Enhancing Security: Women’s Participation in the Security Forces in Latin America and the Caribbean: Part II

Dr. Karin L. Johnston, Dr. Diorella Islas, Larissa Abaunza

On October 31, 2000, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325),
the first of ten Security Council resolutions that together comprise the Women, Peace, and Security
(WPS) Agenda to advance gender equality and women’s representation and participation in all decision-making processes in peacebuilding and conflict prevention. Its passage was the culmination of decades
of international efforts to ensure women play an active role in addressing the impacts of war and conflict
on their lives along the spectrum of conflict resolution, peacemaking, peacekeeping, post-conflict
reconstruction, and conflict prevention. Since 2005, creating National Action Plans (NAPs) within
countries worldwide has become a major vehicle for institutionalizing the WPS agenda.
The focus on peacekeeping and the participation of women in security sector forces brought renewed
attention to the process of integrating a gender perspective in military and national police operations.
In 2020, Women In International Security (WIIS) was approached by the U.S. Southern Command
(USSOUTHCOM) to establish a baseline of data and best practices to assist partner nations in Latin
America and the Caribbean in evaluating the implementation of the WPS agenda in their respective
security sector forces.
WIIS reported its first findings on 14 countries (13 countries in the USSOUTHCOM area of responsibility
(AOR) plus Mexico) in the 2020 report “Enhancing Security: Women’s Participation in Latin America
and the Caribbean.” The present report continues the work that began in 2020 to study progress in
implementing the WPS agenda in Latin America and the Caribbean. This second report examines the
remaining 15 countries in the USSOUTHCOM AOR utilizing the research questions and methodology
framing the 2020 report.
Supporting the conclusions from the 2020 report, the 2023 study shows that despite many countries
lacking national militaries or NAPs, all countries in the study have strong normative frameworks in
place to advance gender equality at the national level. There is growing momentum in integrating gender
equality in military and defense forces, police forces, and other forces responsible for public security,
though the pace and scope among the countries vary. Nevertheless, the study also underscores that
the gap between the rhetorical support of gender equality and the implementation of the WPS agenda
persists, challenging governments to apply the necessary political will and resources to advance gender
equality and the WPS agenda in the region.
The findings of our assessment examining the level of integration of gender equality and the WPS agenda
in security forces in Latin America and the Caribbean are outlined below:

  • Countries have developed a range of regional and state agencies, institutions, and agreements that
    reflect a commitment to greater advancement towards gender equality in security forces, even in the
    absence of a NAP and references to the WPS agenda;
  • A broad commitment to gender equality and gender integration both nationally and in security
    institutions has not seen consistent, transformational changes in policies and practices that can
    recruit, promote, and retain women in security forces;
  • Women’s representation in military and national police forces remains low;
  • Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms are poorly resourced, often lacking the data collection and
    civil society interaction that allow decision-makers to identify problem areas in plan implementation
    and make needed course corrections.
    Based on these findings, the report proposes the following recommendations:
    National Level:
  • Adopt a WPS NAP: A WPS NAP can be a valuable tool that supports and complements a nationallevel gender mainstreaming strategy. It induces government actors to work together at the national and
    local levels and more closely with civil society. It also creates avenues for greater gender participation
    throughout the plan’s design and implementation.
  • Ensure Civil Society Participation: Include civil society actors from the earliest stages of plan
    development and throughout the implementation, monitoring, and evaluation phases.
  • Commit Human and Financial Resources: Using a gender-responsive budgeting process, governments
    should ensure gender-equitable allocation and distribution of resources and provide sufficient staff,
    including GENADs and GFPs, to ensure a NAP’s sustainability.
  • Monitor and Evaluate Progress: An effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism should be in
    place and appropriately funded.
  • Ensure Transparency: The defense forces and public security institutions should consider
    communication strategies to publicly share their progress and challenges in advancing their gender
    integration efforts.
    Institutional Level:
  • Expand Women’s Operational or Combat Positions: Efforts should expand beyond creating gendersensitive recruitment policies and material to aim for women’s unrestricted and equal access to all
    military, police, and security forces positions. Often, restricted operational positions are pathways for
    promotion to senior ranks.
  • Evaluate Quality of Life and Force Retention Policies: Policies that provide support and incentive
    for women to remain in the force should be institutionalized, e.g., providing and designing maternity
    and paternity leave policies and available childcare facilities, extending family leave policies, and
    providing equipment and facilities that serve women’s needs.
  • Appoint a Gender Advisory Workforce: To support the effective implementation of gender
    mainstreaming and WPS principles at all levels of decision-making—strategic, tactical, and
    operational—security institutions should appoint GENADs and GFPs who have training in WPS and
    gender studies.
  • Institutionalize WPS Training: Implementing foundational training at all military service branches
    and rank levels to educate and integrate the WPS agenda and gender equality should be a high priority
    in the military and national police forces.
    Regional Level:
  • Create an Annual WPS Summit: Representatives from the defense forces, national police agencies,
    and subject matter experts (SMEs) should meet regularly to share best practices and lessons learned
    to ensure continued advancement in gender integration.
  • Create Regional Training Courses: Create a joint WPS strategy training for countries considering or
    developing a WPS strategy or that have yet to appoint a GENAD.
  • Gender and Regional Climate Cooperation: As regional cooperation increases in response to growing
    alarm about the impact of climate on security, ensure that a gender dimension is an integral part of
    any resulting regional framework for preventing, mitigating, responding, and adapting to climate
    change and environmental disasters.

By Tahina Montoya and Joan Johnson-Freese

With passage of the 2017 Women, Peace and Security Act, the United States became the first country to mandate implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) framework. In accordance with act requirements, Congress released a report in July 2022 evaluating the progress of the four US government agencies charged with implementation—the Department of State, Department of Defense, Department of Homeland Security, and US Agency for International Development (USAID). While progress was noted across all agencies, it was inconsistent. According to the report, for example, the Department of States invested $110 million, USAID $239 million, and Department of Defense $5.5 million for execution. Setting aside the discussion of how much is the proper amount to spend to fulfill the requirements specified by Congress—a vital discussion that should continue and be informed by regular reviews of progress made by each agency—DoD is clearly lagging far behind, a fact that becomes even more apparent when considering the vastly larger budgets apportioned to it than either the Department of State or USAID. Moreover, the differences in budget allocations among the implementing organizations create and exacerbate a WPS implementation gap and hamper collaboration. They also reflect differing perspectives on WPS relevance to organizational mission success. Thus, understanding relevance is a prerequisite to successful WPS implementation and education becomes both a fiscally responsible and necessary step in moving WPS implementation forward within DoD.

In 1986, Congress passed the sweeping Goldwater-Nichols DoD Reorganization Act, designed to address issues associated with intraservice rivalries that hampered mission success during the Vietnam War, the Iran hostage crisis, and the invasion of Granada. In addition to establishing command structure changes, Goldwater-Nichols also mandated that military officers complete joint professional military education (JPME) as a prerequisite for certain joint assignments and promotion categories. Education was thereby recognized as the right means for instilling “jointness” both within and between services. Subsequently, through designations of special areas of emphasis and legislation, education has repeatedly been recognized as the right means for mainstreaming key concepts and topics relevant to the military into the forces. As the July 2022 congressional report section on professional military education (PME) states, “The Department has recognized that WPS is an important field of study and as such, must be incorporated into how the Department educates its commissioned and non-commissioned officers to think strategically and identify creative approaches to joint warfighting and sustaining momentum in the Department’s campaigns.” While the benefits of mainstreaming WPS relevance through JPME are clear, integrating WPS into JPME has been hampered by organizational silos and organizational cultures that often still see security as primarily linked to men.

