of Gender Focal Points was launched in 2019. Many of Grenada’s national gender plans and policies have created GFP positions to identify and implement gender-responsive interventions. The GEPAP provides a description of GFPs and a detailed list of responsibilities, such as promoting gender mainstreaming, providing gender analyses, and collecting, analyzing, and disseminating gender-disaggregated statistics.[125]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

In recent years, troubling reports have emerged of sexual harassment and abuse by male police officers against women police officers in the Royal Grenada Police Force. These allegations have emerged from junior officers alleging harassment and abuse by senior or superior-ranking officers.[126] The official Police Act does require anti-harassment or abuse policies or training in the police force. However, in May 2022, the RGPF passed a new “zero-tolerance” harassment policy to address growing concerns over harassment within the RGPF.[127] The sexual harassment policy was printed in the Grenada media as a public service, which outlined what constitutes sexual harassment, the procedure for submitting complaints, and disciplinary measures as prescribed by the Police Act, among other details.[128]

Training, Education, and Exercises

According to government documents, police officers receive gender-sensitive training.[129] The 2022 sexual harassment policy states that all RGPF members will receive sexual harassment training upon entry into the police force and through annual refresher courses and that the RGPF will conduct regular data collection and monitoring and evaluation of the policy.[130]

Work Environment

Policies regarding maternity and family leave in the Grenada Royal Police Force have not been made publicly available; however, all women employees in Grenada receive a minimum three-month maternity and family leave.[131] Paternity leave is not provided.

Specific equipment, including properly fitting uniforms, is provided to women officers of the Royal Grenada Police Force, as required by the official Police Act.[132] There is no publicly available information on gender-specific facilities. 

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

While not specific to the WPS agenda, several monitoring and evaluation mechanisms have been developed and expanded to assess the progress of various laws, institutions, and other entities that work toward gender equality. The first and largest of these mechanisms is the National Machinery for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in the Division of Gender and Family Affairs of the Ministry of Social Development, Housing, and Community Empowerment (herein: Gender Machinery).[133] The Gender Machinery oversees the monitoring and evaluation of gender equality principles, develops plans for gender mainstreaming in all levels of society, and oversees the Inter-Ministerial Council of Gender Focal Points. This Council serves as another critical mechanism to achieve gender parity. The role of these Gender Focal Points is to promote, facilitate, and monitor gender responsiveness in their ministries, departments and statutory bodies, and the sectors in which they operate.[134]

The GEPAP provides a guide for identifying gender-responsive interventions and monitoring their implementation. Gender mainstreaming is the primary strategy for implementing the GEPAP, and to date, the Inter-Ministerial Council of Gender Focal Points has hired 30 Gender Focal Points (25 females and five males) and 23 alternates (17 females and six males) to represent various ministries, departments, and selected statutory bodies.[135] Gender will be mainstreamed in disaster management, climate change, and natural resource development.

The government works directly with civil society organizations to participate in voluntary country reviews and implement strategies to advance its various goals. According to the 2022 Voluntary Review of the SDGs, “progress towards our national goals and the SDGs require a whole-of-society approach, inclusive of Government Agencies, Civil Society, the Private Sector and the Grenadian citizens.’”[136] Moreover, Grenada’s first-ever long-term National Sustainable Development Plan (NSDP) 2020-2035, was drafted with input from several civil society stakeholders and its citizens, and many of Grenada’s other NAPs offer opportunities for civil society engagement. The level of transparency demonstrated by the government of Grenada and its willingness to engage directly with civil society and regional and international bodies in promoting gender equality is commendable.

Recommendations

At the national level, Grenada demonstrates significant commitment towards achieving gender equality and including women and civil society groups in implementing the principles of the WPS agenda. It remains committed to eliminating violence against women, advancing women’s engagement in government, and understanding and mitigating the effects of climate change on women and girls. However, the Royal Grenada Police Force, with the government’s support, should improve its commitment to gender equality as part of the WPS agenda and consider gender equality as central to its mission.

For the Government of Grenada:

  • Adopt a WPS NAP, aligning with national plans, frameworks, and policies, and engage with key stakeholders and local communities to advance in integrating gender equality and WPS principles in Grenada and its security forces;
  • Direct the national police to amend its gender strategy and policies in response to existing sexual harassment charges to eliminate hostile work environment discrimination, in coordination with Gender Focal Points, the Gender Machinery, and other relevant government ministries;
  • Continue to review gender-sensitive policies and training designed to prevent sexual harassment, abuse, or gender discrimination;
  • Commit the funding and staff to support the collection of sex-disaggregated data.

For the Royal Grenada Police Force:

  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on the number of women in the Royal Grenada Police Force and their ranks and positions;
  • Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation system to ensure effective implementation of gender integration and mainstreaming policies;
  • Evaluate the effectiveness of sexual harassment training and ensure that annual refresher courses continue.

Guyana – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status 

Guyana does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

In recent years, Guyana has become a nation that reflects a growing commitment to advancing gender equality and WPS principles in its institutions, policies, and practices. Efforts on several fronts have advanced the WPS agenda, including expanding the promotion, placement, hiring, and integration of women into the Guyana Defense Force (GDF) and the Guyana Police Force (GPF) and developing local and regional partnerships to ensure full implementation of the WPS agenda. Nevertheless, issues revolving around gender stereotyping and sexual harassment in security forces persist, despite regular training on the topic. Future action by security institutions should reinforce the need to respond to gender-based violence and address discrimination against women in the police and defense forces.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Guyana is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Guyana signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

Through its national laws and regulations, the Guyanese government signaled its commitment to the principles of gender equality and WPS. One-third of political candidates in Guyanese elections must be women.[137] The Guyanese constitution prohibits sex- and gender-based discrimination, and women are expressly guaranteed equality under the law.[138] There is a Gender Affairs Bureau and Sexual Offenses and Domestic Violence Policy Unit under the Ministry of Human Services and Social Security.[139] The Ministry also provides leadership training for women interested in participating in local or national politics through the Guyana Women’s Leadership Institute. Guyana has participated in regional organizations, such as the OAS, to strengthen women’s political leadership and implement gender equality programming.[140]

Notably, the Guyana Defense Force (GDF) has shown its commitment to the WPS agenda through the development of relationships and partnerships with regional security actors, including USSOUTHCOM, USNORTHCOM, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the U.S. Department of Defense, affirming its commitment to implementing the principles of WPS. In August 2022, Guyana hosted the inaugural Caribbean Women, Peace, and Security Conference in Georgetown, Guyana.

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Over a decade ago, women in the GDF and the GPF faced rampant gender discrimination and barriers to recruitment and promotion. Previous GDF policies banned women from serving in the combat arm/front line units and sought to “significantly reduce [the] recruitment of women.” Additionally, women were subject to promotional repercussions if found to be pregnant or had had an abortion.[141]

However, the security landscape in Guyana is in transition. In recent years, under the guidance and leadership of GDF Chief of Staff Brigadier Godfrey Bess, the GDF has stepped forward to advocate for women’s rights and representation in the armed forces. Guyana’s leadership in implementing WPS principles can be attributed, in part, to the myriad of partnerships with local civil society organizations, regional governing and security bodies, and international agencies. These partnerships have aided the GDF’s gender mainstreaming efforts, predominantly through training and education programs. For example, Guyana co-hosted a 2021 workshop on WPS with the Florida National Guard, specifically focusing on improving operational effectiveness through gender mainstreaming and incorporating a gender perspective into peace and security efforts.[142] 

Gender in the Ranks

The GDF has approximately 4,150 service members.[143] Information on the percentage of female service members was unavailable. As of 2022, the highest-ranking woman currently serving in the GDF is a Lieutenant Colonel.[144] The current GDF leadership is committed to the full integration of women in the force and has moved to open more positions to women that were previously closed to them.[145] In terms of police officers, data on women in the GPF are unavailable. As of 2022, the highest-ranking woman serving in the GPF is a police commander.[146]

Training, Education, and Exercises

The GDF signaled its commitment to gender mainstreaming by opening up previously male-only military training and exercises to women. In 2022, Brigadier Bess ordered the integration and participation of servicewomen in the “infantry rifleman course,” later renamed to “infantry soldier course.” [147] Since then, servicewomen have access to the “Platoon Commanders Course,” which includes the following areas of study: skill-at-arms, drills, minor staff duties, open and close country warfare, internal security, method of instructions, leadership studies, military law, physical training, military service, information technology, and military ethics, among others.[148]

GDF and GPF forces received gender-responsive training in collaboration with regional partners. In recent years, women from the GDF and the GPF participated in WPS workshops developed by the U.S. Department of Defense. The Guyana Gender Affairs Bureau, in collaboration with the Women and Gender Equality Commission (WGEC), created a series of gender-responsive training and hired several Inter-Ministry Gender Focal Points for gender planning and mainstreaming for all sectors of society.

The GPF lags behind the GDF in implementing the WPS agenda. However, the GPF has taken actionable steps to increase women’s representation over the past few years by integrating a gender perspective into police practices. Like the GDF, the GPF developed regional partnerships for collaboration on gender-sensitive training, including joint training conferences. In 2019, the GPF participated in the International Association of Women Police (IAWP) 57th Annual Training Conference, designed to strengthen the capacity of women in policing internationally.[149] Most recently, the Community Relations Department of the Guyana Police Force, the Diversity Committee of the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce and Industry, and the Women’s Chamber of Commerce hosted an inaugural Women in Law Enforcement Summit. The conference sought to address difficulties faced by female law enforcement officers.[150]

Work Environment

The GDF and the GPF have collaborated with regional partners to improve women’s work environments and gender mainstreaming policies from the top down. For example, following the 2021 WPS conference in Guyana, the GDF improved infrastructure, including restrooms and lodging facilities, to accommodate women and reduce possible health hazards.[151] In 2022, the GDF deployed their first rotation of women in border security missions, positions that had previously been reserved for men.[152] Since this policy change, 50% of border operations have included servicewomen.[153] GDF servicewomen are also receiving training as paratroopers, positions previously reserved for their male counterparts.[154] 

Additionally, GDF service women have access to childcare centers while at work, ensuring they retain their rank and remain eligible for promotions.[155] During the COVID-19 pandemic, police and army officers (among other frontline workers) received additional childcare assistance to support the financial burdens of the pandemic on families and parents. Women in Guyana are eligible for 13 weeks of maternity leave. The law does not provide for paternity leave.[156]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

Sexual harassment and assault are illegal under Guyanese law, though a 2017 USAID report noted that “one out of every six women reporting ha[d] experienced” some form of GBV.[157] Nevertheless, there is high-level support to address this persistent problem. The head of the GDF, Brigadier Bess, stated his firm commitment to providing a safe environment for all GDF employees and to have GDF members improve their knowledge of sexual harassment and assault.

To address violence against women, the Guyanese government created a National Task Force for the Prevention of Sexual Violence (NTFPSV) in 2010, focusing on combatting GBV nationwide, including domestic violence. Last year, the GPF partnered with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and Guyana’s Ministry of Human Services and Social Security to re-commence COPSQUAD2000, an initiative aimed at building the GPF’s capacity to respond adequately to GBV cases.[158] Likewise, the GDF works closely with civil society organizations to address GBV and sexual harassment both in and outside the GDF.[159]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

The GDF and the GPF work closely with civil society organizations, regional bodies, and international actors on projects related to gender mainstreaming, which provide avenues for monitoring and evaluation. 

Guyana does not report data regarding the gender makeup of the GDF or GPF.

Recommendations

For the Government of Guyana:

  • Engage with civil society and women’s organizations, among other stakeholders, to draft and implement a WPS NAP that enhances and supports government efforts to advance gender equality and WPS principles;
  • If not yet available, extend its commitment to comprehensive gender training by requiring police and defense personnel to complete regular gender sensitization/gender awareness training;
  • Encourage collaboration between the GDF, GPF, and the Department of Gender Affairs on policies for equitable treatment of female service members;
  • Publish and make publicly available all data and initiatives relating to gender representation and gender mainstreaming efforts.

For the Guyana Defense Force:

  • Create gender-sensitive recruitment practices that ensure equal opportunities for women regarding training, career progression, and promotion;
  • Appoint trained and qualified GENADs and GFPs into security forces;
  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in the GDF.

For the Guyana Police Force:

  • Create gender-sensitive recruitment practices that ensure equal opportunities for women regarding training, career progression, and promotion;
  • Make available sex-disaggregated data on women in national police forces and statistics relating to the gender makeup of active-duty officers and civilian employees;
  • Continue existing measures to combat gender-based violence in the police force

Haiti – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status 

Haiti does not have a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Haiti has significant work ahead to implement the WPS agenda effectively. Despite principles of gender equality present in the Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights (MCFDF), a national gender equality plan, and an action plan on violence against women, there are considerable gaps in translating the obligations in international and regional treaties and conventions to which Haiti is a signatory to legal and institutional arrangements at the national level. The cycles of instability and violence Haiti continues to experience have stunted efforts to integrate gender equality and WPS  principles into Haitian society and institutions generally and in its security forces in particular. Haitian civil society, human rights and women’s rights organizations, and the international community strive to construct the necessary frameworks to promote and protect women’s rights in conflict and post-conflict situations. Gender-based violence is both a driver and symptom of state insecurity. The Haitian government must commit the political will and resources and act to protect women, girls, and at-risk groups from all forms of violence in the current crisis.


National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Haiti is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Haiti signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has yet to sign the Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, the Haitian constitution provides women with several protections, including the right to equal working conditions, high-level educational access, and equality before the law. While Haiti does not have a NAP, it has adopted a Gender Equality Policy 2014-2034 (Politique D’Égalité Femmes Hommes).[160] Central national security documents do not directly mention the WPS agenda or its principles. Goals set in the Haitian constitution include a requirement for 30% female employment across all industries, especially public service.[161] This quota remains out of reach since Haiti has restrictive laws and fewer legal provisions supporting gender equality.

The Haitian government established the Haitian Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights (MCFDF) in 1994 (post-Beijing Conference) with the goals of developing gender representation in government and countering violence against women.[162] The ministry aided in the publication of the “Politique D’Egalite” in 2014, with textual implications for a subsequent report in the future. No such report was produced at the time of writing (June 2023), and the MCFDF lacks the political commitment from Haiti’s top leadership to carry out its mandate. The “Politique D’Egalite” represents a step towards action on WPS but does not provide many avenues for concrete action thus far. The report itself notes the gap between legislated equality for women and the practiced experiences of Haitian women.[163] A ten-year National Plan to Combat Gender-Based Violence was passed in 2017, helping establish an Office to Combat Violence Against Women and Girls. Again, serious gaps remain in legislation to protect women against sexual and gender-based violence.[164]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The Haitian government, through the Office of National Coordination of Women’s Affairs (CNAF), created an action plan to support female police officers, who currently compose 11.78% of the police force.[165] However, the CNAF’s plan to help female police officers has not yet been implemented. A GENAD was appointed by the Directorate General and assigned to the senior national police staff. There are 24 GFPs, distributed through ten departments and one base. Training is incomplete for an unknown number of them.

Gender in the Ranks (Police)

ServiceMenWomen% Women
National Police[166]12,351164913.35
National Police Senior Women 17 
Officers Deployed8,408921.09

The Haiti National Police (HNP) is the de facto security force in the country. It is severely understaffed and ill-equipped. Numbers of officers are in flux; resignations, dismissals, and deaths have led to varying estimates, given that the tally includes those individuals who died and who have left their posts.[167]

Regarding gender in the ranks, the HNP has failed to reach the Haitian constitutional requirement for 30% of positions on the force to be held by women, with only 11.78% of posts filled.[168] Furthermore, the ratio of women deployed to total deployment in security-related operations (92:8,500) is abnormally low relative to the number of women in the force (1,649:12,351), possibly indicating an internal reluctance to use women in security operations or a lack of training for female officers.[169] No explicit gender-based limitations on women’s participation in law enforcement exist. There is some expectation for growth in female representation in national police leadership in the coming years.[170]

The Haitian Armed Force was officially disbanded in 1995 following a period of military coups and was re-established in 2017. It plays a very limited role.[171] The army is not internationally recognized and, with no international standing, does not have official military-to-military contact with the U.S. military.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) assisted in integrating WPS principles into HNP training and Gender Focal Points (GFPs) appointed throughout the country.[172] Police service members receive training on protecting vulnerable populations from sexual exploitation and violence each time they conduct training. A 2022 report noted that police academy graduates received training in gender mainstreaming and gender-sensitive practices.[173] Civil society organizations, both national and international, also conduct gender training. 

Work Environment

Females in the formal sector receive 12 weeks of maternity leave (which does not meet the 14-week standard of the International Labor Organization). There is no paternity leave.[174] Expanding the length of paternity leave should be considered as it may correlate with lowered maternal mortality rates.[175] Women of all ranks have expressed concern over the lack of gender-appropriate uniforms and equipment and sex-separated housing or bathrooms.[176] The HNP overlooks women in the HNP both in deployment and promotion opportunities. The United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) and other international partners work with the HNP to recruit and promote more women, in line with objectives set out in the 2017-21 Haitian National Police Strategic Development Plan.[177]

 

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

Violence against women is a severe problem. Incidents of sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls continue to climb at an alarming rate. Women are regularly subjected to high levels of sexual harassment in the workplace and schools.[178] According to reports, legislative efforts to pass an anti-GBV law have failed, and a national GBV plan for 2017-2027 has not been implemented.[179] In terms of the HNP, documents used for police training purposes include notes on protecting vulnerable populations from sexual violence. There is currently a sexual abuse/exploitation/harassment program for National Police personnel provided by the CNAF.[180]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

The Haiti National Police Force does not have a monitoring and evaluation system. The police collect sex-disaggregated data; however, the processing system runs slowly due to a lack of budget and equipment. Data is collected and recorded by hand, though not publicly reported.[181]

Recommendations

The ongoing crises in Haiti have overwhelmed the capacity of the Haitian government and security forces to control the violence and deliver essential services to its citizens. The root causes of extreme violence have deeply gendered dimensions. Data consistently show that high levels of gender inequality between men and women more than double a country’s chances of being a fragile state. It is thus of utmost importance that the Haitian government make every effort to mainstream gender perspectives and the principles of the WPS agenda outlined in its four pillars (participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery) into policies, practices, and institutions in the Haitian police force. 

Recommendations

For the Government of Haiti:

  • Commit the political will to lead in advancing gender equality and the principles of the WPS agenda in its security force and institutions;
  • Increase financial support for the Haitian Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights;
  • Strengthen relationships with local communities, civil society, and human rights and women’s organizations to build workable and sustainable programs that support WPS principles and protect women, children, and at-risk populations.
  • Continue support for the CNAF’s plan to recruit and promote more female police officers;
  • Mandate sexual harassment and SGBV training in the Haitian National Police.

For the Haitian National Police:

  • Implement the CNAF’s plan to recruit and support female police officers and publish the details;
  • Open all positions in the HNP to women;
  • Complete Gender Focal Point training for GFPs who have not already completed the training;
  • Broaden the accessibility of training for women in the HNP and mandate gender-sensitive training (e.g., SGBV, sexual harassment prevention) for all police officers and force personnel;
  • Communicate a concrete goal for more equitable promotion policies and increase female representation in HNP leadership;
  • Encourage transparency by digitizing sex-disaggregated data on police operations and allow public access to the data outside of audits;
  • Provide uniforms and equipment fitted for female bodies.

Honduras – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Honduras has not developed a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Honduras’ international commitments to the WPS agenda are reflected in national legislation and the Plan of Gender Equality 2010-2022. However, the government’s efforts toward integrating WPS principles focus predominately on the National Police, and there is not enough public information regarding the Honduran military to evaluate progress in integrating gender equality and WPS principles in its institutions, policies, and practices. In short, WPS values have not fully landed in the Honduran national security institutions.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Honduras is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Honduras signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has yet to sign the Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which, in part, works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, support for gender equality and WPS principles is present in key national plans and documents. One plan with a focus on gender equality is the “National Women’s Policy: Gender Equality and Equity Plan of Honduras: 2010-2022” (Política Nacional de la Mujer. II Plan de Igualdad y Equidad de Género de Honduras 2010-2022).[182] A second plan is the “National Action Plan against Gender Violence 2014-2022” (Plan Nacional Contra la Violencia Hacia las Mujeres, 2014-2022).[183] It is relevant to observe that the time period in both documents expired in 2022, and no further updates have been reported at the time of writing. The National Action Plan Against Gender Violence also presents other documents and legislation related to the issue of gender equality.[184]

Additionally, Honduras established an Institute for Women (Instituto Nacional de la Mujer) as a department regarding women and gender equality.[185] Government concern regarding levels of sexual harassment influenced the decision to elevate the Institute for Women to a cabinet-level secretariat in March 2022. However, the Institute did not receive adequate funding levels, nor was there a commitment to provide adequate GBV-domestic violence training to police and other government agencies.[186]

The Gender Equality and Equity Plan references the police but does not specify the Honduras Ministry of Defense (MoD) as a principal actor. In 2016, the MoD created the Unit of Human Rights and Gender Equality and has aided in the creation of gender units for all the branches of the armed forces.[187] 

In terms of the Police Forces, Honduras has the “Organic Law of the Secretary of State in the Office of Security and the National Police of Honduras” (Ley Orgánica de la Secretaríade Estado en el Despacho de Seguridad y de la Policía Nacional de Honduras), which aims to promote professional opportunities for women and bans gender discrimination.[188]

With the appointment of a gender advisor (GENAD), there has also been budget and personnel allocated towards the WPS implementation.

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

WPS principles are integrated into major directives and guidance documents and referred to within the 2017 Ley Orgánica de la Secretaría de Estado en el Despacho de Seguridad y de la Policía Nacional de Honduras,whichexpresses anti-discrimination guidelines and equal opportunities for women.[189] Insufficient public data is available to determine whether WPS principles are integrated into military operational planning processes.

In regards to a gender advisor (GENAD) appointed for the military, there is the Directorate of Human Rights and Gender Equity (Dirección de Derechos Humanos y Equidad de Género) the MoD. There is also a gender advisor (GENAD) appointed to the national police with the police gender unit.

Gender in the Ranks

Publicly available information on numbers and rank in the military and police forces is unavailable.

A 2020 study on the Honduran civilian police force reported that as of 2017, the police force had 14,950 members. No sex-disaggregated data was available, but estimates were that women constituted 20% of the police force and 24% of new recruits in 2020.[190]

There is not enough publicly available information regarding whether all of the positions in the military are open to women. For the National Police, all policing jobs are open to women, including law enforcement special operations jobs and units.[191]

In terms of troop deployment, Honduras is one of only three countries in this study to contribute troops to UN peacekeeping operations. As of May 31, 2023, 11 male and 7 female members of the Honduras armed forces are deployed.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The Secretary of Security reported the existence of learning tools, including a Training Workshop for Gender Trainers and the Workshops on Gender Equality, available for the police and the citizens.[192] The amount of personnel trained is not recorded.

Within the MoD, a relevant educational effort was observed in 2022 when the Ministry began the editorial project “Incorporating Women in the Armed Forces” to highlight the role of women in the armed forces.[193] Recognizing the role of women is vital to encourage the next generations to join the Armed Forces of every country in the world, and is encouraged by the writers of this report.

There is evidence that the cadets get training in human rights during their courses, the CAMFFAA for the soldiers, the Combat Leader Course (LICOMB), the basic course (CIBFFAA), and the intermediate course (CIMFFAA).[194] However, there is not enough publicly available information specifically about gender training in Honduras’ MoD. In the case of the Police Forces, there are legal provisions that promote professional development opportunities for female police and bans against gender discrimination.[195]

Work Environment

The national law states that there are human resource policies for the military and the national police, as well as childcare and family leave available.  However, on average, maternity pay in Honduras is quite modest compared to the rest of Central America, with only 10 weeks provided; four before the due date and six after.[196]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

In regards to monitoring and reporting, there is a monthly report (Rendición de cuentas del sector público de Honduras, Secretaria de la Defensa Nacional), in addition to an evaluation by the Tribunal Superior de Cuentas.

It is also important to mention that there is no sex-disaggregated data made available regarding the monitoring and reporting of WPS principles. 

Recommendations

To further pursue WPS objectives, it is recommended that the Honduran government:

  • Draft and implement a WPS NAP and include specific objectives regarding gender equality in other governmental strategic plans.
  • Allow for more information on gender and WPS principles to be available to the public.
  • Mention and/or train military personnel towards the principles of WPS in important missions and pre-deployment operations.
  • Include women in the Armed Forces decision-making positions.
  • Make sure the budget goes directly towards training and education on the WPS principles, as well as the appointed GENAD.
  • Include mention of gender or women in the Functions of the Foreign Ministry of 2023 and the Defense Ministry as well.

Jamaica – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Jamaica does not have a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Jamaica shows real progress towards gender equality and WPS goals in its security forces. The Jamaican government adopted national policy frameworks on gender equality, worked towards increasing women in its security forces, and continued to address central issues related to important institutional policies and practices that support women’s advancement in its military and police forces, such as gender-based violence and sexual harassment prevention programs and addressing better work environment conditions. However, more can be done to address ongoing concerns about harassment in the security forces and to ensure that institutional policies support the continued advancement of women in the field of peace and security.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Jamaica is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Jamaica signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has yet to sign the Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment and is a signatory of the American Convention on Human Rights “Pact of San José, Costa Rica” (OAS).

At the national level, national security documents contain references to WPS principles, though mainly through a focus on work against GBV and sexual abuse.[197] The Jamaican Constitution prohibits gender-based discrimination.[198] Though Jamaica has yet to adopt an official WPS NAP, it has an active 10-Year National Action Plan to Eliminate Gender-Based Violence in Jamaica (2017-2027) focused on the elimination of GBV, led by the Ministry of National Security and the Ministry of Justice. It adopted a National Policy for Gender Equality in March 2011.[199] The Bureau of Gender Affairs resides in the National Ministry of Culture, Gender, Entertainment, and Sport.

On October 13, 2021, the Jamaican House of Representatives approved the Sexual Harassment Prevention and Protection Act (LPPAS) (also known as the Sexual Harassment Act) 2021, which covers employment-related sexual harassment issues in the workplace, schools, and other institutions.[200] The Jamaican government hired sexual harassment investigators and offered sensitization sessions for Jamaican businesses. The government agreed to hire gender focal points for various government offices. The Sexual Harassment Act went into effect on July 3, 2023.[201] 

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The Jamaica Defence Force (JDF), founded in 1962, is one of the largest military forces in the Caribbean, consisting of an infantry Regiment, Reserve Corps, Air Wing, and Coast Guard. Its primary duties include defending against aggression and internal civil unrest, restoring law and order, search and rescue, counter-narcotics operations, and humanitarian relief.[202]

Gender in the Ranks

Apart from the Jamaica Defense Reserve Force, the Regular Force has just over 2,500 officers and soldiers. Women constitute approximately 20% of the JDF.[203] The JDF continues its commitment to increasing women in its ranks; in 2022, the JDF inducted 58 females into the regular force out of 256 new members (22.4%).[204] As of July 2023, the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) comprised 12,300 officers. It continues to expand its force, with a target of 15,000 by the end of 2023. It accepted 1,300 recruits in 2021/2022 and signaled its intent to hire an additional 1,250 recruits in 2022/2023.[205] Data on the percentage of women police officers were unavailable.

GENADs and GFPs

There are established Gender Focal Points within the JDF and JCF. As part of The Sexual Harassment Act (2021), 18 Gender Focal Points were appointed to assist in mainstreaming gender in public-sector bodies.[206]

Training, Education, and Exercises

WPS principles are implemented in the training of junior-level personnel, but not in basic training.[207] The JDF has sponsored domestic violence prevention and intervention workshops for its personnel.[208] Mid-level military personnel must complete “fraternization/sexual policy” [sic] programming as part of the intermediate training.[209] Senior-level military personnel do not have to complete any WPS-adjacent training.[210] A major new outcome arising from the passage of the Sexual Harassment Act in 2021 is the development of a gender certification for the JDF, in keeping with the National Policy for Gender Equality.[211]

Work Environment

The JCF is currently in the process of undergoing significant changes to its structure. According to the Minister of National Security, these changes are part of a more substantial commitment to make necessary investments and build a strong organization. These commitments include improving the infrastructure of police precincts, providing adequate resources for recruiting and training 1,500 new applicants yearly, and training officers on how to adequately address gender-based violence, among other crimes.[212]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

In 2019, the JDF and JCF announced the creation of sexual harassment policies for their security forces. Specific guidelines were established, and broader definitions of what constituted vulnerable groups were included.[213] The JCF sexual harassment policy was subsequently published in a Jamaican newspaper.[214] 

The Jamaica Defence Force’s official policy is that “any form of sexual harassment, be it verbal or non-verbal, physical, written, visual or graphic, is unacceptable conduct, will not be tolerated, and will be punished severely.”[215] The JDF also has a policy prohibiting relationships between servicemembers (Personal Relationships and Fraternisation Policy).[216] In recent years, however, there have been numerous reports of sexual harassment and abuse by servicemen in the JDF.[217]

Family Policies

The Jamaican government provides women with three months paid maternity leave and 20 working days’ paternity and adoption leave with pay for fathers and adoptive parents.[218]

Equipment and Facilities

In 2019, the National Security Minister, Hon. Dr. Horace Chang, assured that the Government would invest in improving infrastructure at police stations to create facilities and working conditions suitable for men and women of the JCF.[219]As of 2023, the infrastructural updates, including bathrooms and barracks, have been completed.[220] The UN previously noted resource allocations for WPS implementation at the Jamaican Ministry of National Security, which has invested in policing infrastructure.[221] Regarding equipment, female JDF servicemembers receive appropriately fitted uniforms. Regarding uniform equipment, female JDF servicemembers receive appropriately fitted uniforms.

Monitoring and Evaluation

Jamaica’s National Policy for Gender Equality 2011 commits the Jamaican government to develop a monitoring and evaluation mechanism to collect and disseminate information to all stakeholders, including ministries and civil society. However, the results are not publicly available.[222]

Recommendations

For the Government of Jamaica:

  • Adopt a WPS NAP that complements national-level gender efforts to advance gender equality and gender mainstreaming in its security forces.
  • Continue to ensure that military and police personnel at every rank receive sexual harassment and abuse prevention and gender sensitivity training;
  • Commit to gender-responsive budgeting to track progress in training, programming, and instititonal capacity building related to gender mainstreaming goals in the security forces.

Recommendations for the Jamaica Defense Force:

  • Implement WPS principles into the basic training of military personnel at all ranks to improve gender mainstreaming and the integration of gender perspectives;
  • Assign GENADs and GFPs to senior military command level to improve gender considerations in strategic and logistical actions within the JDF;
  • Continue utilizing the Defense Board for the review of complaints related to sexual harassment and assault.
  • Commit to collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data to guide the monitoring and evaluation process and improve decision-making and resource allocation.

Recommendations for the Jamaica Constabulary Force:

  • Evaluate sexual harassment and GBV programming to address ongoing concerns of sexual harassment in the JCF;
  • Commit to collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data to guide the monitoring and evaluation process and improve decision-making and resource allocation;
  • Ensure personnel serving as Gender Focal Points are appropriately trained to support senior leadership in gender mainstreaming and advancing gender equality in the ranks.

Saint Kitts and Nevis – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status 

St. Kitts and Nevis does not have a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

St. Kitts and Nevis shows some political will but requires a more significant commitment to progress toward achieving gender equality and the principles of the WPS agenda. Institutionalized anti-female policies reflect significant cultural barriers towards integrating a gender perspective and balance into security conversations: departmental documents and messaging signal slow integration of women into security forces. Violence against women continues to be a severe and pervasive problem. There is a need to actively commit the political will and resources to integrate a gender perspective into domestic police and military forces to ensure comprehensive considerations of gender-related issues, specifically as they relate to all forms of gender-based violence.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, St. Kitts and Nevis is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the  Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, some advancement is evident. The St. Kitts and Nevis National Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) was launched in 2018 to provide the institutional framework to empower women and advance gender equality.[223] In early 2022, the government approved the St. Kitts and Nevis Gender Equality Policy and accompanying Action Plan.[224]

While the political will to advance policies that benefit women is evident, the requisite commitment to transform political will into actional policies is urgently needed. For example, the St. Kitts and Nevis military has made progress toward prohibiting sexual harassment, but no national-level prohibition of workplace sexual harassment exists.

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The St. Kitts and Nevis government established the Department of Gender Affairs to advance gender equality. The Department runs several gender-based programs, including gender sensitization and mainstreaming training for children under age 12.[225] Information on what training is offered for security forces is unavailable. The most recent restructuring of domestic police policy does not mention sex or gender and only refers to women twice, and WPS principles are not integrated into military or police planning processes.[226]

Gender in the Ranks

The St. Kitts and Nevis Defense Force (SKNDF) comprises two units of approximately 300 personnel: the infantry and the Coast Guard. It works closely with the Royal St Christopher and Nevis Police Force (RSCNPF). There is no publicly available data regarding the gender composition of either force. Data regarding the gender composition of the RSCNPF were unavailable. The Central Committee of the Police Welfare Association does require that women hold three of the twelve elected member positions.[227] There are no other known gender quotas or goals regarding force integration.

As part of its move to ensure gender equity, the St. Kitts and Nevis police force announced during a meeting in August 2022 its intention to study whether women have adequate opportunities to advance in the police force. High-ranking officials admitted that the police force has few women in its higher ranks. It is unclear whether any recommendations followed.[228]

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

The St. Kitts and Nevis government noted in a 2018 report that it trained 116 Gender Focal Points (GFPs). However, it did not provide information about the distribution of the GFPs.[229]

Training, Education, and Exercises

The St. Kitts and Nevis Department of Gender Affairs offers gender mainstreaming and sensitization training and domestic violence workshops for many sectors of society. Thus far, security practitioners are not required to take them.[230] The Department offered training on the Domestic and Sexual Violence Complaints and Response Protocol, adopted in November 2018, to address the country’s high level of domestic violence.[231]

 

Work Environment

While there is no evidence that women are barred from working as practitioners in the security field, there are significant indicators of widespread barriers to women in the workplace. Legal restrictions have been put in place barring women from working in factories and specific fields, including mining and construction, water, and energy.[232] Legally banning women from these male-dominated fields perpetuates gender-based stereotypes and hampers efforts to achieve gender equality, essential for promoting peace, security, and sustainable development. Regarding maternity leave, women have 13 weeks of maternity leave paid by the government. St. Kitts and Nevis does not have paternity leave or parental leave.[233]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

No law explicitly addresses the problem of sexual harassment. Incidents of sexual harassment and abuse fall under the jurisdiction of the Protection of Employment Act.[234] Previous statements to the United Nations indicated potential issues regarding human and/or sex trafficking in immigrant communities in the nation; no further documentation has been made available.[235] The St. Kitts and Nevis military does have a sexual harassment policy.[236] No similar policy is known to exist for the police force.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

Sex-disaggregated data for military or police operations are reported. The prime minister commissioned an upcoming review of gender equity to examine the rates of women in the police force and the barriers that prevent women from joining the force. There is currently no publication date for this report.[237]

Recommendations

St. Kitts and Nevis is the smallest sovereign state in the Americas in size and population. Its police and defense forces are small, and the country’s extensive security and defense role–illegal drug and gun trafficking, disaster relief and response, and humanitarian relief–in the Eastern Caribbean strains resources. Integrating women in security forces strengthens institutional effectiveness and achieves operational goals at the strategic, tactical, and operational goals. Developing a NAP with assistance from the UN, civil society, and women’s organizations will produce a comprehensive whole-of-government approach that will lead to sustainable policies and practices to integrate gender equality and WPS principles in its security forces.

For the Government of St. Kitts and Nevis:

  • Engage with civil society groups and women’s rights advocates, among other stakeholders, to draft and implement a WPS NAP to advance gender equality and WPS principles in security forces;
  • Prioritize the collection and publication of sex-disaggregated data in the security forces;
  • Finalize and publish the pending review of gender equity in the St. Kitts and Nevis police force;
  • Promote gender integration by increasing the funding of the Department of Gender Affairs;
  • Mandate gender-sensitive training and  GBV/sexual harassment and assault prevention training for all police and defense forces at all ranks and grades;
  • Remove barriers to employment opportunities and recruit more women in the security and defense field.

For the Royal St. Kitts and Nevis Police Force:

  • Prioritize integrating mandatory gender-sensitive and GBV training programs at all ranks in the security forces;
  • Draft and publish a sexual harassment policy for the police force, if such a policy is lacking;
  • Collect and publicly report sex-disaggregated data to support more effective planning and integration of gender equality and WPS principles in its force;
  • Open all positions in the police force to women and prioritize promoting women to leadership positions;
  • Revise institutional policies and practices (family and maternity/paternity leave, promotion, child care) to support women in the force.

For the St. Kitts and Nevis Defense Force:

  • Create a gender equity review and publish the findings upon project completion;
  • Develop and integrate mandatory gender-sensitivity training and sexual harassment and assault prevention training for all service personnel and ranks;
  • Ensure
  • Revise institutional policies and practices (family and maternity/paternity leave, promotion, childcare) that support women in the defense force and open all positions to women.

Saint Lucia – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Saint Lucia does not have a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

St. Lucia shows some progress toward realizing the WPS agenda. Recent government-led action toward gender mainstreaming shows positive growth toward integrating gender perspectives in the police force. St. Lucia has no standing military force. However, St. Lucia has no comprehensive national gender policy nor a national action plan to respond to sexual- and gender-based violence. The St. Lucien government provides little information on the status of gender mainstreaming in the Royal Saint Lucia Police Force (RSLPF), nor data on gender-relevant training and sex-disaggregated data on the RSLPF and its forces. High-level commitment to the development and funding of such initiatives and to a reassessment of current institutional policies and practices is lacking. St. Lucia should consider the adoption of a WPS  NAP that identifies the RSLPF as a principal partner and outlines specific strategies and measures for gender mainstreaming in the force. Current institutional policies related to recruitment and promotion should be revised and funding provided to provide needed facilities and equipment to retain women in the force.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, St. Lucia is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). St. Lucia signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, St. Lucia shows moderate political will, such as addressing gender-based violence (GBV) and other forms of discrimination against women. The St. Lucian constitution guarantees fundamental rights regardless of sex, and sex-based discrimination is illegal.[238] St. Lucia has partnered strategically with regional partners, including the UN, OAS, and others, to advance gender-responsive initiatives in recent years. In 2020, St. Lucia became the first Caribbean nation to meet UN standards for measuring victimization, including metrics regarding GBV, strengthening capacities to respond to GBV and other forms of violence and discrimination against women.[239] However, no national strategic action plan on gender-based violence is currently in effect.[240]

Saint Lucia does not have a comprehensive national gender policy. However, there is some indication that the Department of Gender Relations is in the final stages of a National Gender Equality Policy and Strategic Plan.[241] It did develop a National Adaptation Plan 2018-2028, a ten-year process to address priority cross-sectoral adaptation measures that, according to the Plan, will integrate gender mainstreaming in all sectors.[242] Nevertheless, the lack of a chapter outlining the gender mainstreaming strategy or a detailed presentation on its implementation suggests that gender mainstreaming is not a top priority in the government’s 15-year development plan.

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The National Adaptation Plan 2018-2028 does not reference the WPS agenda but does highlight a variety of gender considerations with the aim of “decreasing gender-based vulnerabilities, promoting gender equality in decision making and ensuring that the implementation of adaptation measures does not impose an additional burden to women in particular.”[243] The government of St. Lucia has empowered the Bureau of Gender Relations, the government ministry dedicated to gender mainstreaming and the promotion of gender perspectives, to act on these measures.[244] 

According to the St. Lucia government, existing protocols such as those mentioned above (CEDAW, Beijing Platform, and the Belém do Pará Conventions) guide the RSLPF.[245] Based on reports submitted to the OAS and in national reviews of the Belém do Pará Convention, RSLPF strategy, policy, and planning documents incorporate fundamental WPS principles.”[246]

Gender in the Ranks

The RSLPF reported in 2021 that its force consisted of approximately 1,000 officers.[247] Data regarding the gender makeup of the RSLPF are not publicly available. Women are not barred from any position or promotion in the ranks. The current RSLPF police commissioner is Crusita Descartes-Pelius, the first woman to serve in that position.[248] St. Lucia has no standing military force, though it is

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

Reportedly, the St. Lucian government appointed Gender Focal Points to monitor and guide gender mainstreaming in their respective departments.[249]

Training, Education, and Exercises

Police complete a curriculum including GBV through the Training School. The Division of Gender Relations facilitates the domestic violence sensitization training module for police recruits.[250] Officers are required to complete gender sensitivity training if attached to a “Vulnerable Persons Team,” though it is unclear whether other officers also receive this training.”[251] The Department of Gender Relations trained public officials in gender-based analysis and gender budgeting and planning. Most recently, in September of 2022, 24 officers received training in addressing domestic and intimate partner violence perpetrated against LGBTQI+ individuals, signaling a significant shift in the representation of gender mainstreaming initiatives.[252]

 

Work Environment

The St. Lucia government pays for 13 weeks of maternity leave, regardless of age, nationality, or marital status. St. Lucia also provides five days of paternity leave.[253] No publicly available data regarding equipment provided to women or appropriate facilities for women are available. A 2021 study of St. Lucian policing identified institutional weaknesses in promotion procedures, insufficient resources, and effective police recruitment that harm police performance, morale, and retention.[254]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

There is no publicly available data on anti-harassment or abuse policies within the RSLPF.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

St. Lucia’s National Adaptation Plan requires collecting and assessing gender-disaggregated data to ensure proper implementation of various targets in the plan. However, there is no requirement to make this data publicly available. While it is not published, there is internal sex-disaggregated data collected regarding police operations. However, efforts to systematically collect data are constrained by a lack of resources, qualified personnel, and sustained support from government leadership.[255]

Recommendations

For the Government of Saint Lucia:

  • Lead in committing the political will to adopt a WPS NAP, integrating stated national implementation goals and objectives to advance gender equality and gender mainstreaming in government institutions, policies, and practices.
  • Commit the necessary resources and staff to support the Bureau of Gender Relations in implementing stated gender mainstreaming goals and objectives.
  • Strengthen data collection efforts that contribute to better decision-making and resource allocation;
  • Ensure that sex-disaggregated data is collected, integrated into an effective monitoring and evaluation system, and made publicly available.

Recommendations for the RSLPF:

  • Revise strategies to recruit more women and address gaps in institutional policies and practices–family leave, childcare, and equal promotion opportunities–that can improve recruitment and retention rates.
  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data regarding police operations to promote transparency and ensure adequate responses to the needs of vulnerable communities;
  • Develop policies to prevent and address sexual and gender-based harassment and abuse;
  • Require gender- and LGBTQI+-sensitive training for all officers and staff.

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

St. Vincent and the Grenadines has not adopted a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

St. Vincent and the Grenadines has made progress towards achieving the key elements of WPS in the absence of an official NAP. Proportionate representation in government, various social gender mainstreaming programs, and broad maternity and family leave policies are indicators of positive progress toward WPS goals. Shortcomings in gender mainstreaming within the Royal Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Police Force (RSVGPF) and in the recruitment of women signal the need for improvement and future engagement. Given the recent emergence of diverse social, economic, and cultural initiatives, it is reasonable to surmise that the government recognizes the WPS agenda as a priority; consequently, the government is well-positioned to develop an official NAP and a comprehensive WPS strategy in the foreseeable future.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, St. Vincent and the Grenadines is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Bolivia signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, St. Vincent and the Grenadines has a moderate but advancing level of political will to implement the WPS agenda. Gender equality and WPS language appear in major foreign policy statements, including a 2020 statement on WPS by H.E. Inga Rhonda King, the then-permanent representative of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations.[256] The speech reflected the government’s public support for the principles enshrined in the WPS agenda, including greater support for women in security sector reform, tracing gender data, applying an “anti-colonial-intersectional gender analysis” to Security Council work, and eliminating sexual and gender-based violence.[257]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

In the past decade, a majority of gender equality initiatives in the country were developed in the legislative and judicial sectors to prevent and remediate discrimination against women, ensure women’s access to judicial systems, and provide legal protections for women. The St. Vincent and Grenadines government established a Gender Affairs Division to address gender-based violence (GBV) and has partnered with civil society organizations to strengthen government accountability for ending violence against women.[258] 

Evidence suggests that the Gender Affairs Division remains very active in gender mainstreaming initiatives, partnering with various  government agencies, civil society organizations, private sectors, and regional organizations.[259] However, the RSVGPF is not a principal partner for the Gender Affairs Division, making it challenging to identify the institutionalization of WPS principles within the force. There is no evidence whether the RSVGPF offers anti-harassment or abuse training or policies.

Gender in the Ranks

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has no regular military forces, though it is a member of the Caribbean Regional Security System (RSS), a regional security alliance. Instead, the RSVGPF is the internal security apparatus in the country.[260] No demographic data are available regarding the makeup of the RSVGPF. Women do face hurdles in pursuing a career in the police force. It is currently unknown if women are prohibited from any posts based on sex or gender.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The RSVGPF training manual includes guidance regarding human trafficking, developed in partnership with the Gender Affairs Division.[261] Information on current training beyond existing gender mainstreaming or WPS training in the RSVGPF is unavailable.

Work Environment

The work environment for policewomen in the RSVGPF has proved challenging. Among 100 RSVGPF recruits from early 2022, up to forty-six female recruits had to resign due to a lack of childcare options.[262] Additionally, the RSVGPF has not yet built facilities to accommodate women in training centers or stations.[263] In 2022, the St. Lucian prime minister stated that the RSVPF would restrict the number of women recruits because of a lack of physical facilities at the training school that can accommodate additional women recruits but also because childcare responsibilities often interfere with female officers’ schedules.[264]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

Evidence points to ongoing concerns in the country about the level of gender-based violence and sexual harassment. Civil society organizations have argued that current governmental efforts to combat GBV and harassment of women are insufficient in addressing the root problems that lead to the abuse of women and girls.[265] In the past, women in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines reported having difficulty reporting incidents of domestic violence with the police, citing “contempt and hostility” by individual force members.[266] However, the U.S. Department of State’s most recent 2022 Human Rights Report noted improvement in how police forces have handled cases of reported GBV.[267]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

There is no known reporting of sex-disaggregated data for RSVGPF operations.

Recommendations

For the Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines:

  • Adopt a WPKS NAP and align gender mainstreaming strategies with those of the Gender Affairs Division as a top priority at all levels of society;
  • Establish a permanent relationship between the RSVGP and the Gender Affairs Division;
  • Work closely with the RSVGPF to require gender-responsive training at all levels of rank and grade to counter GBV and harassment in the security forces;
  • Create Gender Advisor (GENADs) and Gender Focal Points (GFPs) positions to ensure the proper implementation of gender mainstreaming initiatives;
  • Commit to more transparency in government by collecting sex-disaggregated data on numbers, ranks, and institutional policies and practices and making them publicly available.

For the Royal Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Police Force:

  • Create gender-sensitive recruitment practices that ensure equal opportunities for women regarding training, career progression, and promotion;
  • Collect and report sex-disaggregated data and integrate it into an established monitoring and evaluation system to improve decision-making and resource allocation;
  • Expand training centers and older police stations to include facilities for female officers and ensure the availability of fitted and comfortable uniforms for female service members;
  • Provide childcare options to active-duty service members and civilian staff to remove boundaries for workforce integration;
  • Promote transparency by publishing data regarding the gender demographics of active service members.

Suriname – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status 

Suriname has not developed a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Suriname demonstrates a political commitment to advancing gender equality and has taken concrete action to implement the principles reflected in the WPS agenda. Though it has not yet adopted a WPS NAP, it has developed a network of national plans and strategies that show progress in addressing the security of women and girls in Suriname. The government has outlined a 15-year Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035 and has an active Bureau for Gender Affairs that works across government agencies and with local and international partners. Still, much can be done to move from policies to action. The government should provide sustained funding for the Bureau of Gender Affairs and recruit more women into the security forces. Training sessions on gender-related issues are available, but all security force personnel regardless of gender or rank should receive the training. Finally, the Suriname government should release public data on institutional policies and practices of the national police and defense forces to highlight its advancements in gender equality.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Suriname is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) but has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. Suriname is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level,  the Suriname constitution ensures equal opportunity regardless of sex and forbids sex discrimination.[268] Suriname has made real progress in the past several years. Government institutions, bureaus, and policies are in place to protect and promote women and advance gender equality, including the Bureau of Gender Affairs in the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035.[269] The government’s reasoning for passing a 15-year-long strategy was that the goals established in the policy document incorporate Suriname’s international and regional obligations to gender equality and women’s empowerment, which are better coordinated and addressed over a more extended period of time.[270] 

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Suriname’s Bureau of Gender Affairs promotes gender equality, advises the Suriname government on gender issues and rights, and monitors the implementation of policies and programs to advance gender equality in the country. The government published a Gender Plan of Action 2019 and 2020 and a Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035, which lays out Suriname’s gender policy over 15 years.[271] One of the identified priority areas is gender-based violence (GBV) and eliminating violence against women and girls.[272] Police material does include information on the responsibility to protect the vulnerable from sexual violence.

Gender in the Ranks

 WomenMen% Women
Armed Forces[273]40056007.14

According to 2019 figures, the size of the Surinamese Armed Forces (SAF) stood at 2,500 and the Suriname Police Force (KPS) at 1,500.[274] Women constitute 7% of the SAF and almost 22% of its officer corps.[275] In May 2021, Lieutenant Colonel Lea Hynes-Parris became the first female Inspector General of the Armed Forces.[276] The Surinamese Minister of Defense is a woman, Krishnakoemarie Mathoera (Krishna), who served 34 years in the Suriname police force.[277] Minister Matoera signaled that progress toward gender mainstreaming and gender integration is a top priority for her ministry. Information about the percentage of women in the KPS was unavailable, although a 2016 report disclosed that men outnumbered women in the police force by a ratio of 4:1.[278] In terms of grade levels, the government reported in 2017 that women are well-represented in the KPS and in leadership positions (superintendent, department heads), but the government provided no numbers or grade levels.[279]

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

The Bureau of Gender Affairs established a gender management system in 2001 that consists of Gender Focal Points (GFP) serving in different ministries to assist in the monitoring of the implementation of the Gender Action Plan into the policies and programs of their respective ministries. GFPs also received training in gender equality and gender mainstreaming.[280] Data about GENADs or GFPs in the SAF and SPF were unavailable.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The Bureau of Gender Affairs previously held stakeholder-driven workshops to gather community knowledge regarding gender mainstreaming and priorities in promoting gender equality for various government offices. The KPS created training modules regarding domestic violence and a special police unit in partnership with external groups to provide GBV training.[281] Approximately 30% of police officers were trained in handling domestic violence.[282] However, the female-to-male composition in training sessions appears less representative. In 2017, the Ministry of Justice and Police offered training sessions on gender-related issues, but only 20 (13%) of the 154 participants were men.[283] Information about training modules offered in the SAF was not available.