The Benefits of Mainstreaming WPS Relevance Through JPME

There are multiple benefits to incorporating WPS into JPME. Doing so would not only help align DoD with its Department of States and USAID counterparts to alleviate the already widening WPS knowledge gap between the agencies, but would do so with minimal fiscal impact to the DoD budget. JPME institutions already exist, are fully staffed—many including a WPS chair or lead—and are increasingly working together on WPS implementation. Incorporation of WPS principles into the core curriculum of JPME organizations is a logical next step. Further, incorporation addresses Defense Objective 1 in the 2020 DoD WPS Strategic Framework Implementation Plan, to ensure that the DOD “exemplifies a diverse organization that allows for women’s meaningful participation across the development, management, and employment of the Joint Force,” and mandates that DoD do so through JPME. In addition to abiding by published directives, incorporating WPS principles into JPME provides the United States with a stronger voice when encouraging partner nations to do the same.

More directly, incorporating WPS principles into DoD through JPME enhances readiness. In other words, WPS enables a US military that is a more effective fighting force, one that is better equipped and more capable of fulfilling any of the broad range of mission it may be tasked with. Failure to have troops prepared in advance resulted in the United States’ initial struggle to engage and work with a key source in the Middle East, women. Rather than being ready for the fight, the United States was forced to play catch-up, driving the development of rushed, ad hoc, separate training for cultural support teams and female engagement teams, while already at war. Having WPS principles incorporated throughout JPME would ensure gender perspectives, empirically shown to be relevant to conflicts and DoD missions, are part of standard operating procedures in future engagements.

For example, during the resettlement of Afghan evacuees into the United States after the US military withdrawal from Afghanistan, Operation Allies Welcome was the first time two specific roles—gender focal points (GFPs) and gender advisors (GENADs)—were part of the mission planning process, as opposed to being an afterthought. Trained gender advisors were deployed to each of the eight task forces established throughout the country to serve as a cultural bridge between Afghanistan and the United States. They were there, as stated by Northern Command, to “provide a gender perspective into decision making; build relationships and trust with female guests; ensure women had equitable access to information and were able to voice their issues, concerns and ideas; and provide English classes and education on US cultural norms and expectations.” Accounting for those considerations better situated the task forces to advance an otherwise hectic mission, enhance evacuees’ perceptions of the United States, and ultimately contribute to more positive diplomatic and national security benefits. Unfortunately, gender perspectives and considerations prevalent in Operation Allies Welcome remain operational exceptions, rather than the norm.

Additionally, mainstreaming WPS principles into DoD through JPME provides future forces, including US allies who attend JPME, with valuable threat assessment, strategy development, and force enhancement tools, like the consideration of gender, not available elsewhere. In essence, incorporating WPS in JPME will not only benefit the United States on a national level; educating international officers attending JPME (many of whom are the future leaders of their respective countries) will, undoubtedly, also benefit the United States from a diplomatic and international perspective.

On June 16, 2023, with the publication of its WPS Strategic Action Plan, the Department of the Air Force became the military department to establish how its services—the Air Force and the Space Force—would implement WPS. The plan specifically identifies training as the department’s first WPS objective. Within that objective, intermediate objectives are identified that explicitly state that the department “incorporates WPS principles and gender perspectives into all training and professional military education.” Formalizing a strategic action plan that recognizes the role PME plays in institutionalizing WPS is a step in the right direction, but DoD-wide implementation requires other services to commit to the same, and then follow through. Follow-through in this regard has been slow, at best.

Inhibitors: Educational Silos and Organizational Culture

Gender is not the first topic difficult to understand and implement through JPME. But the JPME enterprise has rightly tackled those difficult topics—topics that span multiple overlapping academic silos and are vital to US national defense—just as it must with gender.

One of those difficult topics has been jointness. Part of the rationale behind the Goldwater-Nichols JPME requirement was to promote jointness. Jointness is essentially a force enhancer, intended to improve military effectiveness, and thus is a topic overlapping all aspects of military operations. Consequently, instilling jointness required integration into multiple JPME lessons across multiple, often siloed, departments for it to become standard operating procedure and part of future operations and doctrine. In crises, military organizations execute how they train, and they train according to doctrine.

The requirement to integrate jointness throughout JPME curriculum meant that every faculty member had to understand and seamlessly integrate it into the curriculum. At times, and at some PME institutions, faculty had to be incentivized. For example, for a time, the Naval War College annual faculty ratings included considerations of how well individuals instilled jointness into their teaching. Being part of their annual ratings encouraged faculty to become familiar with and incorporate jointness into their courses. Incentivizing faculty might also need to be the case with WPS.

Space security provides another example of challenges that accompany integrating crosscutting topics into military studies. Space operations includes four mission areas: space force enhancement, space support, space control, and space force application. Within space force enhancement, space capabilities aren’t important somewhere, they are important everywhere. Space security also has highly technical aspects and classification issues, further complicating its understanding and teaching. Consequently, JPME institutions have long struggled with questions regarding how to teach its importance, uses, and limitations as those considerations require at least limited knowledge of physics, engineering, policy, law, strategy, and security considerations. DoD has worked to address these issues for decades, and became part of the impetus behind the 2019 creation of the Space Force. Creation ensured the development of a critical mass of individuals with the requisite knowledge, clearance, and access to decision-makers to make inclusion of space security considerations part of national security standard operating procedure.

The incorporation of both jointness and space security in JPME offers insights applicable to WPS. In the case of jointness, the limited technical or classification components involved eased its incorporation, which should similarly make JPME incorporation of WPS more achievable. Additionally, as with jointness, the will and faculty motivation to incorporate concepts into their classrooms is key to implementation. The space security example offers an example of how, with the creation of the Space Force, DoD looked externally, to different organizations, to attract the expertise required to successfully develop and achieve the mission. This could also be the case with WPS, at least initially. In both cases, jointness and space security were topics that encountered organizational friction in JPME integration. In the case of gender considerations, however, in addition to friction, despite presidential and congressional direction to implement WPS, there has been outright organizational resistance centered on outdated notions of whether and how gender is relevant to national security.

Though well-established empirically, the relationship between gender and security has been largely unrecognized in academic courses related to international relations or security studies in both civilian and PME academic institutions. In military commands and PME institutions, that knowledge gap inhibits WPS implementation, forcing WPS advocates to rely on individual access to senior leaders and those individual leaders’ willingness to learn about WPS. The creation of two courses, WPS 100 and WPS 200, offered through Joint Knowledge Online was intended to provide leadership an introduction to WPS, at times and in ways convenient to them, but it remains utilized predominantly by action officers—those specifically tasked with ensuring a unit or organization is fulfilling WPS requirements—rather than the broader cohort of leaders necessary to effect widespread cultural change.. WPS 100 and WPS 200 are currently prerequisites of GFP and GENAD training, training essential to building a formally trained cadre of experts that serves an entirely separate, but equally beneficial, purpose. Separate from GFP and GENAD training, broadly integrating WPS principles throughout JPME ensures all service members have a basic understanding of WPS relevance to security. One does not, and is not intended to, replace the other as both are essential to expand the understanding and relevance of gender to security and military operations within DoD.