Work Environment

All positions in the Suriname armed forces and police force are open to women. The SAF upgraded facilities to support its female servicemembers.[284] In 2019, the Suriname government revised the Adoption of the Family Employment Protection Act (2019) to provide paid maternity leave for at least 16 weeks and eight days of paternity leave.[285]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

In a 2019 report, the Suriname government stated that the Bureau of Gender Affairs established a project to improve the collection and management of sex-disaggregated data to capture measurable gender indicators to assess the impact of gender initiatives over time. In 2017, the Bureau collected sex-disaggregated data on violence against children and presented them to Parliament, though the findings were not publicly available.[286]

 Recommendations

For the Government of Suriname:

  • Adopt a WPS NAP, drawing from existing national strategy and implementation plans and engaging with key stakeholders to complement and advance gender equality and the WPS agenda in the security forces;
  • Provide sustained financial and staff resources for the Bureau of Gender Affairs and monitor and evaluate the government’s gender strategy and policies;
  • Commit to more transparency in government by collecting sex-disaggregated data on numbers, ranks, and institutional policies and practices and making them publicly available;
  • Commit to gender-responsive budgeting for programs and initiatives to ensure sustained progress.

For the Suriname Armed Forces:

  • Require gender-sensitive training (e.g., sexual harassment, GBV, gender mainstreaming) for all personnel in all ranks of military and police servicemembers and personnel;
  • Clarify and extend institutional policies and practices (family leave, childcare, appropriate facilities and equipment, hostile work environment) that work to recruit, promote and retain women in the police and military forces;
  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data and integrate into the monitoring and evaluation process to improve decision-making and resource allocation and make them publicly available.

For the Suriname Police Force:

  • Improve access and require domestic violence handling training for active-duty officers to ensure the capability to act for the protection of vulnerable populations;
  • Gender-sensitive training (e.g., sexual harassment, GBV, gender mainstreaming, gender awareness) should be mandated for all police and military servicemembers at all ranks;
  • Make publicly available sex-disaggregated data and SPF policies on gender issues related to policing to ensure transparency and accountability.

[1] Antigua and Barbuda are small islands with a combined population of 85,567 people, 60% of whom live in coastal zones most likely to experience the impacts of climate crises; Rashauna Adams-Matthew, Environmental Social Safeguard and Gender Officer, Advancing Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Climate Finance in Antigua and Barbuda, https://www.thegef.org/sites/default/files/events/cop25_pavilion_20191203_1315_gender_presentation_4.pdf.

[2] “Antigua and Barbuda Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action Report 2014-2019, CEPAL, (2019), https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/events/files/informe_beijing25_antigua_y_barbuda.pdf.

[3] Antigua and Barbuda, National Gender Submissions, March 2022, p. 8, https://genderclimatetracker.org/sites/default/files/Resources/202204010853—Antigua%20and%20Barbuda%20National%20Gender%20Submissions.pdf.

[4] “Antigua and Barbuda,” UN Women, https://caribbean.unwomen.org/en/caribbean-gender-portal/antigua-and-barbuda.

[5]Antigua and Barbuda, Beijing Declaration.  

[6] “National report submitted in accordance with paragraph 5 of the annex to Human Rights Council resolution 16/21* Antigua and Barbuda,” Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review, November 2021, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G21/288/06/PDF/G2128806.pdf?OpenElement.

[7] Adams-Matthews, Advancing Gender Equality.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Antigua and Barbuda, National Gender Submissions, p. 9.

[10] “Antigua and Barbuda Beijing Declaration.”

[11] World Bank Group, “Antigua and Barbuda Country Gender Scorecard,” December 2021,  https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/822421645769028203/pdf/Antigua-and-Barbuda-Country-Gender-Scorecard.pdf; Dion E. Phillips, “Antigua and Barbuda Defense Force: A Preliminary Look, 2004,” University of the West Indies, 2004, https://www.open.uwi.edu/sites/default/files/bnccde/antigua/conference/papers/phillips.html.

[12] Antigua and Barbuda, “Review Beijing Declaration;” Gabrielle Hosein, Tricia Basdeo-Gobin, Lydia Rosa Gény, Gender mainstreaming in national sustainable development planning in the Caribbean, United Nation ECLAC, 2020, p. 44, https://repositorio.cepal.org/bitstream/handle/11362/45086/1/S1901209_en.pdf.

[13] Organization of American States (OAS), Antigua and Barbuda Response to the Questionnaire Third Multilateral Evaluation Round,” 2017, Question 16, https://www.oas.org/es/mesecvi/docs/Questionnaire3-AntiguaBarbudaResponse.pdf.

[14] U.S. Department of State, Antigua and Barbuda Country Report on Human Rights Practices, 2022, https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/antigua-and-barbuda/.

[15] “Royal Police Force of Antigua and Barbuda Promotes Gender Mainstreaming into Firearms-Related Criminal Investigations,” United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs-Regional Center for Peace, Disarmament, and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean, November 7, 2022, https://unlirec.org/en/royal-police-force-of-antigua-and-barbuda-promotes-gender-mainstreaming-into-firearms-related-criminal-investigations/

[16] Antigua Observer, “Two hundred female police officers to participate in Women’s Police Retreat,March 2, 2023,   https://antiguaobserver.com/two-hundred-female-police-officers-to-participate-in-womens-police-retreat/.

[17] INTERPOL, “Antigua and Barbuda,”https://www.interpol.int/en/Who-we-are/Member-countries/Americas/ANTIGUA-BARBUDA.

[18] “The Criminal Investigation Department,” Ministry of Public Safety and Labour,https://mpsl.gov.ag/departments/police/department/c-i-department/.

[19] Hosein et al., pp. 28-29.

[20] The National Strategic Plan of Barbados 2005-2025, 2005, http://www.sice.oas.org/ctyindex/BRB/Plan2005-2025.pdf

[21] “Bureau of Gender Affairs,” Barbados Integrated Government, accessed June 14, 2023,  https://www.gov.bb/Departments/gender-affairs

[22] Government of Barbados, Domestic Violence (Protection Orders) (Amendment) Bill 2016, https://www.barbadosparliament.com/bills/details/138.

[23]  “Royal Barbados Police Force Annual Report,” Parliament of Barbados, 2013, https://www.barbadosparliament.com/uploads/sittings/attachments/c5fee634002ca489f1cd9a9257504cbd.pdf

[24] “Field Listing–Military and Security Service Personnel Strengths,” Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook, 2022, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/field/military-and-security-service-personnel-strengths/.

[25] Kyle Straker, “Another First! Ladies in Military Leadership,” The Barbados Defence Force, October 30, 2020, https://www.bdfbarbados.com/another-first-ladies-in-military-leadership/

[26] Ibid.

[27]  “Partnership for Peace Program,” Global Database on Violence Against Women, accessed July 18, 2023, https://evaw-global-database.unwomen.org/en/countries/americas/barbados/2012/partnership-for-peace-program

[28] “Caribbean Police Join Forces Against Gender-Based Violence,” Inter-American Development Bank, press release, July 22, 2022, https://www.iadb.org/en/news/caribbean-police-join-forces-against-gender-based-violence.

[29] National Strategic Plan, p. 160.

[30] UN Women, Barbados: Beijing +25 Report: Progress Made on the Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action 2014-2019, April 2019, p. 48, https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/CSW/64/National-reviews/Barbados.pdf.

[31] “Barbados Employment Of Women (Maternity Leave) Chapter 345A,” International Labor Organization, July 16, 1976, https://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/docs/1225/Employment%20of%20Women%20Chapter%20345A.pdf

[32] “PM: Paternity benefits in 2024,” Barbados Today, July 29, 2023, https://barbadostoday.bb/2023/07/29/pm-paternity-benefits-in-2024/.

[33] Parliament of Barbados, Annual Report.

[34] “Selection of Indicators for the Follow-up Phase of the Third Multilateral Evaluation Round of the MESECVI-2019 ,” Organization of American States, 2019, https://www.oas.org/es/mesecvi/docs/QuestionnaireThirdFollowUp-Barbados-Response.pdf

[35] Ibid.

[36] Organization of American States (OAS), “Barbados Country Report Third Round”, November 21, 2022, paragraph 36, https://www.oas.org/es/mesecvi/docs/FinalReport2017-Barbados.pdf.

[37] Belize Press Office, “Ministry of National Security Launches Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” September 11, 2020, https://www.pressoffice.gov.bz/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Sept-11-MNS-Launches-WPS-Agenda.pdf

[38] Government of Belize, “National Security and Defence Strategy (2018-2021)”, 2021, https://bco.gov.bz/download/national-security-and-defence-strategy-2018-2021/

[39] Belize Ministry of Human Development, National Gender-based Violence Plan of Action, http://humandevelopment.gov.bz/index.php/national/.

[40] Ibid; Government of Belize, “National Gender-Based Violence Plan of Action 2010-2013”, 2013, http://www.humandevelopment.gov.bz/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/GBV-PlanOfActionGBV-FINAL-revised-August-2010.pdf.

[41] Government of Belize, “Gender-Based Violence,” Belize Crime Observatory, December 2022, https://www.bco.gov.bz/gender-based-violence/; Belize Ministry of Human Development, “Women and Family Support Department,” April 12, 2023, http://www.humandevelopment.gov.bz/index.php/service-units-2/womens-department/.

[42] “The National Women’s Commission: Belize Women’s Rights Advocacy Organization.” The National Women’s Commission, accessed June 18, 2023, https://www.nwcbelize.org/.

[43] “Stakeholder Consultations on the Development of the National Security and Defence Strategy 2022-2027,” Government of Belize, January 11, 2022, https://www.pressoffice.gov.bz/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Jan-11-PR008-22-Stakeholder-Consultations-on-the-Development-of-the-National-Security-and-Defence-Strategy-2022-2027.pdf.

[44] Ibid.

[45] Women’s Department Ministry of Human Development, Social Transformation and Poverty Alleviation, “Hand Book on Sexual Violence,” 2012, http://www.humandevelopment.gov.bz/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Sexual-Violence-handbook.pdf

[46] “Belize Police Department Honour Female Officers and Staff,” News 5, March 10, 2023, https://edition.channel5belize.com/archives/249412.

[47] “Sixty-two Women Police Officers Promoted,” News 5, March 17, 2023, https://edition.channel5belize.com/archives/249754.

[48] “B.D.F Women Officers and Soldiers Celebrated on International Women’s Day,” News 5, March 8, 2023, https://edition.channel5belize.com/archives/249248.

[49] “BDF Celebrates Women,” Caribbean Observatory on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights, March 18, 2023, https://caribbeansrhrobservatory.com/bdf-celebrates-women/.

[50] Erica Jaros, “Partner Nations Discuss Women, Peace, and Security at Tradewinds22,” Diálogos Americas, May 25, 2022,  https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/partner-nations-discuss-women-peace-and-security-at-tradewinds22/.

[51] “Employee Registration (Insured Person).” Social Security Board, Belize, September 2, 2022. https://www.socialsecurity.org.bz/registration-eligible-persons/

[52] UNICEF, “Joint Launch of Sexual Violence Prevention and Response Programme,” February 17, 2022, https://www.unicef.org/belize/press-releases/joint-launch-sexual-violence-prevention-and-response-programme

[53] “Promoting Equality, Putting an End to GBV in the Belizean Military,” Our Circle, accessed June 18, 2023, https://ourcirclebze.weebly.com/promoting-equality-putting-an-end-to-gbv-in-the-belizean-military.html.

[54] “Belize Crime Observatory, Gender-Based Violence” Belize Crime Observatory, “Inform, Interpret, Influence, “ January 30, 2023, https://bco.gov.bz/gender-based-violence/#:~:text=On%20this%20page%2C%20we%20present,the%20same%20period%20in%202021.

[55] “Constitución Política del Estado,” February 7, 2009,” Organization of American States (OAS), https://www.oas.org/dil/esp/constitucion_bolivia.pdf.

[56] Viceministerio de Comunicación, “El 2022 será el “Año de la Revolución Cultural para la Despatriarcalización por una Vida Libre de Violencia Contra las Mujeres,January 6, 2022, https://www.comunicacion.gob.bo/?q=20220106/33510#:~:text=%E2%80%93%20El%20Gobierno%20Nacional%20declar%C3%B3%20que,se%20recopilaron%20en%20gestiones%20pasadas.

[57] Ibid.

[58] Gaceta Oficial De Bolivia, Decreto Supremo Numero 4650, (2022), http://www.gacetaoficialdebolivia.gob.bo/app/webroot/archivos/DS4650.pdf.

[59] Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Plan Estratégico Ministerial 2021-2025, (2022),  https://cancilleria.gob.bo/webmre/sites/default/files/PEM_FINAL.pdf.

[60] Ibid.

[61] Madeline Hislop, “Bolivia’s President declares 2022 ‘The Year of the Cultural Revolution to Eliminate the Patriarchy’,” Women’s Agenda, September 26, 2022, https://womensagenda.com.au/latest/bolivias-president-declares-2022-the-year-of-the-cultural-revolution-to-eliminate-the-patriarchy/.

[62] “El 2022 será el “Año de la Revolución Cultural para la Despatriarcalización por una Vida Libre de Violencia Contra las Mujeres,” Office of the Vice-Minister for Communications, January 6, 2022, https://www.comunicacion.gob.bo/?q=20220106/33510.

[63] Ibid, p. 99.

[64] Ibid, p. 45.

[65] Ibeth Carvajal, “Mujeres en las FFAA: Desde 2006 sube de 42 a 1.433 la cantidad de féminas militares,” La Razón, 2022, https://www.la-razon.com/sociedad/2022/08/07/mujeres-en-las-ffaa-desde-2006-sube-de-42-a-1-433-la-cantidad-de-feminas-militares/#.

[66] Ibid; La Razón.

[67] “Plan Estrategio,” p. 41.

[68] Policía Boliviana, “Plan Estrategio Institucional 2016-2020”, 2019, https://www.policia.bo/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/PLAN-ESTRATEGICO-INSTITUCIONA.pdf.

[69] Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, “Rendicion Publica de Cuentas Inicial Gestion 2023”, 2023, Page 16, https://www.mindef.gob.bo/sites/default/files/informe23.pdf.

[70] United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “In Dialogue with Bolivia, Experts of the Human Rights Committee Welcome Training Courses to Prevent Excessive Use of Force, and Ask about Judicial Independence,” March 2022, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2022/03/dialogue-bolivia-experts-human-rights-committee-welcome-training-courses.

[71] “Mujeres En Las FFAA: Desde 2006 Sube de 42 a 1.433 La Cantidad de Féminas Militares,” La Razón, August 7, 2022, https://www.la-razon.com/sociedad/2022/08/07/mujeres-en-las-ffaa-desde-2006-sube-de-42-a-1-433-la-cantidad-de-feminas-militares/#:~:text=El%20n%C3%BAmero%20de%20mujeres%20es,la%20carrera%20militar%20en%20provincias.&text=En%2015%20a%C3%B1os%2C%20la%20cantidad,los%20militares%20en%20territorio%20nacional.  

[72] Ibid.

[73] “Unidad de Género de La Policía Atendió 27 Denuncias de Agresiones a Uniformadas,” Comunidad de Derechos Humanos, July 18, 2022, https://comunidad.org.bo/index.php/noticia/detalle/cod_noticia/12912

[74]“Ibid.

[75] UN Women, Bolivia: Legal Frameworks for Women’s Economic Autonomy and Empowerment In Ibero-America and the Caribbean, https://www.segib.org/wp-content/uploads/Web_Anexo_Bolivia-1.pdf.

[76] “Unidad de Género de la Policía atendió 27 denuncias de agresiones a uniformadas,” Comunidad de Derechos Humanos, July 18, 2022, https://comunidad.org.bo/index.php/noticia/detalle/cod_noticia/12912.

[77] Government of Dominica, “Dominica 1978 (Rev. 2014) Constitution.” Constitute Project, 2014, https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Dominica_2014?lang=en

[78] Dominica Bureau of Gender Affairs, accessed June 22, 2023, https://genderaffairs.gov.dm/.

[79] International Labor Organization (ILO), “Gender at Work in the Caribbean Country Report: Dominica,” accessed June 22, 2023, p. 13, https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—americas/—ro-lima/—sro-port_of_spain/documents/publication/wcms_651946.pdf.

[80] Ibid, p. 14.

[81] Bureau of Gender Affairs.

[82] Ibid.

[83] Commonwealth of Dominica Police Force, website, https://nationalsecurity.gov.dm/divisions/commonwealth-of-dominica-police-force.

[84] “Dominica police force welcomes its largest graduating class,” Dominica News Online, April 5, 2022, https://dominicanewsonline.com/news/homepage/homepage-carousel/dominica-police-force-welcomes-its-largest-graduating-class/; “53 police recruits to commence six-month training in an effort to increase manpower in Dominica,” September 9, 2021, https://emonewsdm.com/53-police-recruits-to-commence-six-month-training-in-an-effort-to-increase-manpower-in-dominica/.

[85] Commonwealth of Dominica Report on Two Areas of Achievement and Challenges in Respect to the Brasilia Consensus, presented at the Twelfth Session of the Regional Conference on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean, September 17, 2013, p. 6, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/events/files/dominica_report_-_xii_crm.pdf

[86] “Police Force Sexism: Women continue to be sidelined in one of the last bastions of male dominance-the police force,” The Sun, September 24, 2020, http://sundominica.com/articles/police-force-sexism-5881/; “Dominica police force to recruit more female officers,” Dominica News Online, November 25, 2020, https://dominicanewsonline.com/news/homepage/news/dominica-police-force-to-recruit-more-female-officers/.

[87] Bureau of Gender Affairs.

[88] “Gender at Work.”

[89] Ibid.

[90] Government of El Salvador, “National Action Plan ‘Women, Peace and Security,’”

Peace Women, June 2017, https://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/El%20Salvador%20NAP%202017-2022%20(English).pdf.

[91] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “El Salvador Presenta Estrategia Nacional de La Resolución 1325, Compromiso Internacional Sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad,” Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de El Salvador, May 27, 2022,  https://rree.gob.sv/el-salvador-presenta-estrategia-nacional-de-la-resolucion-1325-compromiso-internacional-sobre-mujeres-paz-y-seguridad/#

[92] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “Realiza Jornada de Trabajo Con Entidades de Gobierno Para Fortalecer El Libro Blanco de La Política Exterior,” Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de El Salvador, February 10, 2022,  https://rree.gob.sv/cancilleria-realiza-jornada-de-trabajo-con-entidades-de-gobierno-para-fortalecer-el-libro-blanco-de-la-politica-exterior/

[93] Instituto Salvadoreño para el Desarrollo de la Mujer, accessed June 18, 2023,  https://isdemu.gob.sv/. The ISDEMU was created at the initiative of the executive branch by legislative decree on February 29, 1996.

[94] Ministry of Security and Justice, “Política Institucional de Equidad e Igualdad para las mujeres y hombres en el Ramo de Justicia y Seguridad Pública,” El Salvador, 2018-2027, Academia Nacional de Seguridad Pública, 2017, https://www.ansp.gob.sv/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Poli%CC%81tica-de-Equidad-e-Igualdad-para-hombres-y-mujeres.pdf.

[95] ANS Gender Unit (Unidad de Género ANS), Academia Nacional de Seguridad Pública, October 28, 2021, https://www.ansp.gob.sv/unidad-de-genero/

[96] UN Peace Women, “National Action Plan for Resolution 1325 “Women, Peace and Security,” 2017-2022, p. 22,

 https://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/El%20Salvador%20NAP%202017-2022%20(English).pdf.

[97] Instituto Salvadoreño Para El Desarrollo De La Mujer, “Ley de Igualdad, Equidad y

Erradicación de la Discriminación contra las Mujeres”, April 8, 2011, https://isdemu.gob.sv/wp-content/uploads/download-manager-files/LIE.pdf  

[98] Cuellar Mendoza, Ricardo Antonio, Mariano Mendoza Lara, and Elvira Ramirez. “Manual de Capacitación En Promoción de La Salud Sexual y Sv Reproductiva y Prevención Del VIH, Sida e Infecciones de Transmisión Sexual.” UNFPA El Salvador, 2009. https://elsalvador.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Manual%20Soldados.pdf

[99] UN Women Global Database on Violence against Women, “Law for a Life Free of Violence against Women,” https://evaw-global-database.unwomen.org/en/countries/americas/el-salvador/2011/law-for-a-life-free-of-violence-against-women–2011-.

[100] Julio Montes, “El Ejército salvadoreño será el más grande de Centro América”, defensa.com, July 22, 2021, https://www.defensa.com/centro-america/ejercito-salvadoreno-sera-mas-fuerte-centro-america

[101] Voice of America (Voz de América), “Gobierno de El Salvador incorpora a 1.450 nuevos militares como parte de su Plan Control Territorial”, April 7, 2022, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T1q9hPIB-y4

[102] “El Salvador Aims to Double Size of Military within Five Years,” Janes Information Services, September 16, 2021, https://www.janes.com/defence-news/news-detail/el-salvador-aims-to-double-size-of-military-within-five-years

[103] Transparency Portal, “Detalle de Plazas Ley De Salario y Contrato”, 2021, https://transparencia.pnc.gob.sv/download/detalle-de-plazas-de-ley-de-salario-y-contratos-2021

[104] National Ministry of Defense (Ministerio Nacional de la Defensa), “Manual de Organización, Funcionamiento Del Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional,” April 2021, https://www.transparencia.gob.sv/institutions/mdn/documents/448097/download

[105] “Academia Nacional de Seguridad Pública,” Portal de Transparencia – El Salvador, December 5, 2022, https://www.transparencia.gob.sv/institutions/13/officials/8107

[106] Portal de Transparencia, ibid.“Capacitaciones Con Enfoque de Genero 2021,” Unidad de acceso a la Información Publica, February 8, 2022, https://transparencia.pnc.gob.sv/download/capacitaciones-con-enfoque-de-genero-2021;   Pedro Menjivar, “17 Capacitados En El Curso de Formadores Policiales En Equidad e Igualdad de Género,” Academia Nacional de Seguridad Pública, November 11, 2021, https://www.ansp.gob.sv/17-capacitados-en-curso-de-formadores-policiales-en-equidad-e-igualdad-de-genero/;  Policía Nacional Civil de El Salvador, “Policía Nacional Civil Marco Institucional,” Policia Nacional Civil, June 1, 2023,  https://www.pnc.gob.sv/marco-institucional/.

[107] Ministerio de Justicia y Seguridad Pública.

[108] PwC, “Social Security Contributions/Benefits,” El Salvador, (last reviewed July 18, 2023), https://taxsummaries.pwc.com/el-salvador/individual/other-taxes; BPL, “Labor Obligations El Salvador 2022,” p. 3, https://www.blplegal.com/blp-web-2021/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Labor-Obligations-El-Salvador-2022.pdf.

[109] Policía Nacional Civil de El Salvador, “Plan Operativo Anual Institucional 2023,” El Salvador Transparency Portal, December 2022, https://transparencia.pnc.gob.sv/download/plan-operativo-anual-2023-version-publica?wpdmdl=4925&refresh=644f35e5c4b451682912741; Karla Maria Molina Ciriani, “El Salvador: Ruta crítica de atención de la violencia contra las mujeres, con énfasis en la violencia sexual y el feminicidio,” ORMUSA, 2020, page 7-8. https://ormusa.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/INVESTIGACION-RUTA-CRITICA-FINAL.pdf.  

[110] Laura Andrade and Carmen Guevara, “La Policía Nacional Civil En El Salvador: Evaluando La profesionalización Del Cuerpo Policial Civil,” Investigaciones UCA 1 (1):250-51, 2020, https://doi.org/10.51378/iuca.v1i1.6905.

[111] Policía Nacional de Colombia, “Informes Anuales de Gestión,” https://www.policia.gov.co/informes-de-gestion/informe-anual-gestion

[112] Government of Grenada, “Grenada’s first Voluntary National Review of the Sustainable Development Goals presented to the United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Business and CARICOM Affairs, July 2022, p. 39, https://hlpf.un.org/sites/default/files/vnrs/2022/VNR%202022%20Grenada%20Report.pdf.

[113] Ministry of Social Development, Housing and Community Empowerment, “Comprehensive National Review on Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action,” CEPAL, May 2019,  https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/events/files/grenada_comprehensive_national_review_to_beijing_25_may_2019.pdf.

[114] “Voluntary National Review,” p. 39.

[115] Government of Grenada, Ministry of Social Development and Housing, Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GPAP), 2014-2024, 2014, https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/2014_gender-equality-policy-action-plan_grd.pdf.

[116]Voluntary National Review, p. 4.

[117] Ibid.

[118] United National Development Program, “Spotlight Initiative Grenada and UNDP Launch Data System to Help Fight Violence Against Women and Girls,” June 28, 2023, https://www.undp.org/barbados/blog/spotlight-initiative-grenada-and-undp-launch-data-system-help-fight-violence-against-women-and-girls.

[119] “Comprehensive National Review on Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action,”p. 70-71.

[120] Ibid.

[121] EnGenDER, “Gender Inequality of Climate Change and Disaster Risk in Grenada”, UN Women, November 2021,  https://wrd.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/2022-02/EnGenDER_Gender%20Inequality%20CC%20DRR%20Brief_GrenadaF_20220203.pdf.

[122] Food and Agriculture Organization, “Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan 2014 – 2024,”https://www.fao.org/faolex/results/details/en/c/LEX-FAOC181376/.

[123] “Overview of the Royal Grenada Police Force,” Royal Grenada Police Force, https://rgpf.gd/index.php/about-us/overview; the Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) 2014-2024 reported that in 2012, 130 of the 970 police officers in 2012 were women, a total of 14.4%. See Government of Grenada, Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) 2014-2024, June 10, 2014, pp. 87-88, https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/2014_gender-equality-policy-action-plan_grd.pdf.

[124] “Sexual Harassment Policy in RGPF,” The New Today, May 21, 2022, https://www.thenewtodaygrenada.com/local-news/sexual-harassment-policy-in-rgpf/.

[125] Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan, pp. 110-111.