The perspectives of authors whose works are being read, promoted on military reading lists, and included as core curriculum in JPME remain predominantly male authored. This, in itself, evidences that security is still seen as a primarily male field by leadership and JPME administrators. For context, among 2022 military reading lists, the Air Force list was the most diverse, with 8 of 21 of the recommended books authored by women; followed by the Navy, 4 of 12; the Marines, 7 of 46; and the Army, 1 of 113. Regarding core curriculum readings, based on two in-house surveys regarding articles used in JPME, women authored or coauthored only about 10 percent of students’ readings. Conversely, a quick review of articles in Foreign Affairs between May/June 2022 and May/June 2023 shows that women authored or coauthored nearly 37 percent of works published. Similarly, 55 percent of articles and editorials published by the Harvard International Review from April 2022 to April 2023 were authored by female scholars. The issue, then, is not a lack of women-authored security-related articles being available, but rather, a lack of recognition and endorsement of such work in military institutions.

Organizational cultures tied to gender stereotypes and adverse to thinking beyond those gender stereotypes are inherently skeptical of recognizing gender as a security factor tied to readiness and mission success. But, as with JMPE being effectively used to overcome service rivalries in favor of jointness, even if faculty had to be incentivized to do so, education can effectively drive the change that is required to effectively implement WPS.

Incremental Steps

It is laudable that many JPME institutions have hired WPS chairs, conducted workshops, and held conferences on WPS. But, like gender advisors and gender focal points within other commands, WPS chairs can only do as much as their personal access to amenable leaders allows. JPME offers a means to continuously reach and educate the fighting force as a whole. Further, one person (or even a handful of people) cannot integrate gender perspectives into a curriculum taught by multiple faculty members in various departments. It must be integrated by the entire faculty.

Understandably, however, many JPME faculty members are reluctant to integrate gender considerations into curriculum, as most are largely unfamiliar with the subject themselves. Ensuring integration of gender perspectives into course material requires offering faculty development opportunities to learn about WPS. Like jointness, gender is not a stand-alone topic, but one that permeates throughout security studies. Like space, gender considerations must be worked into wargaming, exercises, and doctrine. While this is beginning to happen, it is still only by exception. Development of a WPS primer outlining core elements of WPS that institutions can adapt to their circumstances, faculty, student body, and budget and that is flexible enough to be used by both domestic and international organizations is needed. This primer would provide guidance on what key topics need to be integrated into core curriculum, not how to teach it, and would facilitate WPS standardization across JPME.

Finally, but not inconsequentially, mainstreaming WPS into DoD through JPME serves as a mechanism to address the issues continually surrounding and negatively impacting the military regarding sexual assault. At a March 2023 briefing on the 28 percent rise in sexual assault and harassment reports at military service academies, a DoD official called the statistics “extremely upsetting and disappointing.” In April 2023, DoD provided Congress with its Annual Report on Sexual Assault in the Military for fiscal year 2022, reporting a total of 8,942 sexual assault reports throughout DoD, a 1 percent increase from the previous year. In addition to the immeasurable trauma experienced by survivors, these statistics also represent a threat to maintaining an effective workforce and readiness, making sexual assault and sexual harassment a direct threat to US national security. While DoD is taking steps to counter sexual assault in the military (addressing the issues that already exist), WPS education at JPME would contribute to preventing sexual assault (taking steps to address issues before they develop).

DOD has an opportunity build on the successes noted in the July 2022 congressional report and JPME provides the mechanism to do so effectively. Failure to consider efficient implementation of WPS in JPME will only hamper opportunities to facilitate mission readiness and ensure mission success.

Tahina Montoya is an officer and gender advisor in the Air Force Reserve and a fellow at Women in International Security.

Joan Johnson-Freese is a professor emeritus at the Naval War College, senior fellow at Women in International Security, and author of Educating America’s Military and Women, Peace and Security: An Introduction.

The views expressed are those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the United States Military Academy, Department of the Army, or Department of Defense, or that of any organization the authors are affiliated with, including the Department of the Air Force and the Naval War College.

By Eric Rudberg

Female participation in both conflict prevention and conflict resolution enhances security interests. Studies have found that a significant inclusion of women and civil society groups in a peace negotiation makes the resulting agreement 64% less likely to fail and 35% more likely to last at least fifteen years.[1]  Evidence has repeatedly illustrated that full and meaningful participation of women in peace operations broadens the perspective on conflict management, allows for more inclusive political resolutions, and, in the end, improves international peacebuilding strategies. It has also been shown that there is a direct correlation between the meaningful participation of women in peacekeeping and the performance and effectiveness of peacekeeping units.[2] This participation of uniformed women peacekeepers can be divided between the police component, justice and correction, and, finally, the military.  Of the three, this paper will exclusively examine the military component in depth.  It will explore the importance of meaningful participation of female peacekeepers as well as examine the current status of military women in peacekeeping operations. 

Importance of Meaningful Participation of Female Peacekeepers

The increase of women’s participation in global peacekeeping operations has been shown to improve the effectiveness and stability of a mission. Missions with more women personnel are more likely to achieve their mandate and bring sustainable peace.[3]  However, evidence strongly shows that it is the “meaningful” participation of women and not just numbers that matters. The Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations defines meaningful participation as “the presence and leadership of women in UN peace operations, across all ranks and functions.”  According to the Elsie Initiative, women can participate meaningfully “when they contribute to, and are included in, all aspects of operational and mission planning, and decision-making processes…[and] when they hold operational command and leadership positions, and non-traditional as well as non-stereotypical roles.” Additionally, women can participate meaningfully “when they have access to the same training, promotion and career advancement opportunities as their colleagues who are men;…when they hold positions that are in line with their training, rank and area of expertise; and when their workplace is free from all forms of harassment, bullying and intimidation.”[4]

Meaningful participation of female peacekeepers improves the operation and performance of a peacekeeping force. They enhance the overall holistic approach in today’s peacekeeping operations by contributing an additional perspective to the planning and key decision-making process, especially those affecting civilians, particularly women and girls.[5] A diversity of backgrounds and experiences has been proven to enhance a unit’s performance and ability to solve problems. This female perspective enables the peacekeeping operation to successfully address the needs of the entire civilian population it is there to serve.[6]  Female peacekeepers also bring a unique set of tactical skills that their male counterparts often do not possess, including the ability to physically screen/search females.[7]  Knowing that peacekeepers are supposed to abide by the cultural sensitivity of not having males searching females, it is not uncommon for spoilers, also known as the opposing force, to have females carry illicit items under their clothing since the females will probably not be screened and searched.

Women peacekeepers’ access to the local population is particularly valuable when there are cultural restrictions around interaction across gender lines and in venues that are closed to men.[8] Reflecting on her service in Afghanistan, Major General Kristin Lund pointed out that, “being a female, from my recent deployment in Afghanistan, I had access to 100% of the population, not only 50%.”[9] Locals often feel more comfortable liaising and sharing information with military troops that include women peacekeepers, giving them better situational awareness of the environment they are operating in.[10] The ability to gain the trust of local populations is a vital component of any peacekeeping operation.[11] It results in good intelligence and a reduction in violence in the communities that peacekeepers seek to protect.[12]

Female peacekeepers often cultivate trust and confidence with local communities which in turn encourages these populations to work with the peacekeeping force by reporting a variety of crimes, in particular, sexual violence. Major General Lund explains, “if a woman has been gang-raped by men, she will most likely approach a woman in uniform rather than a man. And men that are raped will, I think, also approach a woman soldier rather than a man.”[13] Women’s participation is also connected with fewer misconduct complaints lodged against the peacekeeping force since these women are perceived as being more effective at de-escalating potential violence and are less threatening.[14] Finally, the inclusion of female peacekeepers has been associated with fewer allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse committed by the peacekeeping force.[15] Studies have found that an increase in the proportion of women from zero to five percent reduces the expected count of sexual allegations by half.[16]