[126] New Today Grenada, Sexual Harassment Policy.

[127] Ibid.

[128] Ibid.

[129] “Comprehensive National Review Beijing Declaration.”

[130] New Today Grenada, Sexual Harassment Policy.

[131] “Maternity Benefit,” National Insurance Scheme Grenada,https://www.nisgrenada.org/maternity-benefit/#:~:text=Maternity%20Allowance%20is%20paid%20for,works%20while%20on%20maternity%20leave.

[132] “Search Term: ‘Police.’” Laws of Grenada, Accessed June 22, 2023,   https://laws.gov.gd/index.php?option=com_edocman&view=search&filter_category_id=1&filter_search=police&show_category=1&Itemid=180&limitstart=100

[133] Elaine Henry-McQueen, “Gender Mainstreaming in National Action Plans in Grenada,” Ministry of Social Development, Housing and Community Empowerment Grenada, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/presentations/gender_mainstreaming_in_national_plans_in_grenada.pdf.

[134] “Comprehensive National Review Beijing Declaration.”

[135] Ibid.

[136] “Grenada’s First Voluntary National Review of the Sustainable Development Goals Presented to the United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development,” United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development, July 2022, https://hlpf.un.org/sites/default/files/vnrs/2022/VNR%202022%20Grenada%20Report.pdf;  “Voluntary National Review Grenada,” p. 5; “Grenada Country Report Third Round,” Organization of American States, November 21, 2017, pp. 7, 10-11, https://www.oas.org/es/mesecvi/docs/FinalReport2017-Grenada.pdf.

[137] “Government of the Republic of Guyana, “Guyana National Report: The Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Of the Fourth World Conference On Women and Adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform For Action 1995),” accessed June 15, 2023, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/comunicacion_26_guyana.pdf.

[138] “Guyana’s Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2016,” Constitute Project, 2016, https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Guyana_2016.pdf?lang=en.

[139] “Social Services,” Ministry of Human Services and Social Security, accessed June 15, 2023, https://mhsss.gov.gy/socialservices.html.

[140]“Overview of OAS Country Programs/Projects,” Organization of American States, accessed July 11, 2023, https://www.oas.org/OOCPP/default.aspx?lang=en

[141] Gary A.R. Best, “Organizational Analysis of the Guyana Defense Force,” Guyana Defense Force, September 2009, GDF-Organisational-Analysis-B  ook.pdf (mil.gy), https://www.gdf.mil.gy/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/GDF-Organisational-Analysis-Book.pdf.

[142] U.S. Embassy in Guyana,“Women, Peace and Security Workshop,” August 4, 2021, https://gy.usembassy.gov/women-peace-and-security-workshop/.

[143] Guyana Defence Force, website, http://www.gdf.mil.gy/about/#:~:text=It%20numbers%20about%204150%20soldiers,the%20incumbent%20President%20of%20Guyana..

[144] Geraldine Cook, “A Woman Warrior in the Guyana Defence Force,” Dialogo Americas, September 15, 2022, https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/a-women-warrior-in-the-guyana-deifence-force/.

[145] “Army to deploy first contingent of female soldiers to border locations,” August 8, 2021, https://guyanachronicle.com/2021/08/08/army-to-deploy-first-contingent-of-female-soldiers-to-border-locations/;

[146] Isanella Patoir, “With only birth paper in hand, Denise Griffith started journey to become lone female Commander,” NewsRoom, March 8, 2022, https://newsroom.gy/2022/03/09/with-only-birth-paper-in-hand-denise-griffith-started-journey-to-become-lone-female-commander/.

[147] “GDF lauded for advancing women’s inclusion,” Guyana Chronicle, August 31, 2022, https://guyanachronicle.com/2022/08/31/gdf-lauded-for-advancing-womens-inclusion/.

[148] “GDF Platoon Sergeants’ Course, Commander Course commence,” Guyana Chronicle, August 16, 2021, https://guyanachronicle.com/2021/08/16/gdf-platoon-sergeants-course-commander-course-commence/.

[149] “Female Police officers benefit from training at IAWP conference in the US,” Guyana Chronicle, October 4, 2019,  https://guyanachronicle.com/2019/10/04/female-police-officers-benefit-from-training-at-iawp-conference-in-the-us/?fbclid=IwAR30Gv5iYOR_Enb-34Yl3XifolRFFj0_Mf9L5CBa_Kb1ti5d8UmB_PkSzQw.

[150] Ahillya Shiv, “The Opening Ceremony Of The ‘Women In Law Enforcement Empowerment Summit 2023- Gather. Collaborate. Grow,” Ministry of Home Affairs, https://moha.gov.gy/the-opening-ceremony-of-the-women-in-law-enforcement-empowerment-summit-2023-gather-collaborate-grow/.

[151] Zach Sheely, Sgt. 1st Class, “Guard incorporates women, peace and security initiatives, U.S. Northern Command, March 28, 2022, https://www.northcom.mil/Newsroom/News/Article/Article/2988796/guard-incorporates-women-peace-and-security-initiatives/.

[152] Ibid.

[153] Guyana Chronicle, “GDF lauded.”

[154] Geraldine Cook, “A Woman Warrior.”

[155] Television Guyana, Inc., “Guyana a leader in women, peace and security matters” Facebook, August 30, 2022, https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=450782437067546.

[156] International Labor Organization, “Conditions of Work and Employment Programme,” Guyana, https://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/travmain.sectionReport1?p_lang=en&p_structure=3&p_year=2011&p_start=1&p_increment=10&p_sc_id=2000&p_countries=KE&p_countries=GY&p_print=Y.

[157] USAID, “USAID/Eastern and Southern Caribbean Community, Family and Youth Resilience (CFYR) Program,” USAID, 2017,https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00X3FH.pdf.

[158] “UNFPA recommences Gender-Based Violence Awareness Training for GPF Officers,” UNFPA,February 8, 2023, https://dpi.gov.gy/unfpa-recommences-gender-based-violence-awareness-training-for-gpf-officers/

[159] “GDF signs MoU to improve soldiers’ understanding of sexual harassment, assault,” Guyana Chronicle, October 27, 2021, https://guyanachronicle.com/2021/10/27/gdf-signs-mou-to-improve-soldiers-understanding-of-sexual-harassment-assault/#:~:text=CHIEF%2DOF%2DSTAFF%20of%20the,sexual%20assault%20and%20domestic%20violence..

[160] United Nations, Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), “Politique D’égalité Femmes Hommes 2014-2034,” December 2014, https://faolex.fao.org/docs/pdf/hai157333.pdf

[161] “Haiti’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2012.” Constitute Project. Accessed June 12, 2023. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Haiti_2012?lang=en.

[162] “Le Ministère à La Condition Féminine et Aux Droits Des Femmes (MCFDF),” Global Database on Violence Against Women- Haiti, accessed June 12, 2023; https://evaw-global-database.unwomen.org/en/countries/americas/haiti/1994/mcfdf

[163] Ibid, p. 8.

[164] United Nations (OCHA), ReliefWeb, “Background Briefing to the Executive Board, 2018, ‘Operational Response at Country Level: Haiti’,” 2018, https://reliefweb.int/report/haiti/background-briefing-executive-board-2018-operational-response-country-level-haiti

[165] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool- Haiti” Note: Haiti calculates personnel to include deaths and abandonments. The actual number may vary.

[166] Note: The National Police calculations includes members who died or abandoned post.

[167] The UN reported (April 2023) that the impact of the current violence, in terms of resignations, dismissals, and deaths, has brought the numbers down from 14,772 to around 13,200 personnel. See “As Haiti Slides into Violence, Its People ‘Cannot Wait Any Longer’ for Assistance, Foreign Minister Tells Security Council,” United Nations, press release April 26, 2023, https://press.un.org/en/2023/sc15266.doc.htm.

[168] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool- Haiti.”

[169] Ibid.

[170] Ibid.

[171] Evens Sanon, “Haiti PM turns to military for help in fighting gangs,” Associated Press, March 17, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/haiti-activate-military-gangs-bb05bdc98d0c7fafdccbbce5743223ed.

[172] DCAF (Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance), “Gender Training for Security Sector Personnel,” p. 4, https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Practice%2BNote%2B12.pdf.

[173] Government of Canada, “Helping to establish a National Police Academy in Haiti,” May 2022, https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/stories-histoires/2022/establish-national-police-haiti_creation-academie-police-haiti.aspx?lang=eng.

[174] World Bank Group, p. 22.

[175] “More Paid Leave for Fathers Could Improve Mothers’ Postpartum Health,” Harvard T.H Chan School of Public Health, June 6, 2019, https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/news/hsph-in-the-news/paternity-leave-postpartum-health/

[176] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool- Haiti.”

[177] BINUH reported that “ the rate of Haitian policewomen increased from 9,39 percent in the 25th promotion to 21,34 percent in the 30th promotion.” See “BINUH: Police Supports the Sensitization of Female Students To Apply in the Police,” August 19, 2020, https://binuh.unmissions.org/en/binuh-police-supports-sensitization-female-students-apply-police.

[178] World Bank Group, “Haiti’s Untapped Potential: An assessment of the barriers to gender equality,” 2023, p. 22, https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/4b69af839b59351a5d7a245d71a57c13-0370012023/related/Haiti-Gender-Assessment-report-Summary.pdf.

[179] OCHA ReliefWeb, “Addressing gender-based violence in Haiti (June 2023),” June 2023, p. 1, https://reliefweb.int/report/haiti/addressing-gender-based-violence-haiti-june-2023.

[180] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool- Haiti.”

[181]  Ibid.

[182] “Política Nacional de la Mujer, II Plan de Igualdad y Equidad de Género de Honduras 2010-2022”, Instituto Nacional de la Mujer, December 12, 2018, https://siteal.iiep.unesco.org/sites/default/files/sit_accion_files/hn_0315.pdf

[183] “Plan Nacional Contra La Violencia Hacia Las Mujeres 2014-2022,” Montevideo Consensus on Population and Development, January 6, 2014, https://consensomontevideo.cepal.org/es/node/1845

[184] Ibid, p. 60.

[185] “Oficina Municipal de la Mujer,” accessed June 18, 2023, https://sgomm.inam.gob.hn/index.php/el-inam/

[186] U.S. Department of State, 2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Honduras, 2022, https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/honduras/.

[187] “Boletín Informativo enero-marzo 2022 Derechos Humanos de las FFAA”, Secretaria de

Defensa Nacional March 2022, https://sedena.gob.hn/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/Boletin-DDHH-de-las-FFAA.pdf

[188] “Ley Orgánicade La Secretaría de Estado En El Despacho de Seguridad y de La Policía Nacional de Honduras,” Instituto de Acceso a la Información Pública, 2017, https://portalunico.iaip.gob.hn/portal/ver_documento.php?uid=OTQxNzAzODkzNDc2MzQ4NzEyNDYxOTg3MjM0Mg==.

[189]  Ibid.

[190] Washington Office on Latin America, The Honduran National Police: Evaluating the Professionalization of the Civilian Police Force.” August 2020, p. 6, 15,  https://www.wola.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/HN-Police-ENG-8.28.pdf.   Source cited in the report: Mujeres invisibles y acosadas en la Policía Nacional de Honduras. Contracorriente. June 22, 2019, https://contracorriente.red/2019/06/22/mujeres-invisibles-y-acosadas-en-la-policia-nacional-de-honduras/.

[191] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool – Honduras.”

[192] Producción de Productos por Categoría Programática, Republica de Honduras Secretaria de Finanzas 2022,

https://api.iaip.gob.hn/api/public/serve_archivo/?idarchivo=MTYyNzYyNQ==

[193] Boletín Informativo, Ibid.

[194] Boletin Informativo, Ibid.

[195] Ibid.

[196] Victor Anaya, “Which Central American Country Gives Workers the Most Paid Time Off and Maternity/Paternity Leave?”, Central America Stories, February 10, 2023, https://www.centralamerica.com/investing/business/paid-time-off-in-central-america/#:~:text=The%20country%20grants%2015%20days,%2C%20meanwhile%2C%20is%20three%20days.

[197] “A New Approach: National Security Policy for Jamaica,”,Organization of American States (OAS),2013, https://www.oas.org/csh/spanish/documentos/National%20Security%20Policy%20-%20Jamaica%20-%202007.pdf.

[198] Jamaica Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2015, 2015, https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Jamaica_2015.pdf?lang=en.

[199]s://jis.gov.jm/10-year-action-plan-eliminate-gender-based-violence-launched/

 “National Policy for Gender Equality.” Bureau of Women’s Affairs (Gender Affairs), 2011,  https://www.nlj.gov.jm/files/u8/NPGE-JA-FINALwCover21311.pdf; Chris Patterson, “10-Year Action Plan to Eliminate Gender-Based Violence Launched,” Jamaica Information Service, December 7, 2017, http

[200] “Grange welcomes passage of sexual harassment legislation,” Ministry of Culture, Gender, Entertainment, and Sport, October 21, 2023, https://mcges.gov.jm/index.php/gender/item/804-grange-welcomes-passage-of-sexual-harassment-legislation.

[201] Ibid; Alicia Smith, “Sexual harassment law to take effect July 3, 2023,” Jamaica Observer, June 23, 2023, https://www.jamaicaobserver.com/news/sexual-harassment-law-to-take-effect-july-3/.

[202] “The Jamaica Defence Force,” Office of the Prime Minister, https://opm.gov.jm/opm_agency/jamaica-defence-force/#:~:text=The%20JDF%20is%20mandated%20to,Search%20and%20Rescue%20(SAR)%3Bn.

[203] “The JDF,” Jamaica Defence Force website, https://www.jdfweb.com/the-jdf/#:~:text=The%20Regular%20Force%20has%20seven,support%20arm%20%E2%80%93%20a%20Logistics%20Battalion.; “JDF Focuses on Recruiting More Women,” Jamaica Defence Force website, https://www.jdfweb.com/news/jdf-focuses-on-recruiting-more-women/.

[204] Mickella Anderson, “256 Individuals now Members of the JDF,” Jamaica Information Service, September 25, 2022, https://jis.gov.jm/256-individuals-now-members-of-the-jdf/.

[205] “JCF on track to surpass recruitment target for fiscal year,” Our Today, February 11, 2023, https://our.today/jcf-on-track-to-surpass-recruitment-target-for-fiscal-year/; Rochelle Williams, “328 New Constables Join The Police Force,” Jamaica Information Service, September 15, 2022, https://jis.gov.jm/328-new-constables-join-the-police-force/.

[206] Jamaica Ministry of Culture, Gender, Entertainment, and Sport, “Sexual Harassment Act takes effect July 3,” June 14, 2023, https://mcges.gov.jm/index.php/gender/item/962-sexual-harassment-act-takes-effect-july-3.

[207] “Jamaica National Service Corp,” Caribbean Military Academy, accessed June 19, 2023, https://caribbeanmilitaryacademy.edu.jm/jnsc_1.php

[208] “Domestic Violence Prevention and Intervention Workshop,” Jamaica Defence Force, 2020, https://www.jdfweb.com/domestic-violence-prevention-and-intervention-workshop/

[209] “Jamaica National Service Corp,” Caribbean Military Academy, accessed June 19, 2023, https://caribbeanmilitaryacademy.edu.jm/jnsc_2.php.

[210] “Jamaica National Service Corp (JNSC),” Caribbean Military Academy, accessed June 19, 2023, https://caribbeanmilitaryacademy.edu.jm/jnscschool.php

[211] Smith, “Sexual Harassment Law.”

[212] Angus, Garfield, “JCF an Employer of Choice – Minister Chang”, Jamaica Information Service (June 12, 2023), https://jis.gov.jm/jcf-an-employer-of-choice-minister-chang/.

[213] Jamaica Defence Force, “The JDF Sexual Harassment Policy: In Summary,” https://www.jdfweb.com/news/the-jdf-sexual-harassment-policy-in-summary/#:~:text=The%20JDF%20Policy%20position%20on,and%20will%20be%20punished%20severely.

[214] Erica Virtue, “Editors’ Forum | Forces have tough stance on sexual harassment – One ‘no’ is allowed – Meade,” The Gleaner, March 17, 2019, https://jamaica-gleaner.com/article/news/20190317/editors-forum-forces-have-tough-stance-sexual-harassment-one-no-allowed-meade; “Sexual harassment protocol in Jamaica Constabulary Force,” The Gleaner, March 17, 2019, https://jamaica-gleaner.com/article/news/20190317/sexual-harassment-protocol-jamaica-constabulary-force.

[215] Jamaica Defense Force, “JDF Sexual Harassment Policy.”

[216] Jamaica Gleaner, “JDF officer implicated in sexual misconduct scandal asked to resign,”December 15, 2022, https://jamaica-gleaner.com/article/news/20221215/jdf-officer-implicated-sexual-misconduct-scandal-asked-resign

[217] Jamaica Gleaner, “Women cling to hem of incoming army chief,” September 24, 2021, https://jamaica-gleaner.com/article/lead-stories/20210924/women-cling-hem-incoming-army-chief.

[218] “Jamaica Grants Paternal, Adoptive Leave to Public Workers,” AP NEWS, January 4, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/jamaica-andrew-holness-san-juan-9a27ad5a0e9a22b8c25c1679fb09e54b; “Family Matters – Paternity & Adoption Leave,” Jamaica Information Service, February 27, 2023, https://jis.gov.jm/information/get-the-facts/family-matters-paternity-adoption-leave/#:~:text=Effective%20January%201%2C%202023%2C%20biological,and%20adoption%20leave%20with%20pay.&text=In%20addition%20to%20these%20new,40%20to%2060%20working%20days..

[219] Chad Bryan, “Infrastructure at Police Stations to be Improved,” Jamaica Information Service, February 26, 2019, https://jis.gov.jm/infrastructure-at-police-stations-to-be-improved/

[220] 2023 WIIS Assessment Tool, ibid.

[221] Shanique Riley, “Infrastructure at Police Stations to Be Improved,” The Ministry of National Security, September 9, 2019, https://www.mns.gov.jm/you-are-here-home-%C2%BB-infrastructure-police-stations-be-improved-infrastructure-police-stations-be.

[222] Jamaica Policy for Gender Equality, p. 32.

[223] Government of St. Kitts and Nevism, Responses to UNSG’s Report on Women’s Economic Empowerment, 2020, https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/CSW/65/MS%20Inputs%20Review%20Theme/St%20Kitts%20and%20Nevis.pdf

[224] Ibid.

[225] “St. Kitts and Nevis strengthening response to gender-based violence,” St. Kitts and Nevis Information Service, October 12, 2022, https://www.sknis.gov.kn/2022/10/12/st-kitts-and-nevis-strengthening-response-to-gender-based-violence/.

[226] Delano F. Bart, “The Police Act, 2002,” Saint Christopher and Nevis The Police Act 2002, 2002,  http://stkittsnevis.net/pdf/policeact.pdf.

[227] Bart, “Police Act.”

[228] “Government to review opportunities in St Kitts and Nevis police force to ensure gender equality,” SKNNews, August 27, 2023, https://sknnews.com/saint-kitts-nevis/government-to-review-opportunities-in-st-kitts-and-nevis-police-force-to-ensure-gender-equality-27569153/.

[229] Government of St. Kitts and Nevis, Country Report, The Federation of St. Christopher and Nevis

2013-2018, Twenty-fifth anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women and adoption of the

Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995), 2018, p. 13, https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/CSW/64/National-reviews/Saint_Kitts_and_Nevis.pdf.

[230] “Department of Gender Affairs,” Ministry of Social Development and Gender Affairs, Accessed June 13, 2023, https://socialdevelopment.gov.kn/gender-affairs/#1602013335783-2538f772-6b90

[231] Government of St. Kitts and Nevis, “Responses to UNSG Report.”

[232] U.S. Department of State, 2022 Country Report.

[233] International Labor Organization, St. Kitts and Nevis Maternity Protection – 2011, https://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/travmain.sectionReport1?p_lang=en&p_structure=3&p_year=2011&p_start=1&p_increment=10&p_sc_id=2000&p_countries=KN&p_print=Y.

[234] U.S. Department of State, 2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Saint Kitts and Nevis, 2022, https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/saint-kitts-and-nevis/.

[235] “Experts of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women Commend Saint Kitts and Nevis on Adopted Policies, Ask about Women in Agriculture and Human Trafficking,” OHCHR, October 13, 2022, https://www.ohchr.org/en/news/2022/10/experts-committee-elimination-discrimination-against-women-commend-saint-kitts-and

[236] Ibid.

[237] “Upcoming Review to Examine Gender Equity in the Police Force,” Saint Kitts and Nevis Consulate in Toronto, August 17, 2022, https://skncgtoronto.gov.kn/2022/08/17/upcoming-review-to-examine-gender-equity-in-the-police-force/.  

[238] Chapter 1.01 Constitution of Saint Lucia, December 31, 2006, Government of St. Lucia, https://www.govt.lc/constitution.

[239] “UNODC supports Saint Lucia in generating data on victimization and safety,” United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, July 3, 2020, https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/frontpage/2020/July/unodc-supports-saint-lucia-in-generating-data-on-victimization-and-safety.html

[240] UN Women, Saint Lucia, https://caribbean.unwomen.org/en/caribbean-gender-portal/saint-lucia.

[241] “The Gender Agenda,” The Voice, August 17, 2020, https://thevoiceslu.com/2020/08/the-gender-agenda/.

[242] Government of Saint Lucia, “Saint Lucia’s National Adaptation Plan (NAP),” 2018–2028, 2018, Department of Sustainable Development, Ministry of Education, Innovation, Gender Relations and Sustainable Development, https://www4.unfccc.int/sites/NAPC/Documents/Parties/SLU-NAP-May-2018.pdf.

[243] “Saint Lucia’s National Adaptation Plan (NAP),” p. 47.

[244] “Saint Lucia Bureau of Gender Relations,” Saint Lucia – Access Government, accessed June 14, 2023. https://www.govt.lc/ministries/education/gender-relations

[245] “Saint Lucia Country Report Third Round,” Organization of American States Inter-American Commission of Women Follow-Up Mechanism to the Belem do Para Convention, November 21, 2017, p. 7, https://belemdopara.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/FinalReport2017-SaintLucia.pdf.  

[246] Ibid, p. 7.

[247] Perry Stanislas, “The changing perceptions of St. Lucian policing: how St. Lucian police offices view contemporary policing,” Police Policy and Practice, vol. 22, no. 1, 2021, p. 341.

[248] “Prime Minister announces historic appointment of female Police Commissioner,” Government of Saint Lucia website, https://www.govt.lc/news/prime-minister-announces-historic-appointment-of-female-police-commissioner; “St. Lucia has a new police commissioner,” Caribbean News Global, March 1, 2023: https://www.caribbeannewsglobal.com/st-lucia-has-a-new-police-commissioner-2/.

[249] “The Gender Agenda.”

[250] Ibid, p. 34.

[251] “Saint Lucia Country Report Third Round,” p. 5.

[252] “2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Saint Lucia,” US Department of State, 2022: https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/saint-lucia/

[253] Government of St. Lucia, Collective Agreement Between the Government of Saint Lucia and the Saint Lucia Civil Service Association, for the period April 1, 2007, to March 31, 2022, pp. 11-12, https://www.govt.lc/media.govt.lc/www/resources/legislation/csa-collective-agreement-2019-2022.pdf.

[254] Perry Stanislas, “ St. Lucian policing,” pp. 346, 350.

[255] United Nations Development Program, “Advisory Note 02: Sex- and Age-disaggregated Data (SADD),” Barbados and Eastern Caribbean, September 2022, https://www.undp.org/sites/g/files/zskgke326/files/2022-09/ADVISORY%20NOTE%20-%202%20SADD.pdf.

[256] “Statement by H.E. Inga Rhonda King Permanent Representative United Nations Security Council Open Debate: ‘Women and Peace and Security: Investing in Women in Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding,’” Permanent Mission of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations, October 21, 2020, http://svg-un.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Statement-2.pdf

[257] Ibid, p. 4-5. H.E. King noted that the St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ permanent mission staff was 85% women with an all-female leadership team.

[258] “The Ministry of National Mobilization, Social Development, Local Government, Gender Affairs, Family Affairs, Housing and Informal Settlement – Gender Affairs,” The Ministry of National Mobilization, Social Development, Local Government, Gender Affairs, Family Affairs, Housing and Informal Settlement, accessed June 13, 2023, http://mobilization.gov.vc/mobilization/index.php/gender-affairs.

[259] Ibid.

[260] “Saint Vincent and the Grenadines: Military and Security Forces,” Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook, accessed June 13, 2023, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/saint-vincent-and-the-grenadines/#military-and-security. The RSVGPF units include the Coast Guard, Special Services Unit, Rapid Response Unit, Drug Squad, and

Anti-Trafficking in Persons Unit. The police force reports to the minister of national security, a portfolio currently held by the prime minister. 

[261]  “SVGPF Looking at Ways to Combat Human Trafficking, Searchlight, November 27, 2012, https://www.searchlight.vc/news/2012/11/27/svgpf-looking-at-ways-to-combat-human-trafficking/.

[262] Ibid.

[263] Ibid.

[264] Melissa Wong, “Limit to hiring of female police recruits, SVG PM explains why,” Loop Caribbean News, January 6, 2022, https://caribbean.loopnews.com/content/limit-hiring-female-police-recruits-svg-pm-explains-why. To note: the RSVPF, the only security force in the country, reports to the minister of national security, a portfolio held by the prime minister.

[265] “Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 2022 Human Rights Report,” U.S. Department of State, https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/415610_SAINT-VINCENT-AND-THE-GRENADINES-2022-HUMAN-RIGHTS-REPORT.pdf.

[266] Ibid; The Eleventh Session of the Regional Conference on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean, 2010, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/events/files/stvincentandgrenadines.pdf.

[267] U.S. Department of State,“2022 Human Rights Report,” pp. 6-7.

[268] “Suriname 1987 (Rev. 1992) Constitution.” Constitute Project, 1992. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Surinam_1992?lang=en

[269] Ministry of Home Affairs, Bureau of Gender Affairs, “Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035,” https://gov.sr/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/3-juli-engelse-printversie-gender-vision-policy-document-2021-2035-1.pdf.

[270] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action +25, August 2019, p. 45, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/informe_beijing25_suriname_final_0.pdf; for a detailed chapter on activities related to government efforts at advancing gender equality up to 2018, see The Republic of Suriname, Suriname: Progress report on the implementation of the Montevideo Consensus 2013-2018, 2018, pp. 44-51, https://crpd.cepal.org/3/sites/crpd3/files/national_report_suriname.pdf.

[271] “Women Raise Their Voices in Suriname.” Catalyste+, November 28, 2022, https://www.catalysteplus.org/our-impact/impact-stories/women-raise-their-voices-in-suriname/

[272] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation, p. 45.

[273] Geraldine Cook, “Suriname’s Defense Force Strengthens the Role of Women,” Diálogo Américas, April 7, 2022. https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/surinames-defense-force-strengthens-the-role-of-women/#:~:text=Minister%20Mathoera%20said%20one%20of,percent%20of%20the%20entire%20force

[274] Scott B. McDonald, “Suriname at a Crossroads,” Center for International and Security Studies (CSIS), Washington, D.C., August 1, 2019, https://www.csis.org/analysis/suriname-crossroads.

[275] Geraldine Cook, “Suriname, Strengthening Border Protection from Illegal Activities,” Diálogo Américas, September 21, 2022, https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/suriname-strengthening-border-protection-from-illegal-activities/.

[276] Ibid.

[277] Marcos Ommati, “Krishna Mathoera, Minister of Defense of Suriname: ‘Being a Woman Should Never Be an Obstacle to Be Successful or to Do the Extraordinary’,” Diálogo Américas, August 31, 2021, https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/krishna-mathoera-minister-of-defense-of-suriname-being-a-woman-should-never-be-an-obstacle-to-be-successful-or-to-do-the-extraordinary/.

[278] Suriname Bureau of Gender Affairs, “Situation Analysis of Women and Men in Suriname: Public Participation,” p. 2 (data through 2016), https://caribbean.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Field%20Office%20Caribbean/Attachments/Publications/2018/Factsheet%20UNGEI%20Public%20Participation%20final%20English.pdf.

[279] Suriname Country Report, Third Round,  Follow-Up Mechanism, Convention of Belém Do Pará (MESECVI), November 27-28, 2017, paragraph 62, https://belemdopara.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/FinalReport2017-Suriname.pdf.

[280] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation, p. 8.

[281] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation, p. 28; Catalyste+; “Inter-American Commission of Women National Report, p. 5.

[282] Guicherit, H., United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, http://docstore.ohchr.org/SelfServices/FilesHandler.ashx?enc=6QkG1d%2FPPRiCAqhKb7yhskcAJS%2FU4wb%2BdIVicvG05RxG8XlpwfdVOi3B%2F3G9O7%2ByGEwxqWPPbCuKeFXIrUIsEs9OaacNHtkQLM1vNDxd2oZY6l1irMlpkvZqBoVlJi7sZ48iwVacuUmg%2FFrbYfgeeQ%3D%3D.

[283] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation 2019, p. 40.

[284] Geraldine Cook, “Strengthening Border Protection.”

[285] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation 2019, p. 44.

[286] ECLAC, ibid.

Dr. Karin L. Johnston, Dr. Diorella Islas, Larissa Abaunza

On October 31, 2000, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325),
the first of ten Security Council resolutions that together comprise the Women, Peace, and Security
(WPS) Agenda to advance gender equality and women’s representation and participation in all decision-making processes in peacebuilding and conflict prevention. Its passage was the culmination of decades
of international efforts to ensure women play an active role in addressing the impacts of war and conflict
on their lives along the spectrum of conflict resolution, peacemaking, peacekeeping, post-conflict
reconstruction, and conflict prevention. Since 2005, creating National Action Plans (NAPs) within
countries worldwide has become a major vehicle for institutionalizing the WPS agenda.
The focus on peacekeeping and the participation of women in security sector forces brought renewed
attention to the process of integrating a gender perspective in military and national police operations.
In 2020, Women In International Security (WIIS) was approached by the U.S. Southern Command
(USSOUTHCOM) to establish a baseline of data and best practices to assist partner nations in Latin
America and the Caribbean in evaluating the implementation of the WPS agenda in their respective
security sector forces.
WIIS reported its first findings on 14 countries (13 countries in the USSOUTHCOM area of responsibility
(AOR) plus Mexico) in the 2020 report “Enhancing Security: Women’s Participation in Latin America
and the Caribbean.” The present report continues the work that began in 2020 to study progress in
implementing the WPS agenda in Latin America and the Caribbean. This second report examines the
remaining 15 countries in the USSOUTHCOM AOR utilizing the research questions and methodology
framing the 2020 report.
Supporting the conclusions from the 2020 report, the 2023 study shows that despite many countries
lacking national militaries or NAPs, all countries in the study have strong normative frameworks in
place to advance gender equality at the national level. There is growing momentum in integrating gender
equality in military and defense forces, police forces, and other forces responsible for public security,
though the pace and scope among the countries vary. Nevertheless, the study also underscores that
the gap between the rhetorical support of gender equality and the implementation of the WPS agenda
persists, challenging governments to apply the necessary political will and resources to advance gender
equality and the WPS agenda in the region.
The findings of our assessment examining the level of integration of gender equality and the WPS agenda
in security forces in Latin America and the Caribbean are outlined below:

  • Countries have developed a range of regional and state agencies, institutions, and agreements that
    reflect a commitment to greater advancement towards gender equality in security forces, even in the
    absence of a NAP and references to the WPS agenda;
  • A broad commitment to gender equality and gender integration both nationally and in security
    institutions has not seen consistent, transformational changes in policies and practices that can
    recruit, promote, and retain women in security forces;
  • Women’s representation in military and national police forces remains low;
  • Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms are poorly resourced, often lacking the data collection and
    civil society interaction that allow decision-makers to identify problem areas in plan implementation
    and make needed course corrections.
    Based on these findings, the report proposes the following recommendations:
    National Level:
  • Adopt a WPS NAP: A WPS NAP can be a valuable tool that supports and complements a nationallevel gender mainstreaming strategy. It induces government actors to work together at the national and
    local levels and more closely with civil society. It also creates avenues for greater gender participation
    throughout the plan’s design and implementation.
  • Ensure Civil Society Participation: Include civil society actors from the earliest stages of plan
    development and throughout the implementation, monitoring, and evaluation phases.
  • Commit Human and Financial Resources: Using a gender-responsive budgeting process, governments
    should ensure gender-equitable allocation and distribution of resources and provide sufficient staff,
    including GENADs and GFPs, to ensure a NAP’s sustainability.
  • Monitor and Evaluate Progress: An effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism should be in
    place and appropriately funded.
  • Ensure Transparency: The defense forces and public security institutions should consider
    communication strategies to publicly share their progress and challenges in advancing their gender
    integration efforts.
    Institutional Level:
  • Expand Women’s Operational or Combat Positions: Efforts should expand beyond creating gendersensitive recruitment policies and material to aim for women’s unrestricted and equal access to all
    military, police, and security forces positions. Often, restricted operational positions are pathways for
    promotion to senior ranks.
  • Evaluate Quality of Life and Force Retention Policies: Policies that provide support and incentive
    for women to remain in the force should be institutionalized, e.g., providing and designing maternity
    and paternity leave policies and available childcare facilities, extending family leave policies, and
    providing equipment and facilities that serve women’s needs.
  • Appoint a Gender Advisory Workforce: To support the effective implementation of gender
    mainstreaming and WPS principles at all levels of decision-making—strategic, tactical, and
    operational—security institutions should appoint GENADs and GFPs who have training in WPS and
    gender studies.
  • Institutionalize WPS Training: Implementing foundational training at all military service branches
    and rank levels to educate and integrate the WPS agenda and gender equality should be a high priority
    in the military and national police forces.
    Regional Level:
  • Create an Annual WPS Summit: Representatives from the defense forces, national police agencies,
    and subject matter experts (SMEs) should meet regularly to share best practices and lessons learned
    to ensure continued advancement in gender integration.
  • Create Regional Training Courses: Create a joint WPS strategy training for countries considering or
    developing a WPS strategy or that have yet to appoint a GENAD.
  • Gender and Regional Climate Cooperation: As regional cooperation increases in response to growing
    alarm about the impact of climate on security, ensure that a gender dimension is an integral part of
    any resulting regional framework for preventing, mitigating, responding, and adapting to climate
    change and environmental disasters.

Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, Ellen Haring, Diorella Islas, Ana Laura Velasco

Executive Summary

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, launched by UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) adopted in October 2000, brought renewed attention to the importance of the integration of a gender perspective for the effectiveness of military and police operations. It also pointed to the importance of increasing the participation of women in security (military and police) forces.[1] 

This report examines to what extent the WPS agenda, and more generally the principles of gender equality, have been integrated in the security sector (military and national police) in 14 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean.

The research was commissioned by the Women, Peace and Security Program at the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), with the objective: (a) to establish a baseline of data and best practices with regard to the integration of the WPS agenda in security forces in Latin America and the Caribbean; and (b) to provide a framework for future partnerships between US SOUTHCOM and security forces in the region. While US SOUTHCOM commissioned the research, the authors bear sole responsibility for the content of this report and any errors or omissions.

Our research draws on an assessment tool developed by Women In International Security (WIIS) that examines how countries have integrated the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in security institutions and operations. [2]  More specifically, the tool defines indicators that measure: (1) the level of political commitment to gender equality and the WPS agenda; (2) how that commitment is translated into practice; and (3) what accountability measures have been adopted—that is, how well policy and practice are monitored and evaluated.

This report is based on desk and literature research in Washington, DC and field research conducted by 14 volunteer country research teams composed of active and retired members of the police and the military, academics, government officials, policymakers, and members from civil society organizations.

The findings of our assessment examining the level of integration of the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in the security forces in Latin America and the Caribbean are outlined below.

Overall Regional Assessment

The overall integration of the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in security forces in the region (all countries combined) is robust, with an average score of 64.6 (on a scale of 1-100).

Many countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have strong normative frameworks for gender equality in place, are party to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and have professed support to the WPS agenda. It provides a strong backdrop for the integration of the gender equality and WPS agenda in the security sector. That said, in most countries political rhetoric is often not matched by consistent implementation. In addition, most countries lack systematic monitoring and evaluation mechanisms (see Figure 1).

Figure 4: Overall

Average Regional

Scores

Of the 14 countries examined for this report, four countries scored above the average regional score.

Four countries scored around the regional average, and six countries fell below the regional average. What is common to the countries that scored high is that they have strong scores across all 3 categories of assessment. (See Table 1)

For many police and military organizations in the region, gender equality and the integration of the WPS agenda is focused on the number of women in the forces. That said, gender mainstreaming and the integration of the WPS agenda in military and national police forces requires more than just adding women; it also requires the integration of a gender perspective in operations and addressing gender norms and gender stereotypes in the organizations themselves.  Military and police organizations are highly gendered—masculine—constructs. Introducing gender perspectives and increasing the number of women does not come naturally to these institutions. Change only comes about with strong leadership from the top and continuous and systematic attention at all levels of military and police organizations.

Country Political Will Policy & Practice Monitoring Reporting   & EvaluationTotal Score 
Argentina98906890
Brazil44514849
Chile85756476
Colombia51476850
Costa Rica808810087
Dominican Republic63584858
Ecuador72566060
Guatemala78523655
Mexico60594058
Panama62636066
Paraguay67684466
Peru58576057
Trinidad & Tobago55643660
Uruguay78707672
Region Average686457.7064.60

Table 1: Average

National Scores by

Category

Main Findings by Category

All countries were assessed using simple sets of indicators that measure political will, the institutionalization of WPS principles in policy and practice, and, whether monitoring and evaluation mechanisms have been put in place.

Political Will

The most important measure of political will is whether countries have adopted WPS National Action Plans (NAPs).

  • Of the 14 countries surveyed in our report, five have developed WPS National Action Plans and five are in the process of developing a WPS NAP.
  • In most countries the WPS agenda and WPS NAPs are seen in the context of external engagements, most notably UN peacekeeping operations. While most countries see the WPS agenda as applicable only to armed conflict, some countries in the region have integrated human security challenges, such as human trafficking (Argentina) or rights of refugees (Brazil).

Institutionalization (Policy and Practice)

NAPs are most effective when they are accompanied by detailed implementation plans.

  • Most countries lack specific implementation plans with clearly defined goals and resources for implementation.
  • In all countries in the region, women remain under-represented in the military and the police. Even fewer women reach senior ranks. Many security forces have policies that exclude or limit (through the imposition of caps) women’s participation in the police or military. Few countries have welldefined recruitment strategies or set targets to increase women’s participation in the security forces.
  • The prevention of sexual harassment and abuse is critical to create a women-friendly work place, but few countries have programs to address harassment or abuse in the ranks.
  • Knowledge about the WPS agenda remains limited, and training on gender and the WPS agenda is ad-hoc and unsystematic.

Monitoring and Evaluation

Monitoring and reporting are critical for learning and identifying progress. Monitoring and evaluation practices must be an integral part of any NAP and implementation plan and include all stakeholders, including civil society organizations in the planning and implementation stages.

  • Few countries in the region have robust monitoring and evaluation mechanisms that involve civil society.
  • Sex-disaggregated data about women in the military and police are not systematically collected or published.

Main Recommendations

The report concludes with two sets of recommendations. One is for governments in the region and their military and police forces. The other is for the region as a whole and identifies specific actions countries in the region and the US government (including US DoD and US SOUTHCOM) can take to advance the WPS agenda and solidify partnerships in the region.

National Actions:

All countries in the region have strong normative gender equality frameworks in place. This should provide a solid basis for governments in the region to apply the political will necessary to develop WPS NAPs. The most effective NAPs are whole-of-government efforts that engage all governmental and nongovernmental stakeholders and cover the entire range of security challenges, including human security and non-military security challenges.

  • All government agencies, including military and police forces, should develop implementation plans with clear goals and benchmarks for measuring progress.
  • Governments must back up their commitment to NAPs and implementation plans by pledging the necessary resources—personnel and financial—to ensure effective implementation.
  • Legislatures must become actively involved in the development of WPS NAPs. They should require the executive to present NAP updates at regular intervals and pass budgets with dedicated funding streams for NAPs and implementation plans.
  • Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be transparent and include members of civil society. Civil society actors are critical to ensuring transparency and providing expertise in the effective implementation of WPS NAPs.

The increase of the number of women in police and military organizations and the integration of gender perspectives in operations require actions at different levels.

  • Military and police organizations should develop organization-specific WPS implementation plans. This can be accomplished even in the absence of a nation-wide WPS NAP. Countries, such as Argentina and Colombia, have developed and effectively implemented military implementation plans before NAPs were developed.
  • In terms of gender balance, the military and police should remove all exclusions and caps that limit women’s full participation in the security forces. They should also develop recruitment programs and establish targets to increase the number of women in the ranks. Military and police should regularly collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in the ranks.
  • In terms of integrating gender perspectives in operations, and more generally the development of a gender mainstreaming strategy, the military and police should appoint Gender Advisors (GENADs). GENADs help with the development of organizational gender mainstreaming strategies, make sure that police and military exercises and operations have integrated a gender analysis, and advise on the education and training of soldiers and officers with regard to the WPS agenda. To be effective, GENADs should be located at the highest command level. In addition to GENADs, military and police organizations should appoint Gender Focal Points (GFPs) at lower levels of the organization.

GFPs are key to ensuring that implementation takes place at all levels.

International and Regional Actions:

There is a great deal of expertise in Latin America and the Caribbean that should be capitalized on for the good of the entire region. Unfortunately, the exchange and learning among security forces in the region is ad-hoc, uneven, and non-systematic. Countries in the region, including the United States government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM), should create a WPS Center of Excellence for security forces (military and police) that can support the integration of the WPS agenda throughout the region. The Center—a multilateral governmental venture—should seek to actively engage non-governmental stakeholders. The Center would function as a regional hub to support military and police forces in the region. Areas of responsibilities would include:  

  • Research: encourage national and regional collaborative research efforts and focus on topics supporting the integration of the WPS agenda into security forces, such as measures to eliminate barriers for women’s participation in military and police forces, monitoring and evaluation practices, collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data on gender balances in the forces;
  • Education and Training: facilitate the development and delivery of WPS and gender curriculum and training for the military and police;
  • Convening of stakeholders: exchange best practices;
  • Technical support: for the development of WPS NAPs and implementation plans, particularly implementation plans for the military and police.

More specifically, the US government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM) should embed WPS discussions in all engagements, including in all security and military senior leader engagements. They should also incentivize women’s participation in any externally funded training programs they provide to regional partners by requiring that a certain percentage of military and police women participate in the training.

Preface

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda launched in October 2000 by the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 has been a key instrument in advancing the role of women in the peace and security arena.

The United States, including the US Department of Defense, has been engaged with the WPS agenda since 2011, when President Barack Obama launched the first National Action Plan (NAP) on WPS.[3] The US Congress adopted the WPS Act in 2017, which directed the US government to develop a national WPS Strategy.[4] The US WPS Strategy was released in 2019.[5] Subsequently, in  mid-2020, the US Department of State, the US Agency for International Development (USAID), the US Department of Homeland Security, and the US Department of Defense published agency-specific implementation plans.

In its 2020 Implementation Plan, the US Department of Defense outlined the following lines of effort: 

  • Seek and support the preparation and meaningful participation of women around the world in decision-making processes related to conflict and crises;
  • Promote the protection of women and girls’ human rights, their access to humanitarian assistance, and their safety from violence, abuse, and exploitation around the world;
  • Adjust US international programs to improve outcomes in equality for, and the empowerment of, women; and
  • Encourage partner governments to adopt policies, plans, and capacity to improve the meaningful participation of women in processes connected to peace and security and decision-making institutions.[6]

The advancement of the WPS agenda is a key objective of US military partnerships, including in the Southern Hemisphere.[7] Yet there is very little data on how military and police forces in Latin America and the Caribbean have integrated women and gender perspectives in their operations and activities. As a result, the exchange and learning among security forces in the Western Hemisphere on how best to integrate gender perspectives in operations and activities is ad-hoc and non-systematic.

In the summer of 2020, WIIS was approached by the Gender Advisor of US SOUTHCOM, Lt. Col. (USAF) Duila M. Turner, to develop a tool that would provide baseline data on where security forces in the region stand with respect to the integration of the WPS agenda. The idea was to develop a tool that could structure and frame discussions on these issues with partner nations.

In consultation with the US SOUTHCOM Gender Advisor, we defined three main objectives for the WPS assessment tool:

Learning: Numerous studies show that there is still little awareness and understanding of the WPS framework. While there is an increasing awareness within security establishments that conflict affects men and women differently, military and police establishments have a hard time determining what this reality means for them in terms of operations and how to convey this to their security forces. By collecting data and examining best practices, the assessment tool should become a powerful analytical and hence educational and learning tool that helps develop a greater understanding of gender mainstreaming within military and police structures.

PartnershipsMany security challenges require regional and international cooperation. The development of military partnerships is a key objective of the US Combatant Commands. For states to work well together they need to share common standards. By exchanging data and best practices on gender mainstreaming, states will be able to work together in a more efficient and effective way across the region.

Monitoring and evaluationThe assessment tool should encompass a simple set of indicators that will allow states to evaluate how well they are implementing the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in their security structures and operations.

To develop the assessment tool, WIIS drew on its experience with the 1325 NATO Scorecard project.[8] WIIS adapted the tool from the NATO project to reflect the reality in Latin America and the Caribbean. Given the broad tasks of the military and the police in most countries in the region, and the fact that police in the region are sent to UN peacekeeping operations, we decided to include the police—that is, police that work at the national level and may be called upon to respond to cases of civil unrest, to protect the borders, or deal with in-country humanitarian emergencies.[9]

We organized three workshops between August and November 2020. The objectives of the workshops were threefold:

  • Identify people in the region interested in the integration of the WPS agenda in national security forces;
  • Create volunteer research country teams; and
  • Review progress, identify gaps, and develop national and regional recommendations for how best to advance the WPS agenda in security forces.

Our initial invitation to join this project and our first workshop led to the development of a diverse list of over 100 participants from government (military, police, defense, foreign affairs, women’s and gender equality ministries), academia, and civil society from 16 countries and the creation of 14 country research teams.

In total, over 90 people from 16 countries have participated in this project at various points. Initial findings were presented at the third workshop in November 2020. At this workshop, Ambassador Jean Manes, Foreign Policy Advisor and the Civilian Deputy to the US Southern Command Commander, made remarks. In her remarks, she signaled the strong commitment of US SOUTHCOM to this effort.

Over the course of the project, WIIS created a listserv for people involved and interested in the project. The listserv was formalized into a WIIS WPS Latin America and Caribbean network at the end of the third workshop.[10] For more information or to become a member of the network, visit: https://www. surveymonkey.com/r/GLSS6S8.

As societies and nations across the world face unprecedented challenges to gender equality, human security, and lasting peace, implementation of the WPS agenda is more important than ever. Indeed, research shows that societies are more peaceful and prosperous when women and men enjoy the same rights, liberties, dignities, and access to resources.[11]

Policymakers around the world have made gender equality a top policy priority. This WPS assessment report highlights steps Latin American and Caribbean countries have taken to implement the WPS agenda and ensure gender equality. The need is to expand these efforts in the face of growing evidence of the strategic and operational advantages such an agenda presents to military and police forces in a country. However, the report also shows that while there is much rhetoric, there is little follow-though in implementation. The time to match rhetoric to action is now.

Acknowledgements

This project would not have seen the light of day without the support and help of many people. The project directors would like to thank key people whose support has been critical for the success of this project. First, we would like to thank Lieutenant Colonel (USAF) Duilia M. Turner, the Gender Advisor for US Southern Command, who first came to WIIS with the idea of this project and provided us with support to carry it out.

We would also like to thank all the participants in our three workshops. Over 90 participants from

16 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean brought an array of perspectives from government (military, police, defense, foreign affairs, women’s and gender equality ministries), academia, and civil society. A very special thanks goes out to those who actively participated in the 14 research country teams. They were generous in sharing their expertise, time, and resources. This project would not have been possible without the dedicated support of these volunteers. They used their considerable government and non-government contacts to gather much of the data for this report. (See Annex I)

Special thanks is also due to Dr. Paula Drumond, Assistant Professor at the Pontificia Universidade

Catolica do Rio de Janeiro; Dr. Renata Giannini, Senior Researcher at the Igarapé Institute in Rio de

Janeiro; Dr. Fabiana Sofia Perera, Assistant Professor at the William J Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies at the National Defense University in Washington, DC; Dr. Tamya Rebelo, Professor at the Escola Superior de Popaganda e Marketing and the Centro Universitario Belas Artes de Sao Paulo, and Dr. Cristina Rodriguez-Acosta, Assistant Director of the Jack D. Gordon Institute for Public Policy at the Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs at Florida International University, for their advice and support. We also thank Patricia Cepero of the Jack D. Gordon Institute for helping to navigate the administrative part of the project.

At WIIS, thanks is due to WIIS Fellows Dr. Diorella Islas and Ana Velasco. Many thanks also to Program Manager Kayla McGill and Program Assistants Allyn Anderson and Madison Beltz for their valuable research support. Lastly, thanks to WIIS member and retired Colonel Cornelia Weiss and Dr. Karin Johnston, Senior Fellow at WIIS, for their invaluable editorial support.

While this report is the product of a collective effort, we, the authors of this report, are responsible for any errors and omissions.

Dr. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, President, WIIS

Dr. Ellen Haring, Senior Fellow and Project Director

Washington, DC, USA

November 2020

Introduction

Gender equality has been recognized as a core principle of human rights in foundational international, regional, and national legal texts. The UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) set human rights standards that explicitly apply to every human being “without distinction of any kind, such as (…) sex.” [12] Latin American diplomats, legal scholars, and activists have been at the forefront of the development of these global human rights frameworks.[13]

These legal instruments, as well as the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the 1994 Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women (Belem do Para Convention), have been the basis for the economic, social and political empowerment of women, including their entry in national security forces—defined here as constituting the military and the police.[14]

Support for the increased participation of women in the security sector received an important boost in 2000 when the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325). The resolution called on all UN member states to:

  • Increase the representation and participation of women in conflict prevention and conflict resolution processes, including in security institutions (military and police);
  • Integrate gender perspectives in the analysis of peace and security issues; and
  • Adopt special measures to protect women and girls from all forms of sexual and gender-based violence in conflict settings.

Since 2000, the UN Security Council has adopted nine more resolutions that have reinforced and refined what is now known as the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda.[15]

Regional and security organizations as diverse as the African Union (AU), the European Union (EU), and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) have developed organizationwide policies and action plans to incorporate guidance from the WPS agenda into their deliberations and actions.[16] The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was an early adopter of the WPS agenda and issued Action Plans and Strategic Directives that committed to the WPS agenda.[17] For the Americas, the Organization of American States (OAS) has not yet formally adopted the WPS framework. However, the Inter-American Commission of Women has worked on all aspects of the WPS agenda, most notably the participation of women in political life, women’s human rights and gender violence, women’s economic empowerment, and a gendered approach to human or citizen security.[18]

At the national level, some 86 countries have developed National Action Plans (NAPs) and legislation to implement and advance the WPS agenda. In Latin America and the Caribbean, six countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Paraguay) have developed NAPs. [19] Chile was an early adopter and global leader when it published one of the world’s first NAPs in 2009 and a second NAP in 2015. Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, Trinidad and Tobago, and Uruguay are in the process of developing a NAP.