Current Status of Women in Peacekeeping Operations

Despite evidence that the meaningful participation of women in the military contingent of  peacekeeping operations is both the right and smart thing to do, they are routinely underrepresented. For example, led by the United Nations Department of Peace Operations, there are currently twelve peacekeeping missions deployed worldwide to help countries navigate the difficult path from conflict to peace.[17] According to the Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender spreadsheet for October 2022, out of 63,310 strictly military peacekeeping troops deployed to these twelve missions, only 3,789 are female, or roughly 6.0%.[18] However, this percentage has very slowly been increasing throughout the years.  In 1993, women comprised less than 1% of the uniformed personnel deployed.[19] In 2015, UN Security Council Resolution 2242 encouraged the Secretary-General, in collaboration with member states, to “double the numbers of women in military and police contingents of UN peacekeeping operations over the next five years.”[20]  Regardless of this call to action, there has not been a significant increase in female participation since the end of 2009.[21] In 2018, UN member states adopted the Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028, which set the goal of 15% for female participation in the military contingent by 2028.[22] It also established annual targets for the Secretariat to accomplish this lofty goal. The target for 2022 was 9% but fell short by 1,909 female peacekeepers.[23]

Nevertheless, some countries have managed to deploy significantly higher percentages of female peacekeepers.  As of October 2022, of the fifteen countries that deploy over 1,000 troops to peacekeeping operations, South Africa, Ghana, Ethiopia, and the United Republic of Tanzania exceeded the UN’s contribution target (9%) for the percentage of women deployed.  Additionally, multiple countries that deploy fewer troops have done better. Nigeria, for example, has 21.5% of women in their peacekeeping forces (14/65) and Estonia is at 100% (1/1). On the opposite end of the spectrum is India, which only deploys 51 women on their missions (0.9%), despite being the second largest troop-contributing country in the world, with 5,548 troops deployed.[24] As of October 2022, the top three UN peacekeeping missions with the highest number of female troops are the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) with 781, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) with 776, and the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) with 746.  In spite of those large numbers, relative to the proportion of the total force, female troops only made up 6.4% of MINUSCA, 5.9% of UNMISS, and 6.0% of MONUSCO. The top three missions with the highest proportion of female troops are the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) at 40.0% (8/20), the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) at 8.9% (66/740), and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) at 7.3% (692/9490).[25]

Although the number of female peacekeepers and the proportion of the military contingent made up of women is slowly increasing, this does not mean that meaningful participation of women is rising in UN peacekeeping missions. Often, women peacekeepers who do serve are limited to stereotypical roles such as nursing, community engagement, administration, and domestic services, which include such tasks as cooking, cleaning, and laundry, irrespective of their skills and experience.[26] Missions with a higher percentage of combat-related forces tend to have the lowest percentages of women, in part because of a reluctance to send female peacekeepers to dangerous areas of conflict, where there are higher levels of sexual exploitation and abuse or higher numbers of peacekeeping deaths. The belief that women cannot protect themselves is still prevalent among peacekeeping forces today.[27]

  This tendency results in women peacekeepers being underutilized since they rarely conduct patrols or interact with locals, especially with the women and children in the community.  Even though their numbers and proportions are expanding, women might not be deploying to missions evenly or where they might be most needed. Consequently, these operations lack added benefits and the potential impact that meaningful participation of females brings to a mission.[28] Ambassador Melanne Verveer bluntly explained, “Inclusion is not enough for meaningful participation, which is what matters in the end.”[29]

There are numerous barriers and challenges women must overcome in order to participate in peace operations. Females experience similar stigmas and taboos throughout their military careers regardless of their rank, nationality, or background. These stigmas and taboos create challenges at the individual and community level, within women’s national defense structures, and within UN peace operations.[30] In July 2018, the Elsie Initiative published a baseline study which was the first attempt to systematically gather, analyze, and categorize the barriers female soldiers face in their pursuit of deploying on peacekeeping operations. Fourteen different barriers that can prevent women from deploying on peacekeeping operations were identified and organized into six main categories: equal access to opportunities, deployment criteria, the working environment, family constraints, equal treatment during deployment, and career-advancement opportunities.[31] Since the baseline study was published, further research has reduced and combined these fourteen barriers into ten: eligible pool, deployment selection, deployment criteria, household constraints, top-down leadership, inadequate accommodation and equipment, negative experiences, disincentives to redeploy, stereotypical gender roles, and social exclusion.[32]  Many of these barriers address cultural challenges women face in their home countries, both in society and within the military itself. Studies show that when a troop-contributing country has a better record of gender equality, it is more likely to send female peacekeepers. In other words, when a country strives to gender mainstream its own national military, it is more likely to send women to a peacekeeping mission, which, therefore, improves the gender balancing in said mission.[33] Ghana is an example of this since it was among one of the few countries globally to have started enlisting females as far back as 1958, barely a year into its independence. It is also given credit for having trained the first female officer pilots in the sub-region in 1965.[34] Thus, it is not surprising that Ghana’s contributing percentage for female peacekeepers in October 2022 was 14.1%.[35]

On October 31, 2000, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 to address women, peace, and security. This groundbreaking resolution highlighted a shift in UN policy to engage more females in peacekeeping operations.[36] It stressed “the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security.”[37] In the two decades since Resolution 1325, the UN has continued to adopt numerous other resolutions and initiatives aimed to address the underrepresentation of women in UN peace operations. This includes both the Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028 and Resolution 2242, which, among other things, encourages troop-contributing countries to hit targeted female participation percentages. Also, in August of 2018, 152 member states of the UN committed to “ensuring full, equal and meaningful participation of women in all stages of the peace process” and “recommit[ted] to increasing the number of civilian and uniformed women in peacekeeping at all levels and in key positions” in their Declaration of Shared Commitments on UN

Peacekeeping Operation as part of the Action for Peacekeeping initiative.[38] This initiative was a call by UN Secretary-General António Guterres for a renewed collective engagement with UN peacekeeping and to mutually commit to reaching for excellence for all those involved.[39] Most recently, in August 2020, the Security Council adopted Resolution 2538 which unequivocally recognizes “the indispensable role of women in increasing the overall performance and effectiveness of peacekeeping operations.”[40] It also offers clear direction on how member states can increase the deployment of female peacekeepers. Finally, it supports the need to ensure that the working culture is gender-sensitive for women, and addresses threats and violence against them.[41] Despite all of these efforts, female military troops continue to be a rarity in UN peacekeeping operations. 

Conclusion

The meaningful participation of women is not only an extremely important issue for peacekeeping but also for gender equality. The benefit they bring to a mission can be the difference between success and failure. Because of this advantage, everything possible must be done to ensure that women are an integral part of every peacekeeping operations.  It is inspiring to imagine how the world will be once this is accomplished. The UN, along with all its member states, must continue to strive for this goal.

The opinions expressed here are solely the authors’ and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Women In International Security or its affiliates

After graduating from the United States Military Academy, Eric served as an Army infantry officer, which included two combat tours in Iraq. Wanting to share the hard lessons he had learned, once out of the Army, he began to train and mentor future peacekeepers across Africa through the State Department’s Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI). He then returned to academia and earned both a master’s in Security Policy Studies and a graduate certificate in Global Gender Policy from The George Washington University.  He now serves as the Finance and Operations Analysis for the African Team within GPOI where he works on increasing the meaningful participation of females in peacekeeping operations. 

Bibliography

United Nations Peacekeeping. “Action for Peacekeeping (A4P).” Accessed February 9, 2023. https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/action-for-peacekeeping-a4p.