Military and police security forces are important partners in the implementation of these NAPs. Indeed, the spread of NAPs in Latin America and the Caribbean has been spurred by increasing participation of countries in the region in UN Peace Operations.[20] Many countries and military leaders, particularly those who have been deployed in UN missions, have recognized that a more diverse force in terms of gender and gender perspectives increases operational effectiveness and readiness.[21] For many countries in the region, the adoption of the WPS framework has also meant greater attention to the role of women in their own security forces from both an operational and a rights points of view. In addition, many civil society organizations have advocated for NAPs that reflect a more inward-looking approach. This is particularly important in a region that no longer has traditional armed conflicts, yet faces high rates of violence, particularly against women and girls.[22]

Gender Balance, Gender Perspectives and Gender Mainstreaming

When considering gender equality and the WPS agenda within the security sector, three issues are key:

First, gender balance—that is, the equal representation of women within the force. Research has shown that more diverse organizations are more effective organizations.12 Military organizations are no different.[23] Yet, women remain grossly under-represented in security forces around the globe, including in Latin America and the Caribbean. The United Nations has repeatedly lamented the lack of women soldiers and police in its peacekeeping operations.[24] It is important to recognize the cultural and institutional barriers women may face in military and police forces.

Second, gender perspectives—that is, overlaying a lens that reveals gender differences when planning, executing, or evaluating military and police security force activities. The integration of a gender perspective involves the systematic and continuous process of assessing gender-based differences of men and women as reflected in their social roles and interactions. As explained by a commanding officer in the multi-national force deployed in Afghanistan, “a gender perspective is much more than female members in the team. It is about having and using knowledge about the gender roles and situation of both men and women in all activities of the mission.”[25] A good gender analysis before activities start will greatly enhance situational awareness that, in turn, will enhance operational effectiveness.

Third, gender mainstreaming—that is, an integrated strategy by which organizations implement the concepts of gender balancing and gender perspectives across their organizations and operations. NATO, for example, has defined gender mainstreaming as “a strategy to achieve gender equality by assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies and programs in all areas and at all levels.”[26] In other words, “gender mainstreaming is a set of specific, strategic approaches as well as technical and institutional processes adopted to achieve the goal of gender equality.”[27]

The Latin American and Caribbean WPS assessment tool helps to measure how security forces are doing along those three axes. More specifically, it measures gender balance, gender perspectives, and gender mainstreaming at two different levels: the political level and the institutional and operational level. Lastly, it measures to what extent practices of good governance—that is, monitoring and evaluation—have been integrated.

The Latin American And Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool

The Latin America and Caribbean WPS assessment tool measures progress along three main levels: political will, institutional policy and practice, and monitoring and evaluation. For each we defined a limited set of key indicators. 

The political level is a necessary first step. Is there political will and commitment to integrate the principles of the WPS agenda in the security forces—that is, is there political will to advance gender equality and gender perspectives in military and police forces? Political will can be measured in several ways. A first indicator is whether principles of gender equality have been incorporated in a country’s laws and regulations. In addition, we can measure to what extent political leaders refer to the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in their speeches. For the purposes of our project, a critical indicator of political will is whether a country has adopted a WPS NAP and whether implementation plans for the security sector have been drafted.  From our research on the integration of WPS principles in NATO countries, we know that countries that mention the defense department as a principal actor and those who outline clear lines of responsibility through an action or implementation plan generally score higher on implementation than countries whose plans fail to specifically call out the military as an implementing agency. Lastly, we examine whether any resources have been allocated. Indeed, the allocation of resources is often a good measure of political intent.

The operational level is about gender mainstreaming and institutionalization, that is, how gender equality and WPS principles are integrated in institutional and bureaucratic processes. Institutionalization is critical, in that it safeguards gender equality and WPS initiatives from political turn-over and turmoil.[28]  Gender mainstreaming is about gender balance and gender perspectives. To what extent is women’s equal participation and integration in military and police forces a priority, and to what extent are institutional processes in place that are conducive to the integration of women in the military and police? This requires collecting baseline data about gender in the ranks. It also means examining measures taken to address gender imbalances, including the lifting of structural barriers and barriers related to the work environment.  Three types of indicators are particularly important in this respect: first, whether all jobs are open to women; second, the existence of policies that deal with family issues (in particular, pregnancies and child care); and third, the existence of policies that deal with harassment and abuse. To what extent gender perspectives are integrated in operational policies and plans can be measured by examining strategic operational documents, field manuals, and other similar publications. The appointment of Gender Advisors (GENADs), as well as their standing and position in the force, is an important indicator for institutional support for gender mainstreaming. From our research on gender mainstreaming in NATO militaries, we know that a Gender Advisor is a commander’s best resource for ensuring the integration of gender perspectives into the planning, execution, and evaluation of military operations.[29] Lastly, gender mainstreaming requires attention to training and education. Are soldiers and senior leaders being taught how to do a gender analysis, and are they aware of the national and international legal frameworks?

The last step in ensuring institutionalization of gender equality and WPS initiatives is monitoring and evaluating progress over time. The WPS assessment tool measures to what extent policies and operations are subject to monitoring and evaluation processes. Monitoring and evaluation are key to capturing best practices, establishing realistic benchmarks, identifying gaps in resources and structural challenges, framing strategic planning efforts, and supporting accountability measures. Two key indicators include the systematic collection of sex-disaggregated data and to what extent outside actors, including civil society organizations, are involved in assessment efforts.

The WPS assessment tool, by examining military and police forces from the political to the operational and from the strategic to the tactical levels, measures the progress of military and police organizations comprehensively. Assessments like these work best when they become part of iterative processes that allow for dialogue and learning among countries in the region.

Methodology

In early August 2020, WIIS held its first Latin America and Caribbean WPS research workshop to assess interest in applying the assessment tool to countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. The workshop also allowed us to review the draft assessment tool. Over 70 people from the region joined the workshop and eventually formed 14 volunteer research country teams. These research teams were composed of active and retired members of the security forces (military and police), government officials (foreign affairs, defense ministries, women’s agencies), the legislative branch, academics, and civil society. Each team elected a team coordinator who served as the main point of contact with WIIS.

As a result of the discussions at the workshop, the WIIS team further refined and adjusted the indicators of the assessment tool. (See Figure 1 and Annex 1) The revised assessment tool, containing 51 indicators, was subsequently sent to each of the country teams.

WPS Assessment Tool for Security Forces In Latin America and the Caribbean
Category                                                                                                      Indicators I:  National Importance and Political Will  11 II:  Institutional Policies and Practice      A.  Strategy, Plans and Policy  14   B.  Gender in the Ranks  6   C.  Training, Education and Exercises  6   D.  Work Environment  8 III:               Monitoring, Reporting and Evaluation                                             6

Figure 1: WPS Assessment 

Tool for Security Forces in Latin

America and the

Caribbean

By the end of September 2020, we had received data from 14 country teams. With that data, we were able to generate a scorecard for each country. That is, responses to the questions on the assessment tool received a predetermined numerical value following a scoring protocol.[30] These scores were then used to evaluate the relative importance attached to certain issue areas and to establish regional and national averages.

In addition to the quantitative assessment, we also prepared a qualitative assessment for each country. The qualitative assessment allowed us to contextualize the collected information. It also offers an overall assessment of where the country stands with regard to implementation of the gender equality and WPS agenda. Lastly, the qualitative reports contain a set of country specific recommendations detailing how the country and its security sector might move forward. The elaboration of quantitative and qualitative reports included many follow-up interviews with the country teams to ensure that we were accurately interpreting the data they provided. All country teams reviewed final country quantitative and qualitative reports. [31]

Figure 2: Sample Quantitative Assessment Tool        

Figure 3: Sample Qualitative Report

    Colombia – Summary Report   WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status: Colombia has not developed a NAP. That said, the November 24, 2016 peace agreement includes many gender provisions. Additionally, in 2018 the Ministry of Defense (MoD) published its own transversal (intersectional) gender implementation plan for uniformed personnel in Colombia.   Overall Assessment: Colombia has a robust civil society network dedicated to advancing the WPS agenda, and many are lobbying the Colombian government to adopt a WPS NAP.1 Although the national government has made statements in support of gender equality and the MoD recognizes UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda, no NAP has been developed.   National Importance/Political Will: Gender equality is enshrined in the Colombian Constitution (See Articles 40 and 43).2 Colombia also has a Presidential Council for Women’s Equity, which collects and analyzes information related to the situation of women in Colombia. Gender equality, women’s rights, and the empowerment of women are also referred to in the 2018-2022 National Development Plan, an allinclusive policy document that addresses foreign and domestic security policies.3   In Colombia, the army, the air force, the navy, and the national police all fall under the authority of the (MoD). The MoD guidelines and policies apply to all four services. Its 2018 report, Public Policy for a Cross-Gender Approach for the Uniformed Personnel of the Public Force, explicitly refers to UNSCR 1325 and its related resolutions.4 The report, developed as a requirement of the 2016 peace agreement, is referred to as the military’s WPS implementation plan, and it includes the police under the umbrella term “public force.” It calls on the military and the police to make sure that women have equal access and opportunities. It also sets up Gender Observatories at the level of the MoD and General Command, as well as inside each military branch and the police.                                                   See Humanas Colombia, 20 Años Exigiendo que el Gobierno Colombiano se conecte con la Paz y la Seguridad de las Mujeres, Pronunciamiento (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, July 2020), at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/arch_contenidos/i_e_73153_q_PRONUNCIAMIENTO_R1325.pdf; Also from Humanas Colombia, see Observatorio Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad (a group actively lobbying for a WPS NAP), Cumplimiento del Estado Colombiano con la Resolución 1325 de 2000: Informe de monitoreo del año 2017 y primer semestre de 2018, (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, December 2018), at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/ar/ar_9042_q_R1325informe.pdf.. See Corte Constitucional, Constitución Política de Colombia 1991, Actualizada con los Actos Legislativos a 2016, (Bogota: Corte Constitutional), at https://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co/inicio/Constitucion%20politica%20de%20Colombia.pdf See Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP), Colombia en la Escena Global: Política Exterior Responsable, Innovadora y Constructiva, (Bogotá: DNP, May 2019) at https://www.dnp.gov.co/DNPN/Plan-Nacional-deDesarrollo/Paginas/Pilares-del-PND/Legalidad/Colombia-en-la-escena-global.aspx; and also from DNP, Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2018-2022 at https://www.dnp.gov.co/DNPN/Paginas/Plan-Nacional-de-Desarrollo.aspx Ministerio de Defensa, Política Pública Sectorial de Transversalizacion del Enfoque de Genero para el Personal Uniformado de la Fuerza Pública 2018-2027, (Bogotá: MinDefensa 2018), at https://www.justiciamilitar.gov.co/irj/go/km/docs/Mindefensa/Documentos/descargas/Prensa/Documentos/politica_ genero.pdf   1  

WPS In Latin American And Caribbean Security Forces: 

Main Findings

In terms of the overall implementation of gender equality and WPS principles in the security forces, the region (all countries combined) had an average score of 64.6 (on a scale of 1-100). This robust showing is not surprising given the region’s strong adherence to international and regional legal human right instruments, such as CEDAW and the Belem do Para convention. The region has also been a strong supporter of the Beijing Platform of Action and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Particularly important in this regard is the Montevideo Strategy for Implementation of the Regional Gender Agenda within the Sustainable Development Framework by 2030, adopted in 2016 by countries of the region.[32] In the last five years, countries in the region have also prioritized access to political participation. Most countries in the region have instituted political quotas, which has increased women’s participation in decision-making institutions throughout the government.[33] Lastly, many countries in the region have established women’s or gender equality government agencies; in some cases, these agencies function at the ministerial level.

Despite a relatively strong score overall, many challenges remain. Indeed, this is a region where “patriarchal, discriminatory and violent cultural patterns remain in place, with gender stereotypes persisting in the education system, the media and political and cultural institutions.”[34] The security sector is, of course, not devoid of these stereotypes. As Ellen Haring has noted in a recent publication, “national military organization are quintessentially masculine constructs that rely on notions of men as warrior-protectors and women as the protected. (…) National militaries are set up to optimize men’s participation and rely on patriarchal social structures where women perform traditional family duties centered around caregiving while men go to war.”[35] Nicole Jenne and Fiorella Ulloa Bisshopp, in their study on the effectiveness of Chile’s efforts to promote a gender perspective in the military, emphasize how “resilient” gender stereotypes are in military organizations. For example, Chilean forces deployed in the UN peacekeeping operation in Haiti had a fair number of women. That said, the tasks these women were assigned hewed closely to traditional gender stereotypes: “Instead of performing the full range of peacekeeping tasks, women were often delegated to deal with issues concerning women and children and prevented from joining activities that were deemed to involve security risks.”[36] Gender mainstreaming in security forces requires more than just adding women; it also requires cultural and organizational change.[37]

When we examine the average performance of the region as a whole at the different levels of our assessment tool, the region scores highest at the political commitment level, with a score of 68. The score drops at the implementation level to 64 and at the monitoring and evaluation level to 57.7. 

(See Figure 4)

Figure 4: Overall

Average Regional

Scores

Figure 5: Overall

         
         49  76
         
                              50                            
         
       58      60  5866 66        72 4.4
                        
                        
                      55
                        
                                     
                                      57      60
                        
                        
                                                                    6
                                        

      Average National                             Argentina                                                                                                                         90

      Scores                                       Brazil

                                                        Chile

                                                  Colombia

  Costa Rica                                                                               87  Dominican Republic

  Ecuador             Guatemala

  Mexico  Panama

                                                   Paraguay

                                                         Peru

                                      Trinidad & Tobago

                                                    Uruguay

                                                    Average    

When we examine the overall performance of individual countries in the region, four countries scored above the average regional score. Four countries scored around the regional average, and six countries fell below the regional average. On the high side, Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay significantly outperformed other countries. What is common to these countries is that they have strong scores across all levels. (See Table 1)

Country            Political Will      Policy & Practice           Monitoring Reporting     Total Score                            & Evaluation      
 
Argentina                    98                         90                             68                        90 Brazil 44 51 48 49 Chile 85 75 64 76 Colombia 51 47 68 50 Costa Rica 80 88 100 87 Dominican Republic 63 58 48 58 Ecuador 72 56 60 60 Guatemala 78 52 36 55 Mexico 60 59 40 58 Panama 62 63 60 66 Paraguay 67 68 44 66 Peru 58 57 60 57 Trinidad & Tobago 55 64 36 60 Uruguay 78 70 76 72 Region Average           68                         64                           57.70                    64.60

Table 1: Average

National Scores by

Category

Lastly, it may be noted that our results closely align with the scores of these countries in other gender equality indexes, such as the Women, Peace and Security Index published by the Georgetown University Institute on Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS) and the Fighting Inequality in the Time of

Covid-19: The Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index 2020, published by Oxfam and Development

Finance International.[38] (See Table 2)

GIWPS Rank             Country                                                             Oxfam Rank
41 Trinidad & Tobago 16 45 Costa Rica 3 48 Argentina 2 49 Ecuador 8 55 Chile 1 58 Uruguay 11 68 Paraguay 15 69 Peru 18 70 Panama 22 74 Dominican Republic 23 98 Brazil 13 103 Mexico 14 104 Colombia 10 106                           Guatemala                                                                  24

Table 2: GIWPS and Oxfam Rankings

In sum, while there is broad regional commitment to the principles and ideas of the WPS agenda, commitment to actual implementation and monitoring and evaluation is considerably less robust. Rhetoric, generally, does not match action.

National Importance/Political Will

National importance and political will measures three main issues: (1) whether gender equality is recognized in a country’s main laws and regulations; (2) whether a country has adopted a WPS NAP; and (3) whether political leaders in their statements provide strong support to the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda.

All countries in the region have enshrined gender equality in their constitutions, and many have also established gender equality and women’s empowerment agencies. That said, an important indicator of political commitment is whether a country has adopted a WPS NAP. (See Table 3)

 Countries with NAPs     Countries with NAPs      Countries without NAPs                           under development
           Argentina Costa Rica Colombia              Brazil Ecuador Dominican Republic               Chile Mexico Panama           Guatemala Trinidad & Tobago Peru            Paraguay                                 Uruguay

Table 3: National

Action Plans –

Status

Argentina and Chile—both with top scores overall and at this level—have developed and implemented WPS NAPs. However, the presence or absence of a NAP is not necessary or sufficient to score high. For example, Costa Rica, despite not having a NAP, scored high overall due to the government’s strong political commitment to advancing gender equality across the country and within its institutions.[39]On the other hand, Brazil fell below the regional average. Indeed, in the case of Brazil, a change in national level political leadership in 2019 resulted in diminished political will and commitment to gender equality and the WPS agenda.

The NAPs of the countries in the region have many similarities, but also significant differences. For most countries in the region, the WPS agenda is an external, rather than an internal, agenda. In most cases, the ministries of foreign affairs have lead responsibilities for the implementation of a NAP.[40] The extensive gender equality machinery established under CEDAW, the SDGs, or regional gender equality commitments is often seen as distinct from the WPS agenda. Guatemala is the exception and has adopted a whole-of-government approach. In Guatemala, the Women’s Ministry plays an important role in the development of a new NAP. In Costa Rica, the development of a NAP involves many government agencies, not just in the security sector, but also in the legislature. In addition, its National Institute for Women works at a ministerial level and has taken innovative steps to tackle structural gender inequalities at home, including machismo culture.

Most civil society organizations in the region advocate for whole-of-government efforts as well as a broadening of the agenda beyond traditional armed conflict.[41] They argue that the region grapples with many “gendered consequences of non-conventional armed violence,” and they point to high rates of femicide in the region.32 While several Latin American NAPs have integrated demands for a broader agenda, most remain very externally focused. Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo note that the Paraguayan NAP stands out with ambitious and long-term goals. The Paraguayan NAP defines one of its goals as “the elimination of cultural barriers that hinder the full participation of women in all areas of human society.”[42] The Argentinian NAP includes issues related to human trafficking. The Brazilian NAP includes gender-sensitive initiatives focused on the rights of refugees and refugee seekers in the country. The Chilean NAP expanded the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to include the protection of women and girls from sexual and gender-based violence.[43] The Argentinian, Brazilian, and Chilean NAPs all define protection as meaning not just physical security but also access to sexual and reproductive health.

                                        UN Ranking                  Total                    Male                  Female
  Uruguay 17 1,138 1,055 83 Argentina 42 304 276 28 El Salvador 45 292 263 29 Brazil 47 282 270 12 Peru 52 233 198 35 Guatemala 57 176 155 21 Paraguay 80 31 28 3 Chile 82 30 27 3 Bolivia 83 27 20 7 Mexico 94 13 6 7 Honduras 97 11 7 4 Ecuador 98 10 4 6 Dominican Republic 107 5 3 2 Colombia 108 4 3 1           Totals Region   2,556 2,315 241 Global Totals   81,820 76,596 5,328 Source: United Nations

Another positive driver for gender equality and the WPS agenda, including the development of a WPS NAP, is the extent of global—UN—engagements a country has. The participation in peacekeeping operations is particularly important in this regard. (See Table 4) For example, the Brazilian NAP expired at the end of 2018. Gender equality and the WPS agenda were not a priority for the new Brazilian administration that came to power in January 2019. Yet the administration decided to extend the NAP (developed under the previous administration) in March of 2019 for four years. Indeed, Brazil’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations was considered important and, in that context, the continuation of a NAP became significant.[44]Table 4: Participation in UN Peacekeeping Operations by Countries from Latin America and the Caribbean-Military and Police Combined – August 2020

However, while UN peacekeeping involvement is positively impacting the military, it does not appear to have a similar impact on the national police. Indeed, the police generally scored lower in most countries than did the military regarding implementation of the WPS agenda.

The engagement of international actors in the Colombia peace agreements has also been an important factor in pushing forward a gender equality and WPS agenda. For example, the 2018 Colombian Ministry of Defense’s report Public Policy for a Cross-Gender Approach for the Uniformed Personnel of the Public Force was developed as a requirement of the 2016 peace agreement. It is considered the military’s WPS implementation plan. It calls on the military and the police to make sure that women have equal access and opportunities. It also sets up Gender Observatories at the level of the Ministry of Defense and General Command, as well as inside each military branch and the police.

Other examples of international engagements and commitments that advance a gender equality and WPS agenda at home include: Uruguay, which co-chairs, with Canada, the United Nations GFP Network and is currently working on a WPS NAP; the Dominican Republic, which during 2020, together with Germany, co-chaired the UN Security Council Informal Expert Group (IEG) on WPS; or Mexico, which, since 2019, co-chairs with France the Generation Equality Forum—a global civil society-centered gathering for gender equality. Its work on the Generation Equality Forum, and the fact that Mexico launched a Feminist Foreign Policy in January 2020 and is currently developing a WPS NAP, are certainly not unrelated. High-level international engagements also help civil society organizations at home to press their governments to progress on the gender equality and WPS agendas.

Policy and Practice

Policy and practice examines how political commitment to gender equality and WPS principles is translated into practical action in the security sector. We distinguish four main areas: (1) policy, planning, and staffing, in particular the appointment of GENADs and GFPs; (2) women’s participation in the security forces (gender in the ranks); (3) policies and programs that support women’s participation in the security forces; and (4) training and education on WPS principles.

Policy, Planning and Staffing

Although national level commitment is critical in advancing the WPS agenda, it is not sufficient to realizing better outcomes in terms of gender mainstreaming. Even in countries that have published NAPs, these NAPs do not always require the participating ministries and departments to develop detailed implementation plans. Without such plans, including bureaucratic procedures and processes that mainstream gender in security institutions, change will be fleeting and easily reversible with changing political leadership.

Our analysis found that countries that developed military implementation plans even before or in the absence of a NAP have generally made significant progress in terms of gender mainstreaming. For example, in 2008 the Argentine Ministry of Defense adopted a WPS Action Plan (long before their 2015 NAP was published). It was developed in response to Argentina’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations and led to many “policy reforms in the field of defense and the armed forces.”[45] Participation in UN peacekeeping operations helped to strengthen pre-deployment training on gender issues. It also required the military to establish GENADs and GFPs.37

Indeed, a major indicator of progress with regard to the integration of gender equality and WPS principles is the appointment of GENADs and GFPs. They are critical in helping to mainstream the principles of the WPS agenda in all aspects of the operations of security forces. The role of a GENAD is to provide guidance and advice to senior level commanders on how to integrate gender perspectives into operations and missions, crisis and conflict analysis, concepts, doctrine, procedures, and education and training. GFPs are similarly trained but work at lower levels in the organization to mainstream the WPS agenda across occupational positions.[46]

Only a few countries in the region are systematically appointing, training and employing GENADs and GFPs. (See Table 5) Argentina has a robust GENAD and GFP program. It also provides gender training through its regional peacekeeping center—trainings that are open to other countries in the region as well. Uruguay, a top regional UN troop contributor, co-hosts, with Canada, the UN GFP network. It has appointed GFPs in both the military and the police, but these GENADs are all double-hatted—that is, they have other responsibilities as well. Neither the military nor the police have appointed full-time GENADS. In some countries, for example in Mexico and Peru, the security institutions have established gender equality institutions that have certain GENAD functions. However, most often these institutions work more in the human resources sphere, rather than the policy and planning spheres. Most often, they do not report directly to the highest command levels.

Gender in the Ranks: Women’s Participation in the Security Forces

All countries in our survey have low women’s participation rates in their military and police forces. (See Table 6) The promotion rates for women are even lower. In general, women have made greater inroads in the police than in the military. In the national police forces, all positions are officially open to women. That said, some of our investigators also reported that the practice does not always align with the formal rules. In some countries, women are not assigned to work “on the streets.” In addition, as women have made inroads within the police, some countries have begun to impose caps, thereby limiting women’s access. Such is the case in Trinidad and Tobago, where no more than 30% of the force is allowed to be women. There is also a waiting list for women who want to join the police.

In four out of 14 countries, women continue to be officially barred from some military occupations. (See Table 7) In addition, even if in theory all positions are open, women often face restrictions in practice, particularly in terms of where they are utilized. Many teams reported that data on military deployments reveal that women are far less likely to be deployed on operational missions.

Country            The country       The country       GENADs are     The country       has  appointed          has appointed    assigned for       has gender                             Gender Advisors         gender focal              pecific                 equality                                 (GENAD).            points (GFP).            missions.             offices/units.
Argentina                        Yes                        Yes                                                  Yes Brazil                                     Yes   Chile                                    Yes Yes Yes Colombia                                  Yes Costa Rica                                Yes Dominican Republic                 Yes Yes Ecuador                                    Yes Guatemala                                Yes Mexico                                     Yes Panama                                    Yes Paraguay                                  Yes Peru                                         Yes Trinidad and Tobago                   Yes Uruguay                                                       Yes                       Yes                       Yes

Table 5: Gender Advisors and

Gender Equity

Offices

Country                  Military        Percent of          Senior            Police             Senior                                                     Women          Military                                Police                                                   Deployed         Women                               Women
Argentina 17.3% 8% nd nd nd Brazil 7.6% 8% nd 9% nd Chile 10% 10% nd 34% 15% Colombia 6% 1.5% 1% 9% 2% Costa Rica na na na 18.7% di Dominican Republic 20.8% 5.1%-8% 4% 15% 4.7% Ecuador 2.7% di nd 15% di Guatemala nd 8% nd 16% nd Panama na na na 16.2% 14.9% Peru 10% di .5% 18% .4% Paraguay nd 10% nd Nd nd Mexico 12.4% 1-3% 2.5% 10% 19% Trinidad & Tobago 14.3% na nd 29% nd Uruguay                     11%                7%                1.7%             25.6%               3% nd=no data (data not provided or data not available) na=not applicable (these countries have no military forces or they do not deploy) di=data incomplete (not enough data to calculate percentage)

Table 6: Women’s

Participation as a Percentage of the

Total Force

Working on “the streets” and military deployments are generally career enhancing assignments;  the restrictions women face in this regard likely contributes to them being less competitive for promotions. These restrictions may explain why few women are represented at the highest levels in  the military or police.