Bigio, Jamille, and Rachel B. Vogelstein. “CFR Policy Innovation Memorandum Advocates for More Female Peacekeepers.” Council on Foreign Relations (blog), September 27, 2018. https://www.cfr.org/blog/cfr-policy-innovation-memorandum-advocates-more-female-peacekeepers.

———. “How Women’s Participation in Conflict Prevention and Resolution Advances U.S. Interests.” Council on Foreign Relations Press, October 2016. https://cdn.cfr.org/sites/default/files/pdf/2016/10/Discussion_Paper_Bigio_Vogelstein_Women%20in%20CPR_OR.pdf.

———. “Increasing Female Participation in Peacekeeping Operations.” Council on Foreign Relations, September 26, 2018. https://www.cfr.org/report/increasing-female-participation-peacekeeping-operations.

Brabant, Solene. “Assessing Barriers and Opportunities for Women’s Participation in Peacekeeping.” A Propos 162 (September 2019): 15–16. https://www.swisspeace.ch/apropos/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/september-2019.pdf.

Candela, Kacie. “Women’s Roles as UN Peacekeepers: A Status Report.” PassBlue, August 7, 2018. https://www.passblue.com/2018/08/07/womens-roles-as-un-peacekeepers-a-status-report/.

“Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender.” United Nations Peacekeeping, 31 October 22. https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/07_gender_statistics_55_october_2022.pdf.

Coulouris, Renee. “Why We Need More Women in Peacekeeping.” Foreign Policy Rising (blog), March 27, 2019. https://foreignpolicyrising.com/2019/03/27/why-we-need-more-women-in-peacekeeping/.

“Declaration of Shared Commitments on UN Peacekeeping Operations,” August 16, 2018. https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/a4p-declaration-en.pdf.

Government of Canada. “Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations,” February 21, 2017. https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/issues_development-enjeux_developpement/gender_equality-egalite_des_genres/elsie_initiative-initiative_elsie.aspx?lang=eng.

United Nations Peacekeeping. “Female Military.” Accessed February 9, 2023. https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/female-military.

Gentry, Caron E., Laura J. Shepherd, and Laura Sjoberg, eds. The Routledge Handbook of Gender and Security. London ; New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

Ghana Web. “Ghana Attains UN Target of Women Deployment in Peacekeeping Missions,” October 13, 2020. https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Ghana-attains-UN-target-of-women-deployment-in-Peacekeeping-Missions-1083970.

Ghittoni, Marta, Léa Lehouck, and Callum Watson. “Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations: Baseline Study.” Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance, July 2018. https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Elsie_GenderReport_2018_Final.pdf.

Ivanovic, Alexandria. “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers.” United Nations University, July 9, 2014. https://unu.edu/publications/articles/why-un-needs-more-female-peacekeepers.html.

Kenny, Charles. “The Elsie Fund: Good News for UN Peacekeeping.” Center For Global Development (blog), March 28, 2019. https://www.cgdev.org/blog/elsie-fund-good-news-un-peacekeeping.

———. “Wanted: More Women Peacekeepers.” Center For Global Development (blog), October 11, 2016. https://www.cgdev.org/blog/wanted-more-women-peacekeepers.

Moditsi, Kleopatra, and Aditi Gorur. “Overcoming Hurdles for Women Peacekeepers in the Field.” Stimson Center (blog), May 29, 2020. https://www.stimson.org/2020/overcoming-hurdles-for-women-peacekeepers-in-the-field/.

Security Women. “New Security Council Resolution on Women and Peacekeeping Announced,” September 7, 2020. https://www.securitywomen.org/post/new-security-council-resolution-on-women-and-peacekeeping-announced.

Phillimore, Arabella. “We Need More Female Peacekeepers in War Zones.” Financial Times, October 16, 2019. https://www.ft.com/content/87e2c5cc-4ef1-11e9-8f44-fe4a86c48b33.

Pulliam, Jennifer. “Women in Peacekeeping: A Key to Peace – and a U.S. Priority.” DipNote: Military and Security (blog), May 29, 2020. https://www.state.gov/women-in-peacekeeping-a-key-to-peace-̶-and-a-u-s-priority/.

“Reducing Barriers for Uniformed Women in Peace Operations: DCAF’s Contribution to the Elsie Initiative.” Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance. Accessed February 9, 2023. https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Elsie_Gender_Factsheet_2019_GSD_0.pdf.

“Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000).” New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, October 31, 2000. https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement.

“Security Council Resolution 2242 (2015).” New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, October 13, 2015. https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N15/311/09/PDF/N1531109.pdf?OpenElement.

“Security Council Resolution 2538 (2020).” New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, August 28, 2020. https://undocs.org/pdf?symbol=en/S/RES/2538(2020).

Torres, Daniel de. “The UN Wants to Deploy More Women in Peacekeeping, so Why Are There so Few?” Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (blog), September 10, 2018. /un-wants-deploy-more-women-peacekeeping-so-why-are-there-so-few.

“Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028.” New York: Department of Peace Operations, January 2019. https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/uniformed-gender-parity-2018-2028.pdf.

Vermeij, Lotte. “Addressing Taboos and Stigmas Military Women in UN Peace Operations Experience.” IPI Global Observatory (blog), February 9, 2023. https://theglobalobservatory.org/2020/10/addressing-taboos-stigmas-military-women-un-peace-operations-experience/.

Verveer, Melanne. “Championing Gender – Sensitive Security Sector Reform.” Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, October 13, 2020. https://giwps.georgetown.edu/event/championing-gender-sensitive-security-sector-reform/.

United Nations Peacekeeping. “Where We Operate.” Accessed February 9, 2023. https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/where-we-operate.

United Nations Peacekeeping. “Women in Peacekeeping.” Accessed February 9, 2023. https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/women-peacekeeping.

“Women Peacekeepers: Gender Imbalance.” United Nations Peacekeeping, October 2022. https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/operational_effect_and_women_peacekeepers_october_2022.pdf.

[1] Jamille Bigio and Rachel B. Vogelstein, “How Women’s Participation in Conflict Prevention and Resolution

Advances U.S. Interests” (Council on Foreign Relations Press, October 2016), 1, https://cdn.cfr.org/sites/default/files/pdf/2016/10/Discussion_Paper_Bigio_Vogelstein_Women%20in%20CPR_OR .pdf.

[2] Jennifer Pulliam, “Women in Peacekeeping: A Key to Peace – and a U.S. Priority,” DipNote: Military and Security (blog), May 29, 2020, https://www.state.gov/women-in-peacekeeping-a-key-to-peace-̶-and-a-u-s-priority/.

[3] Charles Kenny, “The Elsie Fund: Good News for UN Peacekeeping,” Center For Global Development (blog), March 28, 2019, https://www.cgdev.org/blog/elsie-fund-good-news-un-peacekeeping.

[4] “Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations,” Government of Canada, February 21, 2017, https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/issues_development-enjeux_developpement/gender_equality-egalite_des_genres/elsie_initiative-initiative_elsie.aspx?lang=eng.

[5] “Female Military,” United Nations Peacekeeping, accessed February 9, 2023, https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/female-military.

[6] Renee Coulouris, “Why We Need More Women in Peacekeeping,” Foreign Policy Rising (blog), March 27, 2019, https://foreignpolicyrising.com/2019/03/27/why-we-need-more-women-in-peacekeeping/.

[7] “Female Military.”

[8] Kacie Candela, “Women’s Roles as UN Peacekeepers: A Status Report,” PassBlue, August 7, 2018, https://www.passblue.com/2018/08/07/womens-roles-as-un-peacekeepers-a-status-report/.

[9] Alexandria Ivanovic, “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers” (United Nations University, July 9, 2014), https://unu.edu/publications/articles/why-un-needs-more-female-peacekeepers.html. 11 “Female Military.”

[10] “Female Military.”

[11] Ivanovic, “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers.”

[12] Arabella Phillimore, “We Need More Female Peacekeepers in War Zones,” Financial Times, October 16, 2019, https://www.ft.com/content/87e2c5cc-4ef1-11e9-8f44-fe4a86c48b33.

[13] Candela, “Women’s Roles as UN Peacekeepers.”

[14] Jamille Bigio and Rachel B. Vogelstein, “Increasing Female Participation in Peacekeeping Operations,” Council on Foreign Relations, September 26, 2018, https://www.cfr.org/report/increasing-female-participation-peacekeeping-operations.

[15] Jamille Bigio and Rachel B. Vogelstein, “CFR Policy Innovation Memorandum Advocates for More Female Peacekeepers,” Council on Foreign Relations (blog), September 27, 2018, https://www.cfr.org/blog/cfr-policy-innovation-memorandum-advocates-more-female-peacekeepers.

[16] Charles Kenny, “Wanted: More Women Peacekeepers,” Center For Global Development (blog), October 11, 2016, https://www.cgdev.org/blog/wanted-more-women-peacekeepers.

[17] “Where We Operate,” United Nations Peacekeeping, accessed February 9, 2023, https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/where-we-operate.

[18] “Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender” (United Nations Peacekeeping, 31 Oct 22), https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/07_gender_statistics_55_october_2022.pdf.

[19] Kleopatra Moditsi and Aditi Gorur, “Overcoming Hurdles for Women Peacekeepers in the Field,” Stimson Center (blog), May 29, 2020, https://www.stimson.org/2020/overcoming-hurdles-for-women-peacekeepers-in-the-field/.

[20] “Security Council Resolution 2242 (2015)” (New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, October 13, 2015), 5, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N15/311/09/PDF/N1531109.pdf?OpenElement.

[21] Daniel de Torres, “The UN Wants to Deploy More Women in Peacekeeping, so Why Are There so Few?,” Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (blog), September 10, 2018, /un-wants-deploy-more-women-peacekeepingso-why-are-there-so-few.

[22] “Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028” (New York: Department of Peace Operations, January 2019), 4, https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/uniformed-gender-parity-2018-2028.pdf.

[23] “Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender.”

[24] “Women Peacekeepers: Gender Imbalance” (United Nations Peacekeeping, October 2022), 4–5, https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/operational_effect_and_women_peacekeepers_october_2022.pdf.

[25] “Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender.”

[26] “Reducing Barriers for Uniformed Women in Peace Operations: DCAF’s Contribution to the Elsie Initiative” (Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance), 5, accessed February 9, 2023, https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Elsie_Gender_Factsheet_2019_GSD_0.pdf.

[27] Candela, “Women’s Roles as UN Peacekeepers.”

[28] Caron E. Gentry, Laura J. Shepherd, and Laura Sjoberg, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Gender and Security (London ; New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019), 342.

[29] Melanne Verveer, “Championing Gender – Sensitive Security Sector Reform” (Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, October 13, 2020), https://giwps.georgetown.edu/event/championing-gender-sensitive-security-sector-reform/.

[30] Lotte Vermeij, “Addressing Taboos and Stigmas Military Women in UN Peace Operations Experience,” IPI Global Observatory (blog), February 9, 2023, https://theglobalobservatory.org/2020/10/addressing-taboos-stigmas-military-women-un-peace-operations-experience/.

[31] Marta Ghittoni, Léa Lehouck, and Callum Watson, “Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations: Baseline Study” (Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance, July 2018), 47, https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Elsie_GenderReport_2018_Final.pdf.

[32] Solene Brabant, “Assessing Barriers and Opportunities for Women’s Participation in Peacekeeping,” A Propos 162 (September 2019): 16, https://www.swisspeace.ch/apropos/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/september-2019.pdf .

[33] Gentry, Shepherd, and Sjoberg, The Routledge Handbook of Gender and Security, 342.

[34] “Ghana Attains UN Target of Women Deployment in Peacekeeping Missions,” Ghana Web, October 13, 2020, https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Ghana-attains-UN-target-of-women-deployment-in-Peacekeeping-Missions-1083970.

[35] “Women Peacekeepers: Gender Imbalance,” 4.

[36] Ivanovic, “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers.”

[37] “Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000)” (New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, October 31, 2000), 1, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement.

[38] “Declaration of Shared Commitments on UN Peacekeeping Operations,” August 16, 2018, 1, https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/a4p-declaration-en.pdf.

[39] “Action for Peacekeeping (A4P),” United Nations Peacekeeping, accessed February 9, 2023, https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/action-for-peacekeeping-a4p.

[40] “Security Council Resolution 2538 (2020)” (New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, August 28, 2020), 1, https://undocs.org/pdf?symbol=en/S/RES/2538(2020).

[41] “New Security Council Resolution on Women and Peacekeeping Announced,” Security Women, September 7, 2020, https://www.securitywomen.org/post/new-security-council-resolution-on-women-and-peacekeepingannounced.

Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, Ellen Haring, Diorella Islas, Ana Laura Velasco

Executive Summary

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, launched by UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) adopted in October 2000, brought renewed attention to the importance of the integration of a gender perspective for the effectiveness of military and police operations. It also pointed to the importance of increasing the participation of women in security (military and police) forces.[1] 

This report examines to what extent the WPS agenda, and more generally the principles of gender equality, have been integrated in the security sector (military and national police) in 14 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean.

The research was commissioned by the Women, Peace and Security Program at the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), with the objective: (a) to establish a baseline of data and best practices with regard to the integration of the WPS agenda in security forces in Latin America and the Caribbean; and (b) to provide a framework for future partnerships between US SOUTHCOM and security forces in the region. While US SOUTHCOM commissioned the research, the authors bear sole responsibility for the content of this report and any errors or omissions.

Our research draws on an assessment tool developed by Women In International Security (WIIS) that examines how countries have integrated the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in security institutions and operations. [2]  More specifically, the tool defines indicators that measure: (1) the level of political commitment to gender equality and the WPS agenda; (2) how that commitment is translated into practice; and (3) what accountability measures have been adopted—that is, how well policy and practice are monitored and evaluated.

This report is based on desk and literature research in Washington, DC and field research conducted by 14 volunteer country research teams composed of active and retired members of the police and the military, academics, government officials, policymakers, and members from civil society organizations.

The findings of our assessment examining the level of integration of the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in the security forces in Latin America and the Caribbean are outlined below.

Overall Regional Assessment

The overall integration of the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in security forces in the region (all countries combined) is robust, with an average score of 64.6 (on a scale of 1-100).

Many countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have strong normative frameworks for gender equality in place, are party to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and have professed support to the WPS agenda. It provides a strong backdrop for the integration of the gender equality and WPS agenda in the security sector. That said, in most countries political rhetoric is often not matched by consistent implementation. In addition, most countries lack systematic monitoring and evaluation mechanisms (see Figure 1).

Figure 4: Overall

Average Regional

Scores

Of the 14 countries examined for this report, four countries scored above the average regional score.