Lastly, in terms of long-term policy and planning, we found that only four countries have active recruitment programs or set targets to raise the number of women in the force.

Table 7: Policy and Practice

Country Are all  Are there  Do they How much Is WPS Is  positions  recruitment  provide paid gender Monitoring  open to targets? uniforms &   maternity/ training & Evaluation  women (military/ equipment paternity provided ? conducted?  in the  police) adapted to leave  military?  women? is provided?   
Argentina Yes Yes/UNK Yes 90 days/10 days Yes Yes Brazil       No       No. There are  some caps/No.  There are local  caps No 180 days/5 days Yes No Chile No No/No Yes 126 days/UNK Yes Yes Colombia No No/No Yes 126 days/8 days Yes Yes Costa Rica Yes NA/No Yes 120 days/2 days Yes Yes Dominican Republic   Yes   Yes/Yes, but there are local caps No 98 days/7 days Yes Yes  Ecuador Yes No/No No 80 days/15 days Yes Yes Guatemala Yes No/No No 84 days/UNK Yes No Mexico Yes Yes/No No 90 days/10 days No No Panama Yes NA/ No Yes 98 days/3 days Yes Yes Paraguay No No/No Yes 126 days/UNK Yes Yes Peru Yes No/No No 98 days/UNK No Yes Trinidad and Tobago   Yes   No, there is a  30% cap Yes 90 days/3 days Yes No Uruguay                      Yes                 Yes/Yes                No             91 days/10 days            Yes                Yes NA=not applicable because they have no military forces UNK=unknown-data was not provided during data collection

More generally, it must be noted that data on women’s participation and promotion rates were elusive in many countries. Either the data are not being collected and tracked over time, or the country refuses to publish the data. One country indicated that data on women in the military were considered confidential and not publicly releasable.

Many organizations that track numbers and the composition of armed forces around the world, such as the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies, generally do not collect sexdisaggregated data. The only known detailed survey of women in the armed forces and the police dates from 2010 and was carried out by the Argentine think tank RESDAL.[47]

Women-Friendly Policies and Programs

To increase women’s participation in the security forces, it is also important to have policies and programs that make military and police service possible on a personal level. Women tend to leave the military and police at higher rates than men when they have children or encounter a hostile work environment. Therefore, it is imperative that the military and police implement policies that make it possible for women to have a fulfilling career by ensuring that their organizations are inclusive, free of harassment, and accommodate family needs for women who often remain primary caregivers.

In all countries reviewed, both the military and police provide paid maternity leave for women, although the length of time varies greatly—from 80 days to 18 weeks. Many countries also provide a few days of paid paternity leave. Some countries offer varying levels of childcare and family leave, while others offer none.

A healthy and productive work environment also requires that sexual harassment and abuse is not tolerated, that it is strictly monitored, and that offenders are prosecuted. Most countries, particularly those involved in peacekeeping, provide basic human rights training, with a portion of the training directed specifically toward preventing sexual and gender-based violence in the areas of operations. However, the same level of training and attention is not being given to eradicating sexual harassment and abuse within a country’s own ranks. Data from countries that track and address harassment, including the US, Canada and Australia, show that sexual harassment and abuse of women in the ranks is pervasive in military organizations around the world.[48] Therefore, it is critical that military and police organizations address this behavior if they want to keep women in their organizations.

Finally, uniforms, equipment, and facilities must be adapted to accommodate women to optimize women’s performance and retention. Only half of the countries in our survey provide women-specific equipment. (Table 7 above). Requiring women to perform in uniforms and equipment designed by and for men degrades women’s performance, causes injuries, and can result in safety hazards. Furthermore, failing to provide bathrooms and safe billets also drives women out of military and police organizations.

In sum, security forces seeking to increase women’s participation must ensure that there are familyfriendly programs available to support women’s long-term participation, address sexual harassment and abuse within the ranks, and provide uniforms, equipment, and billets for women. While countries in the region score well in terms of maternity and paternity leave policies, much work remains to be accomplished in the other areas.

WPS Training and Education

Applying a gender lens to military and police organizations and operations requires training and education. It is not an intuitive process. The countries that participate in UN peacekeeping operations receive human rights and WPS training during pre-deployment training. Indeed, when countries engage with the UN, particularly in the context of contributing troops to UN peacekeeping operations, they are expected to meet certain UN WPS training requirements. However, for many countries, gender and WPS training ends with UN missions.

Some countries have more systematically integrated gender training into their entry, mid- and senior-level training and education programs. That said, this training is more likely to be found in the military than the police. Police training generally focuses on responding to and preventing domestic, sexual, and genderbased violence.

GENADs and GFPs require specialized training. Such training remains limited. A few countries like Argentina provide WPS training for the military. Costa Rica has mainstreamed gender throughout police training programs. Costa Rica is unique in the region for creating a gender training program that addresses masculinity and machismo culture.

Figure 6:

Masculinity Flyer

Eleven countries in the region host peacekeeping training centers. Many of these centers have not integrated gender and the WPS agenda in their curriculum in a systematic manner.[49] Helping these centers build up their WPS and gender equality curriculum and provide specialized courses for GENADs would be an obvious first step towards more robust training on WPS and gender equality  in the region.

Monitoring, Reporting, and Evaluation

Monitoring and evaluation are critical for learning and understanding whether progress is being made in implementing the WPS agenda. Monitoring and evaluation also had the lowest average scores. There are three main reasons for the low scores. First, even when countries have developed NAPs, strategies or implementation plans, they are often written without clearly defined and measurable goals and benchmarks. Second, countries generally do not appoint or support independent oversight bodies. Most governments are wary of such bodies and/or the involvement of civil society in the oversight of policies. Third, there is a dearth of sex-disaggregated data being collected or made available for evaluation.

The best monitoring and evaluation programs are independent, transparent, and involve civil society. Some country teams reported that monitoring and evaluation does occur, but the reports and data produced by entities in these countries can only be accessed by requesting them through government transparency programs, or they may not be available at all.

Costa Rica has the most robust monitoring and evaluating systems in the region. They are provided by Costa Rica’s National Institute for Women, which functions as a ministry. This ministry-level Institute has a national council responsible for decision-making at the national level. Furthermore, the Institute provides advice and has oversight over gender mainstreaming in all of the government ministries, including the Ministry of Public Security.

Some countries have robust independent civil society networks that provide some external monitoring and evaluation functions and keep pressure on governments to advance gender equality and the WPS agenda. For example, Colombia has a robust civil society network with 57 distinct organizations that promote the principles of UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda. It also has a Women Peace and Security Observatory, a coalition of civil society organizations that is actively lobbying the government to adopt a WPS NAP.[50] In some countries, the think tank and academic community are important players. For example, in Brazil, the Igarapé Institute has a considerable amount of expertise with regard to the WPS agenda and women in the military. Similarly, in Argentina, RESDAL has undertaken important work in this regard. The analysis by these institutions are important in collecting best practices and advancing the WPS agenda in the region. More generally, the Gender Division of the UN’s Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC or CEPAL in Spanish) plays an important role in gender mainstreaming in the region and collecting data.

Recommendations and Concluding Remarks

To advance the gender equality and WPS agenda in the security forces in the region, the following actions should be taken at the national and regional levels.

National Actions

All countries in the region have strong normative gender equality frameworks in place. This should provide a solid basis for governments in the region to apply the political will necessary to develop WPS NAPs. The most effective NAPs are whole-of-government efforts that engage all governmental and  non-governmental stakeholders and cover the entire range of security challenges, including human security and non-military security challenges. More specifically:

  • All government agencies, including military and police forces, should develop implementation plans with clear goals and benchmarks for measuring progress;
  • Governments must back up their commitment to NAPs and implementation plans by pledging the necessary resources—personnel and financial—to ensure effective implementation;
  • Legislatures must become actively involved in the development of WPS NAPs. They should require the executive to present NAP updates at regular intervals and pass budgets with dedicated funding streams for NAPs and implementation plans;
  • Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be transparent and include members of civil society. Civil society actors are critical to ensuring transparency and providing expertise in the effective implementation of WPS NAPs.

The increase of the number of women in police and military organizations and the integration of gender perspectives in operations require actions at different levels.

  • Military and police organizations should develop organization-specific WPS implementation plans. This can be accomplished even in the absence of a nation-wide WPS NAP. Countries, such as Argentina and Colombia, have developed and effectively implemented military implementation plans before NAPs were developed.
  • In terms of gender balance, the military and police should remove all exclusions and caps that limit women’s full participation in the security forces. They should also develop recruitment programs and establish targets to increase the number of women in the ranks. Military and police should regularly collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in the ranks.
  • In terms of integrating gender perspectives in operations and more generally the development of a gender mainstreaming strategy, the military and police should appoint Gender Advisors (GENADs). GENADs help with the development of organizational gender mainstreaming strategies, make sure that police and military exercises and operations have integrated a gender analysis, and advise on the education and training of soldiers and officers with regard to the WPS agenda. To be effective GENADs should be located at the highest command level. In addition to GENADs, military and police organizations should appoint Gender Focal Points (GFPs) at lower levels of the organization.

GFPs are key to ensuring that implementation takes place at all levels.

International and Regional Actions

There is a great deal of expertise in Latin America and the Caribbean that should be capitalized on for the good of the entire region. Unfortunately, the exchange and learning among security forces in the region is ad-hoc, uneven, and non-systematic. Countries in the region, including the United States government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM), should create a WPS Center of Excellence for military and police security forces that can support the integration of the WPS agenda throughout the region. The Center—a multilateral governmental venture—should seek to actively engage non-governmental stakeholders. The Center would function as a regional hub to support military and police forces in the region. Areas of responsibilities would include:  

  • Research: encourage national and regional collaborative research efforts and focus on topics supporting the integration of the WPS agenda into security forces, such as measures to eliminate barriers for women’s participation in military and police forces, monitoring and evaluation practices, collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data on gender balances in the forces.
  • Education and Training: facilitate the development and delivery of WPS and gender curriculum and training for the military and police.
  • Convening of stakeholders:exchange best practices.
  • Technical support: for the development of WPS NAPs and implementation plans, particularly implementation plans for the military and police.

More specifically, the US Government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM) should embed WPS discussions in all engagements, including in all security and military senior leader engagements. They should also incentivize women’s participation in any externally funded training programs they provide to regional partners by requiring that a certain percentage of military and police women participate in the training.

Concluding Remarks

It has been twenty years since UNSCR 1325 was unanimously adopted by the UN Security Council.

In the subsequent years, there has been slow but steady progress in realizing the purpose and intent of 1325. Many nations around the world, and six in Latin America and the Caribbean, have adopted WPS National Action Plans.

The concepts and terms gender balance, gender perspective and gender mainstreaming are better understood and becoming embedded within the operational activities of security institutions. Nations that are further along with gender mainstreaming have begun to realize the value of adopting a gender perspective to achieve better security outcomes. That said, normative thinking and behavior on complex social issues is slow to change, but change does happen. It requires concerted, continuous and systematic efforts by all.

Lastly, the success of gender mainstreaming efforts is closely related to the involvement of civil society. Global studies have shown that the most successful WPS NAPs are those that have the active involvement of civil society organization at every step of the way. This finding is not surprising, since gender mainstreaming is ultimately about debunking regressive gender stereotypes that exist within  our societies.

References

1. Gender Equality, WPS and NAPs

Boutron, Camille, “Engendering Peacebuilding: The International Gender Nomenclature of Peace Politics and Women’s Participation in the Columbian Peace Process,” Journal of Peacebuilding and Development, Vol. 13, No. 2 (2018), pp. 115 – 121.

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Drumond, Paula and Tamya Rebelo, 1325 and Beyond: Moving Forward the WPS Agenda in Latin America, WIIS Policy Brief (July 2020).

Drumond, Paula and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4 (2020), pp. 462 – 484.

Drumond, Paula and Tamya Rebelo, Implementing the “Women, Peace and Security” Agenda in Brazil: An Assessment of the National Action Plan, Strategic Paper 31 (Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute, August 2019).

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Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean, Gender Equality Plans in Latin America and the Caribbean: Road Maps for Development, Studies 1 (Santiago: United Nations January 2019).

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Jacevic, Mirsad Niki, “WPS, States and the National Action Plans,” in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 273 – 292.

Kurtenbach, Sabine, “The Limits of Peace in Latin America,” Peacebuilding, Vol. 7, No. 3, (2019),  pp. 283 – 296.

Marchetti, Ximena Gauche, “Planes de Acción Nacional sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad: Experiencias Comparadas y Proyecciones para el Caso Chileno,” Revista de Derecho, Vol. 30 No. 2 (2017),  pp. 203 – 223.

Marín Carvajal, Isabela and Eduardo Álvarez-Vanegas, “Securing Participation and Protection in Peace Agreements: The Case of Colombia”, in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 461 – 474.

Meyer Mcaleese, Mary K., “WPS and the Organization of American States,” in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 413 – 427.

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NAPs can be accessed at https://wwww.peacewomen.org and https:// www.wpsnaps.org

2. Women in the Military and Peacekeeping

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Hardt, Heidi and Stefanie von Hlatky, “NATO’s About-Face: Adaptation to Gender mainstreaming in an Alliance Setting,” Journal of Global Security Studies, Vol. 5, No.1 (2020), pp. 136-159.

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Hurley, Matthew, “Watermelons and Weddings: Making Women, Peace and Security ‘Relevant: at NATO Through (Re)Telling Stories of Success,” Global Society, Vol. 32, No. 4 (2018), pp. 436-456.

Jenne, Nicole, “Civilianizing the armed forces? Peacekeeping, a traditional mission for the military,” Defence Studies, Vol. 20 No. 2 (2020), pp. 105 – 122.

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3. Useful listservs and websites

Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF), https://www.dcaf.ch,

Igarape Institute, https://igarape.org.br/temas/consolidacao-da-paz/

London School of Economics Centre for Women, Peace and Security, https://www.lse.ac.uk/womenpeace-security/research/Rethinking-Policy-Advocacy-Implementation

NATO, Allied Command Transformation – Gender Advisor. The website contains on-line education and training modules and toolkits,  https://www.act.nato.int/gender-advisor

Pass Blue Women, press agency, https://www.passblue.com/category/women/

Red de Seguridad y Defensa de America Latina, https://www.resdal.org/

UN Women, https://www.unwomen.org/es

UN Peacekeeping, Department of Peace Operations, https://peacekeeping.un.org/es/department-ofpeace-operations

WILPF’s Women, Peace and Security, https://www.peacewomen.org/

Women In International Security, https://www.wiisglobal.org/wiis-wps-scorecard-security-forces-inlatin-america/

The WomenStats Project at www.womanstats.org

Women’s UN Report Network, listserve (also in Spanish, Portuguese, French), https://wunrn.com/

WPS National Action Plans, https://www.wpsnaps.org/

About the Authors

Dr. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat is President of Women In International Security (WIIS) since February 2013. She has held senior positions at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)

North America; the US Institute of Peace; Center for Transatlantic Relations, Paul H. Nitze School of

Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University; Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, DC; and the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) in Geneva. Dr. de Jonge Oudraat has published extensively on a wide array of international security issues. She is co-editor with Dr. Michael E. Brown of The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, July 2020). De Jonge Oudraat received her PhD in Political Science from the University of Paris II (Panthéon).

Dr. Ellen Haring is a Senior Fellow at Women In International Security where she directs the Combat Integration Initiative. She is the former CEO of the Service Women’s Action Network. Haring’s research and work focuses on women and gender in the military. She is a West Point graduate and a retired US Army colonel. She holds a PhD in Conflict Analysis and Resolution from George Mason University, and she has taught at the US Army Command and General Staff College, the US Army War College and Georgetown University. Haring has published numerous articles and papers on a wide array of military and security-related topics. She guest lectures, has testified before Congress as a subject matter expert, and has been a guest speaker on foreign and domestic news shows.

Dr. Diorella Islas Limiñana is a Fellow at Women In International Security and an independent security consultant on intelligence, transnational criminal organizations and national security policies. She is Adjunct Faculty member in the Countering Transnational Organized Crime (CTOC) program at the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies in Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany. She has worked as a consultant for the Royal United Service Institute in London, and as a security analyst at the Center for Information and National Security in Mexico City. She holds a PhD in Politics, Languages and International Studies from the University of Bath and a MA and a BA from Tec de

Monterrey, Mexico City Campus. She has taught at the Bader International Study Center of Queens University and delivered guest lectures at different universities and organizations around the world.

Ana Velasco is a Fellow at Women In International Security and a Researcher at Observatorio Nacional Ciudadano, a leading Mexican NGO focused on issues of security and justice. Previously, she worked as an international news reporter in Mexico, and she has held a diplomatic position for the Mexican Secretariat of Economy in Germany. Velasco is the winner of the “1325 and Beyond” international essay competition organized by WIIS and the Heinrich Böll Stiftung. She recently finished a MA in Gender, Violence and Conflict at the University of Sussex with Distinction, and she is about to start her PhD in International Relations at the same institution.

Project Participants*

Aguirre, Johanna (Panama)

Almeida, Katherine (Dominican Republic)

Aquino, Massiel (Dominican Republic)

Arboleda, Naomi (Dominican Republic)

Argueta, Ann Marie (Guatemala)

Arias, Jeannette (Costa Rica)

Baez Racalde, Maria Gloria (Paraguay)

Baires, Emily (Guatemala)

Balcazar, Mauel (Mexico)

Barriga Abarca, Lourdes Aurelia (Peru)

Barrios, Silvana (Argentina)

Beltran Del Portillo, Maria Fernanda (Colombia)

Broce, Rosa (Panama)

Canto, Maria Belen (Argentina)

Capellan, Belgica (Dominican Republic)

Cardenas Hidalgo, Maria Andrea (Ecuador)

Cerdas, Loreley (Costa Rica)

Chaves, Andrea (Argentina)

Colon, Victor (USA)

Cordon, Mireya (Colombia)

Dantas, Stela (Brazil)

Davila Calderon, Martha Jenneth (Colombia)

De Anda Martinez, Erika (USA)

Depaz, Leidy (Peru)

Donadio, Marela (Argentina)

Drumond, Paula (Brazil)

Espaillat, José Rafael (Dominican Republic)

Ferreira Costa, Ivana Mara (Brazil)

Ferreto, Yorleny (Costa Rica)

Fischer, Andrea (Chile)

Flores, Nancy (Guatemala)

Fundora, Cristobal (Panama)

Galan Paniagua, Sonia Maria (Guatemala)

Giannini, Renata (Brazil)

Gil Rosado, Maria Teresa (Dominican Republic)

Gonzalez, Pedro (Chile)

Henandez, Francia (Dominican Republic)

Hernandez, Brianna (USA)

Hormazábal, Javiera (Chile)

Ignacio, Mercedes (Dominican Republic)

Islas, Diorella (México)

Jarpa, Carolina (Chile)

Jeremias da Silva, Jessika Kelly (Brazil) Jiménez Morales, Karen (Costa Rica)

Jorge, Ramon (Dominican Republic) Justynski,

Ashley (USA)

Lancaster-Ellis, Karen (USA)

Layman, Matthew (USA)

Lopez Portillo, Ernesto (Mexico)

Made, Dominga (Dominican Republic) Manes,

Amb. Jean (USA)

Marcial, Cynthia (Argentina)

Marulanda Castano, Diana Marcela (Brazil)

McCann, Elizabeth (USA)

Méndez, Elvira (Panama)

Mendoza Cortes, Paloma (Mexico)

Miranda Vargas, Inaraquel (USA)

Montenegro, Nadia (Panama)

Ortiz, Nereyda (USA)

Otto, Fomina (Chile)

Pacheco, Gloria (Costa Rica)

Pagtakhan, Elisabet (USA)

Paredes Escobar, Byron Gabriel (Ecuador)

Parra, Veronica (Chile)

Pena, Elisama (Dominican Republic)

Perera, Fabiana (USA)

Placencia Almonte, Albania (Dominican Republic)

Porras, Silvia (Costa Rica)

Ramirez Herrera, Carolina (Dominican Republic)

Rebelo, Tamya (Brazil)

Rey Pinto, Eva María (Colombia)

Reynoso Barrera, Jonas (Dominican Republic)

Rivas, Reina Margarita (Colombia)

Rodriguez-Acosta, Cristina (USA)

Rogers, Rhea (Belize)

Rojas, Valeska (Chile)

Rojas Ballestero, Fiorella Andrea (Costa Rica)

Sahid Garnica, German (Colombia)

Salguero, Miguel (Argentina)

Sanabria, Diana (Ecuador)

Sancho, Carolina (Chile)

Sanjines, Karen (Jamaica)

Santolalla, Guillermo (USA)

Santos, Maria Dolores (Ecuador)

Seron, Christian (Chile)

Silva Freire, Maria Eduarda Laryssa (Brazil)

Sprinkle, Abby (USA)

Suarez, Hilda (Argentina)

Summers, Becky (USA)

Talamoni, Ana Florencia (Argentina)

Turner, Duilia (USA)

Typrowicz, Jennifer (USA)

Russ, Sarah (USA)

Velasco-Ugalde, Ana (Mexico)

Villalba, Laura     (USA)

Volia, Zoila (Costa Rica) Weiss, Cornelia (USA)

Williams, Dianna (USA)

* Project participants includes those who participated in at least one of our workshops and/or our country research teams.

[1] In this project we are examining military forces and national police forces (police that operate at the national level not at the local or municipal level).

[2] The methodology was developed by Women In International Security (WIIS) in the context of a NATO sponsored project that sought to assess how well NATO member and partner states had integrated the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in their military institutions and operations. See Chantal de Jonge Oudraat et al., Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its Related Resolutions- the 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015).

[3] See Executive Order, Instituting a National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security (Washington, DC: The White House, December 19, 2011). This Plan was subsequently updated in June 2016.

[4] See Women, Peace and Security Act of 2017, Public Law 115-68-October 6, 2017 (Washington, DC: GPO, 2017).

[5] See US Strategy on Women, Peace and Security (Washington, DC: White House, 2019).

[6] See US DOD, Women, Peace, and Security: Strategic Framework and Implementation Plan (Washington, DC: US DoD,  June 2020), p.7.

[7] Ibid.

[8] See Chantal de Jonge Oudraat et al., Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its Related Resolutions – The 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015). For a description of the NATO project and our country scorecard reports, see: https://www.wiisglobal.org/programs/unscr-1325-nato/.

[9] The term “police” in this tool does not include local or municipal police. The police agencies that are included are those police agencies that also send police officers to UN peacekeeping operations.

[10] For more see wiisglobal.org.

[11] This is a statement that has also been recognized and subscribed to by the US Department of Defense. See US DOD, Women, Peace and Security (2020), p.10.

[12] In the Southern Hemisphere the legal framework for human rights even predates the UDHR. The American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, (adopted in May 1948 in Bogota, Columbia) was the first human rights instrument that recognized equal rights for all people. It was followed in 1969 by the American Convention on Human Rights. The 1969 American Convention on Human Rights requires states to adopt domestic legislation to give effect to these rights.

[13] They were particularly important in integrating Human Rights in the UN Charter and the UDHR.

[14] For more see Marcela Donadio et al., Women in The Armed and Police Forces: Resolution 1325 and Peace Operations in Latin America (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2010). More generally see also Ellen Haring, “Gender and Military Organizations” in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, eds., The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 90 – 112.

[15] In October 2015, the UN Security Council, in Resolution 2242, called for the doubling of the number of female peacekeepers (military and police) within five years. In August 2020, the UN Security Council also adopted Resolution 2538 which recognized “the indispensable role of women in increasing the overall performance and effectiveness of peacekeeping operations.” It also stressed the need to increase the participation of uniformed women in peacekeeping operations.

[16] In 2013, CEDAW adopted General Recommendation 30 on women in conflict prevention, conflict, and post-conflict situations. This strengthened the links between the WPS agenda and CEDAW.

[17] NATO/EAPC Women, Peace and Security Policy and Action Plan, 2018. NATO committed to the three “I”s: Integration: making sure that gender equality is considered as an integral part of NATO policies, programs, and projects guided by effective gender mainstreaming practices; Inclusiveness: promoting an increased representation of women across NATO and in national forces to enhance operational effectiveness and success; and Integrity: enhancing accountability with the intent to increase awareness and implementation of the WPS agenda in accordance with international frameworks.”

[18] See Mary K. Meyer Mcaleese, “WPS and the Organization of American States,” in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds.,  The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 413 – 427.

[19] See, for example, Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4 (2020), pp. 462 – 484; See also Donadio, Women in the Armed and Police Forces (2010). In 2019 Brazilian Navy Lieutenant Commander Marcia Braga received the UN Military Gender Advocate of the Year award for her work in the UN operation in the Central African Republic.

[20] See Drumond and Rebelo, Global Pathways or Local Spins?

[21] See for example, Fabiana Sofia Perera and Lieutenant Colonel Duilia Mora Turner, eds., Twenty Years, Twenty Stories: Women, Peace and Security in the Western Hemisphere (Washington, DC: William J. Perry Center for Hemsipheric Defense Studies, 2020). See also Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations, Whose Security? Practical Examples of Gender Perspectives in Military Operations (Stockholm: Nordic Centre for Military Operations, 2015).