Four countries scored around the regional average, and six countries fell below the regional average. What is common to the countries that scored high is that they have strong scores across all 3 categories of assessment. (See Table 1)

For many police and military organizations in the region, gender equality and the integration of the WPS agenda is focused on the number of women in the forces. That said, gender mainstreaming and the integration of the WPS agenda in military and national police forces requires more than just adding women; it also requires the integration of a gender perspective in operations and addressing gender norms and gender stereotypes in the organizations themselves.  Military and police organizations are highly gendered—masculine—constructs. Introducing gender perspectives and increasing the number of women does not come naturally to these institutions. Change only comes about with strong leadership from the top and continuous and systematic attention at all levels of military and police organizations.

Country Political Will Policy & Practice Monitoring Reporting   & EvaluationTotal Score 
Argentina98906890
Brazil44514849
Chile85756476
Colombia51476850
Costa Rica808810087
Dominican Republic63584858
Ecuador72566060
Guatemala78523655
Mexico60594058
Panama62636066
Paraguay67684466
Peru58576057
Trinidad & Tobago55643660
Uruguay78707672
Region Average686457.7064.60

Table 1: Average

National Scores by

Category

Main Findings by Category

All countries were assessed using simple sets of indicators that measure political will, the institutionalization of WPS principles in policy and practice, and, whether monitoring and evaluation mechanisms have been put in place.

Political Will

The most important measure of political will is whether countries have adopted WPS National Action Plans (NAPs).

  • Of the 14 countries surveyed in our report, five have developed WPS National Action Plans and five are in the process of developing a WPS NAP.
  • In most countries the WPS agenda and WPS NAPs are seen in the context of external engagements, most notably UN peacekeeping operations. While most countries see the WPS agenda as applicable only to armed conflict, some countries in the region have integrated human security challenges, such as human trafficking (Argentina) or rights of refugees (Brazil).

Institutionalization (Policy and Practice)

NAPs are most effective when they are accompanied by detailed implementation plans.

  • Most countries lack specific implementation plans with clearly defined goals and resources for implementation.
  • In all countries in the region, women remain under-represented in the military and the police. Even fewer women reach senior ranks. Many security forces have policies that exclude or limit (through the imposition of caps) women’s participation in the police or military. Few countries have welldefined recruitment strategies or set targets to increase women’s participation in the security forces.
  • The prevention of sexual harassment and abuse is critical to create a women-friendly work place, but few countries have programs to address harassment or abuse in the ranks.
  • Knowledge about the WPS agenda remains limited, and training on gender and the WPS agenda is ad-hoc and unsystematic.

Monitoring and Evaluation

Monitoring and reporting are critical for learning and identifying progress. Monitoring and evaluation practices must be an integral part of any NAP and implementation plan and include all stakeholders, including civil society organizations in the planning and implementation stages.

  • Few countries in the region have robust monitoring and evaluation mechanisms that involve civil society.
  • Sex-disaggregated data about women in the military and police are not systematically collected or published.

Main Recommendations

The report concludes with two sets of recommendations. One is for governments in the region and their military and police forces. The other is for the region as a whole and identifies specific actions countries in the region and the US government (including US DoD and US SOUTHCOM) can take to advance the WPS agenda and solidify partnerships in the region.

National Actions:

All countries in the region have strong normative gender equality frameworks in place. This should provide a solid basis for governments in the region to apply the political will necessary to develop WPS NAPs. The most effective NAPs are whole-of-government efforts that engage all governmental and nongovernmental stakeholders and cover the entire range of security challenges, including human security and non-military security challenges.

  • All government agencies, including military and police forces, should develop implementation plans with clear goals and benchmarks for measuring progress.
  • Governments must back up their commitment to NAPs and implementation plans by pledging the necessary resources—personnel and financial—to ensure effective implementation.
  • Legislatures must become actively involved in the development of WPS NAPs. They should require the executive to present NAP updates at regular intervals and pass budgets with dedicated funding streams for NAPs and implementation plans.
  • Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be transparent and include members of civil society. Civil society actors are critical to ensuring transparency and providing expertise in the effective implementation of WPS NAPs.

The increase of the number of women in police and military organizations and the integration of gender perspectives in operations require actions at different levels.

  • Military and police organizations should develop organization-specific WPS implementation plans. This can be accomplished even in the absence of a nation-wide WPS NAP. Countries, such as Argentina and Colombia, have developed and effectively implemented military implementation plans before NAPs were developed.
  • In terms of gender balance, the military and police should remove all exclusions and caps that limit women’s full participation in the security forces. They should also develop recruitment programs and establish targets to increase the number of women in the ranks. Military and police should regularly collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in the ranks.
  • In terms of integrating gender perspectives in operations, and more generally the development of a gender mainstreaming strategy, the military and police should appoint Gender Advisors (GENADs). GENADs help with the development of organizational gender mainstreaming strategies, make sure that police and military exercises and operations have integrated a gender analysis, and advise on the education and training of soldiers and officers with regard to the WPS agenda. To be effective, GENADs should be located at the highest command level. In addition to GENADs, military and police organizations should appoint Gender Focal Points (GFPs) at lower levels of the organization.

GFPs are key to ensuring that implementation takes place at all levels.

International and Regional Actions:

There is a great deal of expertise in Latin America and the Caribbean that should be capitalized on for the good of the entire region. Unfortunately, the exchange and learning among security forces in the region is ad-hoc, uneven, and non-systematic. Countries in the region, including the United States government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM), should create a WPS Center of Excellence for security forces (military and police) that can support the integration of the WPS agenda throughout the region. The Center—a multilateral governmental venture—should seek to actively engage non-governmental stakeholders. The Center would function as a regional hub to support military and police forces in the region. Areas of responsibilities would include:  

  • Research: encourage national and regional collaborative research efforts and focus on topics supporting the integration of the WPS agenda into security forces, such as measures to eliminate barriers for women’s participation in military and police forces, monitoring and evaluation practices, collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data on gender balances in the forces;
  • Education and Training: facilitate the development and delivery of WPS and gender curriculum and training for the military and police;
  • Convening of stakeholders: exchange best practices;
  • Technical support: for the development of WPS NAPs and implementation plans, particularly implementation plans for the military and police.

More specifically, the US government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM) should embed WPS discussions in all engagements, including in all security and military senior leader engagements. They should also incentivize women’s participation in any externally funded training programs they provide to regional partners by requiring that a certain percentage of military and police women participate in the training.

Preface

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda launched in October 2000 by the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 has been a key instrument in advancing the role of women in the peace and security arena.

The United States, including the US Department of Defense, has been engaged with the WPS agenda since 2011, when President Barack Obama launched the first National Action Plan (NAP) on WPS.[3] The US Congress adopted the WPS Act in 2017, which directed the US government to develop a national WPS Strategy.[4] The US WPS Strategy was released in 2019.[5] Subsequently, in  mid-2020, the US Department of State, the US Agency for International Development (USAID), the US Department of Homeland Security, and the US Department of Defense published agency-specific implementation plans.

In its 2020 Implementation Plan, the US Department of Defense outlined the following lines of effort: 

  • Seek and support the preparation and meaningful participation of women around the world in decision-making processes related to conflict and crises;
  • Promote the protection of women and girls’ human rights, their access to humanitarian assistance, and their safety from violence, abuse, and exploitation around the world;
  • Adjust US international programs to improve outcomes in equality for, and the empowerment of, women; and
  • Encourage partner governments to adopt policies, plans, and capacity to improve the meaningful participation of women in processes connected to peace and security and decision-making institutions.[6]

The advancement of the WPS agenda is a key objective of US military partnerships, including in the Southern Hemisphere.[7] Yet there is very little data on how military and police forces in Latin America and the Caribbean have integrated women and gender perspectives in their operations and activities. As a result, the exchange and learning among security forces in the Western Hemisphere on how best to integrate gender perspectives in operations and activities is ad-hoc and non-systematic.