[22] See Renata Avelar Giannini et al., A agenda sobre mulheres, paz e segurança no contexto latino-americano: desafios e oportunidades, Hemisphere (Rio de Janeiro, Brasil: Instituto Igarapé, March 2018). 12  See, for example, studies by the McKinsey Institute and the World Economic Forum.

[23] For many practical examples see Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations, Whose Security? Practical Examples of Gender Perspectives in Military Operations (Stockholm: Nordic Centre for Military Operations, 2015).

[24] The UN’s 2028 target for women in military contingents is 15% and 25% for military observers and staff officers. The 2028 target for women serving in formed police units is 20% and 30% for individual police officers. In 2020, women constitute 4.8% of military contingents and 10.9 % of formed police units in UN peacekeeping missions. See Peackeeping.un.org.

[25] Cited in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat et al., Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its Related Resolutions – The 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015), p. 7.

[26] This definition is based on the UN ECOSOC definition of 1997. See also Helene Lackenbauer and Richard Langlais, eds., Review of the Practical Implications of UNSCR 1325 for the Conduct of NATO-led Operations and Missions (Stockholm: Swedish Defense Research Agency (FOA), 2013), p. 55.

[27] See UN Women website unwomen.org “Gender Mainstreaming.”

[28] For example, in the United States and Brazil, the WPS agenda and gender equality efforts were not supported by the Donald J. Trump and Jair Bolsonaro administrations. Yet in both cases, the WPS agenda had gained some champions within the foreign affairs and defense establishments. These establishments had also put in place certain processes to integrate gender perspectives. Together, the champions and the institutional processes were able to safeguard some of the efforts that had been started before the advent of the new administrations. In addition, in the United States the US Congress had adopted the WPS Act in 2017, which had broad bi-partisan support. It was a big factor in safeguarding some of the WPS capacities that had been developed earlier. The Act also allowed the expansion of WPS activities in the military with regard to training and the appointment of GENADs in the Combatant Commands. The US Congress even set aside some money for the latter.

[29] See de Jonge Oudraat et al, Gender Mainstreaming (2015), p. 10-11.

[30] See scorecard template in Annex 2 and the scoring protocol in Annex 3.

[31] See country scorecards and narrative reports at the WIIS website (provide link here).

[32] See ECLAC, Regional Report on the Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in Latin America and Caribbean countries, 25 years on, LC/CRM.14.4 (Santiago: United Nations, 2019).

[33] See IDEA, Gender Quotas Database (Stockholm: IDEA @idea.int).

[34] See ECLAC, Regional Report on the Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in Latin America and Caribbean countries, 25 years on, LC/CRM.14.4 (Santiago: United Nations, 2019), p. 17.

[35] See Ellen Haring, “Gender and Military Organizations” in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020), p. 90.

[36] Nicole Jenne and Fiorella Ulloa Bisshopp, “Female Peacekeepers: UNSC Resolution 1325 and the Persistence of Gender Stereotypes in the Chilean Armed Forces,” International Peacekeeping, (October 14, 2020), p. 21.

[37] For strategies to increase women’s participation in national military organizations, see Haring, “Gender and Military Organizations.”

[38] See Georgetown Institute for Women Peace and Security and the Peace Research Institute Oslo, The WPS Index 2020 (Washington, DC: GIWPS, 2020); Oxfam and Development Finance International, Fighting Inequality in the Time of Covid-19:

The Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index 2020 (Oxford: Oxfam, 2020).

[39] Costa Rica is unique in the region as one of only a few countries with no military. It was assessed based on the security provided by the national police.

[40] See Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4 (2020), pp. 462 – 484.

[41] For more general analysis of NAPs globally see Caitlin Hamilton, Nyibeny Naam and Laura J. Shepherd, Twenty Years of Women, Peace and Security National Action Plans: Analysis and Lessons Learned (Sydney: Sydney University, March 2020). 32  Drumond and Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins?” p. 1. See also Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, 1325 and Beyond:

Moving Forward the WPS Agenda in Latin America, WIIS Policy Brief (July 2020); and

Ana Laura Velasco Ugalde, UNSCR1325 and the WPS Agenda: A Feminist Response to Authoritarianism, WIIS Policy Brief (June 2020), p. 1. Velasco notes the Covid-19 crisis and the call for staying at home has exposed the violence at home.

[42] Cited in Drumond and Rebelo, Global Pathways or Local Spins? p. 12. See also Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, 1325 and Beyond: Moving Forward the WPS Agenda in Latin America, WIIS Policy Brief (July 2020).

[43] Ibid.

[44] For more on Brazil’s NAP see Renata Avelar Giannini and Perola Abrue Pereira, Building Brazil’s National Action Plan: Lessons

Learned and Opportunities (London: LSE, March 3, 2020 – blog); Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, Implementing the “Women,

Peace and Security” Agenda in Brazil: An Assessment of the National Action Plan, Strategic Paper 31 (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, August 2019). See also https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/2019-07-31_AE-31_Women-Peace-andSecurity-National-Action-Plan.pdf.

[45] Argentine NAP: p. 10. Government of Argentina, National Action Plan of the Argentine Republic for the Implementation of Resolution Nº1325/2000 of the Security Council of the United Nations. (Argentina, 2015) at: https://www.peacewomen.org/ sites/default/files/Argentina%20NAP%202015%20(English).pdf and see the Spanish version at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/ infolegInternet/anexos/250000-254999/252151/Dto1895.pdf. 37  Today Argentina leads the region in WPS implementation.

[46] See UN Secretary General, Departmental Focal Points for Women in the Secretariat, ST/SGB?2008/12 (New York: United Nations, August 1, 2008). See also UN Women, Gender Focal Points and Focal Points for Women @ unwomen.org; and United Nations, Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Policy: Gender Responsive United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (New York: United Nations, February 1, 2018).

[47] RESDAL obtained much of its data through freedom of information mechanisms. See Marcela Donadio et al., Women in the

Armed Forces and Police in Latin America: Agender Approach to Peace Operations (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2010). See Renata Avilar Giannini, Maiara Folly and Mariana Fonseca Lima, Situacoes extraordinarias a entrada de mulheres na linha de frente das Forcas Armadas brasileiras (Rio de Janieri: Igarapé Institute: 2017). We do not know to what extent the US government is collecting data on the number of women in military forces around the world and how it applies that data to its International Military Training and Education (IMET) programs.

[48] The US DoD tracks the incidence rate of sexual harassment and assault in the ranks and publishes annual reports on their Sexual and Prevention Website. This is a Congressionally mandated annual requirement. https://www.sapr.mil/. See also Government of Canada, 2019 Sexual Misconduct Incident Tracking Report https://www.canada.ca/en/department-nationaldefence/corporate/reports-publications/sexual-misconduct-tracking-report.html. In Australia, the Chief of the Army came out strongly against sexual harassment and abuse. See Australia’s Chief of the Army addresses to soldiers on sexual assault in the ranks. https://vimeo.com/71028162.

[49] Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay. See Adriana Erthal Abdenur, Enhancing Peacekeeping Training Through Cooperation: Lessons from Latin America, Policy Brief (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, June 2018).

[50] See Humanas Colombia, 20 Años Exigiendo que el Gobierno Colombiano se conecte con la Paz y la Seguridad de las Mujeres, Pronunciamiento (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, July 2020) at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/arch_contenidos/ i_e_73153_q_PRONUNCIAMIENTO_R1325.pdf; Also from Humanas Colombia, see Observatorio Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad (a group actively lobbying for a WPS NAP), Cumplimiento del Estado Colombiano con la Resolución 1325 de 2000: Informe de monitoreo del año 2017 y primer semestre de 2018, (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, December 2018) at https://www.humanas.org. co/alfa/dat_particular/ar/ar_9042_q_R1325informe.pdf.

By Felicia Dede Addy and Shikshya Adhikari

Ghana is one of the biggest producers of gold in Africa and the world.1 Gold contributes significantly to Ghana’s economy, and small-scale mining—an important means of income for many low-income Ghanaian households—produces about 30 percent of Ghana’s total gold output.2 Under Ghanaian law, small-scale gold mining is reserved for Ghanaians, but the boom in gold prices in the 2000s and Ghana’s unprotected gold wealth drew thousands of Chinese miners to Ghana who started mining for gold illegally.3 Known locally as galamsey, illegal gold mining by Chinese migrants in Ghana has had devastating effects on the economy, the environment, communities, and women’s security.

The Ghanaian government has adopted several measures to curb the proliferation of illegal mining, but these measures have been ineffective because of government incompetence, severe corruption, a weak judiciary system, rampant violence in communities, and the complicity of locals.

Civil society can play an important role in dealing with the adverse effects of galamsey. Civil society organizations (CSOs) are particularly important in raising awareness in communities, helping curb violence, protecting women and pressuring the government to be accountable and transparent. This policy brief looks at small-scale mining in Ghana and the growing problems associated with illegal Chinese miners. It lays out the obstacles that government and local communities face in curbing galamsey and relates how CSOs are pushing for solutions. We conclude by providing recommendations for more active civil society engagement, both nationally and transnationally.

Small-Scale Mining in Ghana

Indigenous small-scale mining dates back to the 15th century in Ghana. It is an important means of livelihood for many rural people, who use the income from mining to supplement meagre farming income. Ghanaian small-scale mining may be second only to agriculture in its ability to create jobs and boost the economy.4 About one million people work directly in the sector, and approximately four million work in services dependent on small-scale mining.5

With so many Ghanaians practicing small-scale mining, the government felt the need to regulate mining practices to streamline the sector’s contribution to the economy, regulate the use of resources by small-scale miners, and provide official marketing channels for gold that the sector produced.6 In 1989, the government passed the Small-Scale Gold Mining Act, which introduced a licensing process. However, the process is highly bureaucratic, expensive, time-consuming, and riddled with corruption. Only those with money and political connections can secure licenses. Thus the process discourages many Ghanaians without money and influence from applying for and obtaining legal licenses. Since villages depended greatly on the mining sector, unlicensed smallscale mining continued.7

The scale of illegal mining expanded greatly in the 2000s, when Ghana’s gold reserves and the surge in gold prices attracted many foreign miners from neighboring Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire and countries such as Russia, Armenia, and China. Ghana saw an especially large influx of experienced Chinese miners.

Two main reasons explain the influx of Chinese miners.8 First, China’s economic liberalization led many Chinese migrant workers to come to Africa for work in a range of industries. With its ample unprotected gold reserves, Ghana proved attractive to Chinese gold diggers. Second, the majority of the Chinese miners in Ghana come from the Guangxi autonomous region in China, a region with a long history of gold mining and expertise in advanced mining techniques. About 50,000 Chinese miners have flocked to Ghana over the past decade and have been illegally mining gold.9

Effects of Chinese Illegal Mining

Unregulated and illegal mining by Chinese migrants has severely challenged the Ghanaian government, local communities and rural populations. It has compromised the local economy and security, particularly the well-being and security of women. In response, the government passed the 2006 Minerals and Mining Act, which “reserved” small-scale mining for Ghanaian citizens, and instituted the Alternative Livelihood and Community Mining Program, which sought to diversify sources of livelihood in mining areas. But because of widespread government corruption among national and local officials, their implementation was unsuccessful.10 Therefore, Chinese miners’ galamsey continues.

Economic and Environmental Impacts

Chinese investors bought up plots of lands from local farmers and landowners and replaced farmlands with gold mines. Farmhands lost their jobs, and overall food production declined. In addition, the influx of Chinese miners increased housing prices, which in turn led to an increase of homeless people.11 Lastly, Chinese miners introduced technologies such as dredging and advanced excavators, replacing lowtech, traditional mining techniques, increasing productivity and making it difficult for Ghanaian small-scale miners to compete with them.

The use of advanced technology has also polluted remaining farms lands and rivers nearby with dust, cyanide and mercury.12 Major rivers such as the Pra, Ankobra and Birim— essential for supplying water in Western and Eastern Ghana— have been polluted by mining runoff.13 This pollution has depressed farm productivity and the livelihoods of people who depend on farming. In addition, the consistent use of mercury in gold extraction has also harmed people’s health, which in turn has made them unable to work and earn a living.14

Community Security

An increase in robberies, violence, and other criminal activity accompanied the influx of Chinese miners. Attacks on Chinese migrants increased as local resentment grew. In response, the Chinese miners acquired weapons to protect themselves.15 Some became involved in the illegal buying and selling of arms.16 In many mining communities, the use and trafficking of narcotics also increased.17

Some observers worried that the loss of local livelihoods and the increase in security problems were bound to multiply locals’ grievances, thereby making communities vulnerable to recruitment by violent extremist groups. Violent protests have on occasion broken out over grievances in local mining communities in Ghana.18

Impact on Women

The majority of women in Ghana’s small-scale mining communities work on cocoa farms under abysmal conditions. Many supplement their meagre farming incomes by working in illegal mines. Often, women force their children to work in the mines to help supplement the family income.19 Women’s weak economic standing has made them quite dependent on galamsey, and government crackdowns on Chinese illegal mining have hit them hard.20 Although the government has acknowledged women’s economic vulnerability, its efforts thus far have not been directed toward reducing women’s dependency on illegal mining.21

The arrival of Chinese miners has also led to increased prostitution and sexual exploitation and abuse. Some women provide sexual favors to miners in exchange for money. In so doing, they expose themselves to arrest, as prostitution is illegal in Ghana. As a result, they become vulnerable to extortion and corruption. Equally worrisome is the sexual abuse of women employed by Chinese miners.22 These women, as well as their children, are discriminated against and ostracized by local communities.23

Government Responses

Prior to 2013, the Ghanaian government paid little attention to the proliferation of Chinese migrants in the small-scale mining sector. Although the government did pass the Minerals and Mining Actin 2006, the law was undermined by corrupt officials taking bribes from Chinese miners to allow them to continue mining.

When news media began reporting on galamsey issues in

2013, the government felt pressure to respond. President John Mahama established a task force made up of military personnel and other state security forces.24 The task force was instrumental in deporting over 4,500 Chinese miners and the seizure of mining equipment, but it also attempted to curtail illegal mining by Ghanaians.25 During presidential and parliamentary electoral campaigns in 2016, however, the Mahama government held back on enforcement against Ghanaians due to pressures from some communities that threatened to vote against it for attempting to stop them from working in galamsey mines.26

After Mahama’s electoral defeat, the new government under President Nana Akufo-Addo nonetheless sought to reinforce the ban on illegal mining. In 2017, an Inter-Ministerial Committee on Illegal Mining was set up to deal with the problem.27 The new government also launched Operation Vanguard, which deployed 400 military and police officials in centers of illegal mining.28 An Alternative Livelihood and Community Mining Program is also in place to train those previously involved in small-scale mining for work in other sectors. All have failed to curb illegal mining.

Obstacles to Curbing Galamsey

The lack of government success in curbing galamsey is due to a variety of reasons, key among them are the corruption of government officials and heavy-handed crackdowns by the security forces. Other reasons include a weak judicial infrastructure and complicit local populations that directly benefit from illegal mining.

Corruption. Some task force officials and local police take bribes to “look the other way” and thus reap the benefits of illegal mining.29 Chinese miners boast about their “good working relationships” with local police. Indeed, Chinese miners who are caught and detained are usually let go after they pay fines and are thus free to resume their illegal activities. The lack of law enforcement transparency around who is arrested and released makes it difficult for civil society actors to protest or counter illegal mining. On occasion, prosecutions of Chinese miners have been halted without reasonable justification and their seized equipment returned to them.30

Weak enforcement of anti-galamsey laws and complicit officials make combating corruption particularly difficult. In January 2020, the Ministry of Environment, Science, Technology and Innovation, which has oversight over the galamsey issue, revealed that about 500 excavators seized from illegal miners had gone missing, calling into question the vigilance of local authorities in policing the galamsey problem.31 Miners have relocated to more remote areas where authorities are less likely to discover them. This move “underground” to wait it out shows that the security forces’ vigilance waxes and wanes, making efforts to combat illegal mining inconsistent and, therefore, ineffective.32

Violence. Crackdowns by security forces have led to violence without effectively containing illegal mining. Both the Ghanaian and the Chinese communities have suffered the repercussions of this violence. Children and minors have been targets of violent raids. A 16-year-old Chinese boy was shot while fleeing a crackdown by Ghanaian forces.33 Families in China worry about family members who have been targeted in crackdown operations, as they receive no communication from Ghanaian authorities when their children or siblings are jailed or killed.34

Some aggrievedlocal authorities have incited young Ghanaians from the mining communities to engage in violence. In April 2020, a group of youth in eastern Ghana, with the support of a local assembly, set ablaze mining equipment belonging to Chinese miners and put the lives of many community members at risk.35

The ineffectiveness of government efforts has angered many local residents. In October 2016, some residents in Western Ghana violently demonstrated against Chinese miners, vandalizing government buildings and other infrastructure.36

Because miners carry cutlasses, shovels, and other mining equipment as weapons, they have been ready to attack at the slightest misunderstandings with communities or law enforcement officials, increasing the violence of attacks. Illegal miners have also armed themselves to protest closures of some illegal pits, causing panic and insecurity.37

Weak Judiciary. Those arrested on galamsey charges typically face minimal consequences. Beyond the problem of bribery, the legal and judicial process is slow. Thus many who are arrested post bail and quickly return to the field.38

Local Complicity. Galamsey provides ready income for many local people, much more than what farming offers or even compared with the government’s initiative on alternative livelihoods.39 Thus some individuals would rather sell land for galamsey, work in galamsey fields, or protect perpetrators by failing to report their activities. In some cases, community members clash directly with security forces seeking to prevent galamsey.40 Chiefs and family heads and custodians of communal and family lands in Ghana have seen large plots of land go to the highest bidder: foreign miners with no interest in sustainable mining to preserve the environment for future generations.41

In sum, illegal mining has not ceased despite some government efforts. Miners have become more likely to conceal their activities, however, making it more difficult for authorities to curb their activities or find other solutions.42 Ghanaian communities, meanwhile, have become more dependent on illegal mining, exposing them to violence and destitution.

The Role of Civil Society

CSOs can play an important role in curbing the proliferation of illegal Chinese mining activities in Ghana and alleviating its negative impacts on communities. CSOs have the standing to reach both the government and the people and can strategically position themselves as mediators.

Local civil society groups have been instrumental in pressuring the Ghanaian government to take action on illegal mining.43 Ghanaian CSOs have publicized the impact of galamsey on the environment and community security. They have worked to rehabilitate mined-out or degraded lands, and they have provided legal aid to those affected in galamsey communities while holding the government to its promises to curb galamsey.44

One such CSO, the Media Coalition against Galamsey, has been pressuring the Akufo-Addo government to take action. To promote reforestation and rejuvenation of galamsey sites, the nongovernmental organization Partners of Nature Africa initiated a project to plant rubber-tree seedlings on degraded land at a mining site at Peminanse in the Asiwa District of the Ashanti region.45 CSO Tropenbos Ghana has been helping local communities rehabilitate mined-out lands and teaching them to integrate good farming and settlement practices around the mining sites.46 The Centre for Public Interest Law provides courtroom representation and other legal services to those affected by mining operations and to those contending that the government or illegal mining operators encroached on their rights.47

Recommendations

Despite the meaningful work CSOs have been doing to curb and mitigate the effects of illegal small-scale mining, there is more to do: involve the affected communities in awareness raising, dialogue with the government and international community, create attractive alternative employment opportunities, and provide safe places for those who are physically or mentally abused. Moreover, the international community and the Ghanaian and Chinese governments should vigorously support the activities of CSOs.

Raising Awareness.One of the most important roles civil society can and should continue to play is to raise awareness regarding issues related to illegal mining. CSOs can raise awareness about environmental and security issues that may discourage local people from engaging in illegal mining. They can convene hearings and meetings for local people and government, including law enforcement officials, where all parties can raise issues and work toward resolving them. NGOs can appoint community mobilizers to talk to people, record their complaints, and present the results to government officials.

Dialogue with the Government and Local Officials. It is imperative that CSOs in Ghana engage the government in sustained dialogue on mitigating illegal mining. It is only through proper communication that people in affected communities will be able to understand the government’s perspective. While it may be difficult to prevent officials from taking bribes or becoming involved in corrupt activities, CSOs can highlight the corruption that does come to light and encourage transparency and accountability.

CSOs should increase efforts to engage local governments. Local officials are directly involved in the communities and sometimes facilitate illegal activities for profit. Engaging local government officials—and appealing for central government and law enforcement intervention where necessary—will increase accountability and transparency.

Programs to Develop Alternative Employment Opportunities. Civil societies can work with the local and central government officials to develop other opportunities for those who have lost their livelihoods due to illegal mining. Local and international NGOs working in Ghana should continue to offer skill-building training programs. It should prioritize women and men from marginalized backgrounds, female and single-headed households, people with disabilities, and others who may have a harder time coping with the loss of livelihood. These programs could help discourage criminal or extremist activity.

CSOs that advance alternative employment opportunities in Ghana’s mining regions may also be able to prevent or reduce violence. Targeting female-headed households for alternate employment programs will help reduce the burden on women who are forced to work long hours in mining while also caring for children. Accountability and transparency mechanisms and other initiatives should supplement these efforts, and CSOs are in a key position to establish them.

Safe Houses. CSOs, including religious groups, should establish safe houses for survivors of assault, rape, or other gender-based violence. These organizations must also connect survivors of violence to appropriate services such as hospitals, counseling, police, and lawyers.

Transnational Advocacy.CSOs have immense potential to build transnational and regional advocacy networks. CSOs in Ghana should ally with CSOs elsewhere to jointly pressure their respective governments to resolve problems stemming from illegal mining. Civil societies can also press countries to take the matter to the United Nations, which can encourage the international community to devise solutions.48 For example, the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation have supported CSO efforts to rehabilitate mined-out lands, providing resources for rehabilitation projects in galamsey areas.49

Conclusion

This policy brief proposes peaceful means for curbing Chinese galamsey in Ghana through greater reliance on CSOs. Forceful curbing of galamsey will only lead to more violence and abrupt loss of livelihoods. Grievances will increase, aggravating the challenges communities already face.


The government’s ban on illegal mining and violent crackdowns are compounding the problem while failing to tackle it systematically. The problem of Chinese illegal mining in Ghana is both serious and complicated. It secures livelihoods for some and destroys it for others. It creates dependencies, incites violence, reduces security, and severely depletes natural resources. By bringing together all stakeholders—the local mining communities, the Ghanaian government, and international actors—we believe mobilizing CSOs will help Ghanaian communities address the problem holistically.

References

  1. Fernando Aragon and Juan Pablo Rud, “Gold Mining and Living Standards in Ghanaian Households” (International Growth Center, January 2011–March 2012).
  2. Gordon Crawford et al., “The Impact of Chinese Involvement in

Small-Scale Gold Mining in Ghana,” E-33110-GHA-1 (International

Growth Center, May 2015); Gabriel Botchwey and Gordon Crawford, “Lifting the Lid on Ghana’s Illegal Small-Scale Mining Problem,”  The Conversation (September 25, 2019).

  • Botchwey and Crawford, “Lifting the Lid”; Jeremy Luedi,  “Galamsey in Ghana and China’s Illegal Gold Rush” (Asia by Africa, January 16, 2019).
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  • Minerals and Mining Act in Ghana (2006), https:// resourcegovernance.org/sites/default/files/Minerals%20and%20 Mining%20Act%20703%20Ghana.pdf; Gordon Crawford and Gabriel

Botchwey, “Conflict, Collusion and Corruption in Small-Scale Gold Mining: Chinese Miners and the State in Ghana,” Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, Vol. 55, No. 4 (2017), pp. 444–70.

  1. “House Rent for Only Chinese,” My Joy Online (June 25, 2013).
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  8. “Police Storm Community as Angry Youth Burn Mining Equipment in Eastern Region,” GhanaWeb (April 12, 2020). Many policymakers and academics have argued that young unemployed people are prime recruitment targets for insurgent and terrorist groups. See Guy Lamb et al., “Rumors of Peace, Whispers of War: Assessment of the Reintegration of Ex Combatants into Civilian Life in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Ituri, Democratic Republic of Congo,” Working Paper (Washington,

DC: World Bank, 2012); Jairo Munive and Finn Stepputat, “Rethinking Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Programs,” Stability: International Journal of Security and Development Vol. 4, No. 1 (2015). Studies have established significant connections between unemployment amongst youths and attraction to terrorism activities in the Middle East, North Africa, Afghanistan, and Pakistan region. See Aniruddha Bagchi and Jomon A. Paul, “Youth Unemployment and Terrorism in the MENAP (Middle East, North Africa, Afghanistan, and Pakistan) Region,” Socio-Economic Planning Sciences Vol. 64 (2018), pp. 9–20.

  1. Report of the UN Secretary-General on Social Analysis of Ghana’s Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining Sector (2016).
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Mining,” VOA News (May 27, 2019); Stephanie Barrientos, “Women in

Cocoa Production: Where Is the Gender Equity?” The Guardian (March 8, 2013); Roy Maconachie and Elizabeth Fortin, “On Ghana’s Cocoa Farms, Fairtrade Is Not Yet Working for Women,” The Guardian (March 11, 2016).

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Soon,” Modern Ghana (July 7, 2020). See also Ministry of Environment, Science, Technology, and Innovation, “Government Outlines Measures to Lift Small-Scale Mining,” press release(Accra: GNA, August 2018).

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State in Ghana: Implications for National Security and Development,” Research on Humanities and Sciences Vol. 4, No. 16 (2014), pp. 47–56.

  • “Lack of Prosecution Hindering Fight,” GhanaWeb; “Operation Vanguard Ordered to Withdraw from All Illegal Mining Areas,” GhanaWeb (February 27, 2020).
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“Illicit Chinese Small-Scale Mining in Ghana: Beyond Institutional Weakness?” Sustainability 11, No. 21 (2019).