In the summer of 2020, WIIS was approached by the Gender Advisor of US SOUTHCOM, Lt. Col. (USAF) Duila M. Turner, to develop a tool that would provide baseline data on where security forces in the region stand with respect to the integration of the WPS agenda. The idea was to develop a tool that could structure and frame discussions on these issues with partner nations.

In consultation with the US SOUTHCOM Gender Advisor, we defined three main objectives for the WPS assessment tool:

Learning: Numerous studies show that there is still little awareness and understanding of the WPS framework. While there is an increasing awareness within security establishments that conflict affects men and women differently, military and police establishments have a hard time determining what this reality means for them in terms of operations and how to convey this to their security forces. By collecting data and examining best practices, the assessment tool should become a powerful analytical and hence educational and learning tool that helps develop a greater understanding of gender mainstreaming within military and police structures.

PartnershipsMany security challenges require regional and international cooperation. The development of military partnerships is a key objective of the US Combatant Commands. For states to work well together they need to share common standards. By exchanging data and best practices on gender mainstreaming, states will be able to work together in a more efficient and effective way across the region.

Monitoring and evaluationThe assessment tool should encompass a simple set of indicators that will allow states to evaluate how well they are implementing the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in their security structures and operations.

To develop the assessment tool, WIIS drew on its experience with the 1325 NATO Scorecard project.[8] WIIS adapted the tool from the NATO project to reflect the reality in Latin America and the Caribbean. Given the broad tasks of the military and the police in most countries in the region, and the fact that police in the region are sent to UN peacekeeping operations, we decided to include the police—that is, police that work at the national level and may be called upon to respond to cases of civil unrest, to protect the borders, or deal with in-country humanitarian emergencies.[9]

We organized three workshops between August and November 2020. The objectives of the workshops were threefold:

  • Identify people in the region interested in the integration of the WPS agenda in national security forces;
  • Create volunteer research country teams; and
  • Review progress, identify gaps, and develop national and regional recommendations for how best to advance the WPS agenda in security forces.

Our initial invitation to join this project and our first workshop led to the development of a diverse list of over 100 participants from government (military, police, defense, foreign affairs, women’s and gender equality ministries), academia, and civil society from 16 countries and the creation of 14 country research teams.

In total, over 90 people from 16 countries have participated in this project at various points. Initial findings were presented at the third workshop in November 2020. At this workshop, Ambassador Jean Manes, Foreign Policy Advisor and the Civilian Deputy to the US Southern Command Commander, made remarks. In her remarks, she signaled the strong commitment of US SOUTHCOM to this effort.

Over the course of the project, WIIS created a listserv for people involved and interested in the project. The listserv was formalized into a WIIS WPS Latin America and Caribbean network at the end of the third workshop.[10] For more information or to become a member of the network, visit: https://www. surveymonkey.com/r/GLSS6S8.

As societies and nations across the world face unprecedented challenges to gender equality, human security, and lasting peace, implementation of the WPS agenda is more important than ever. Indeed, research shows that societies are more peaceful and prosperous when women and men enjoy the same rights, liberties, dignities, and access to resources.[11]

Policymakers around the world have made gender equality a top policy priority. This WPS assessment report highlights steps Latin American and Caribbean countries have taken to implement the WPS agenda and ensure gender equality. The need is to expand these efforts in the face of growing evidence of the strategic and operational advantages such an agenda presents to military and police forces in a country. However, the report also shows that while there is much rhetoric, there is little follow-though in implementation. The time to match rhetoric to action is now.

Acknowledgements

This project would not have seen the light of day without the support and help of many people. The project directors would like to thank key people whose support has been critical for the success of this project. First, we would like to thank Lieutenant Colonel (USAF) Duilia M. Turner, the Gender Advisor for US Southern Command, who first came to WIIS with the idea of this project and provided us with support to carry it out.

We would also like to thank all the participants in our three workshops. Over 90 participants from

16 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean brought an array of perspectives from government (military, police, defense, foreign affairs, women’s and gender equality ministries), academia, and civil society. A very special thanks goes out to those who actively participated in the 14 research country teams. They were generous in sharing their expertise, time, and resources. This project would not have been possible without the dedicated support of these volunteers. They used their considerable government and non-government contacts to gather much of the data for this report. (See Annex I)

Special thanks is also due to Dr. Paula Drumond, Assistant Professor at the Pontificia Universidade

Catolica do Rio de Janeiro; Dr. Renata Giannini, Senior Researcher at the Igarapé Institute in Rio de

Janeiro; Dr. Fabiana Sofia Perera, Assistant Professor at the William J Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies at the National Defense University in Washington, DC; Dr. Tamya Rebelo, Professor at the Escola Superior de Popaganda e Marketing and the Centro Universitario Belas Artes de Sao Paulo, and Dr. Cristina Rodriguez-Acosta, Assistant Director of the Jack D. Gordon Institute for Public Policy at the Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs at Florida International University, for their advice and support. We also thank Patricia Cepero of the Jack D. Gordon Institute for helping to navigate the administrative part of the project.

At WIIS, thanks is due to WIIS Fellows Dr. Diorella Islas and Ana Velasco. Many thanks also to Program Manager Kayla McGill and Program Assistants Allyn Anderson and Madison Beltz for their valuable research support. Lastly, thanks to WIIS member and retired Colonel Cornelia Weiss and Dr. Karin Johnston, Senior Fellow at WIIS, for their invaluable editorial support.

While this report is the product of a collective effort, we, the authors of this report, are responsible for any errors and omissions.

Dr. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, President, WIIS

Dr. Ellen Haring, Senior Fellow and Project Director

Washington, DC, USA

November 2020

Introduction

Gender equality has been recognized as a core principle of human rights in foundational international, regional, and national legal texts. The UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) set human rights standards that explicitly apply to every human being “without distinction of any kind, such as (…) sex.” [12] Latin American diplomats, legal scholars, and activists have been at the forefront of the development of these global human rights frameworks.[13]

These legal instruments, as well as the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the 1994 Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women (Belem do Para Convention), have been the basis for the economic, social and political empowerment of women, including their entry in national security forces—defined here as constituting the military and the police.[14]

Support for the increased participation of women in the security sector received an important boost in 2000 when the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325). The resolution called on all UN member states to:

  • Increase the representation and participation of women in conflict prevention and conflict resolution processes, including in security institutions (military and police);
  • Integrate gender perspectives in the analysis of peace and security issues; and
  • Adopt special measures to protect women and girls from all forms of sexual and gender-based violence in conflict settings.

Since 2000, the UN Security Council has adopted nine more resolutions that have reinforced and refined what is now known as the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda.[15]

Regional and security organizations as diverse as the African Union (AU), the European Union (EU), and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) have developed organizationwide policies and action plans to incorporate guidance from the WPS agenda into their deliberations and actions.[16] The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was an early adopter of the WPS agenda and issued Action Plans and Strategic Directives that committed to the WPS agenda.[17] For the Americas, the Organization of American States (OAS) has not yet formally adopted the WPS framework. However, the Inter-American Commission of Women has worked on all aspects of the WPS agenda, most notably the participation of women in political life, women’s human rights and gender violence, women’s economic empowerment, and a gendered approach to human or citizen security.[18]

At the national level, some 86 countries have developed National Action Plans (NAPs) and legislation to implement and advance the WPS agenda. In Latin America and the Caribbean, six countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Paraguay) have developed NAPs. [19] Chile was an early adopter and global leader when it published one of the world’s first NAPs in 2009 and a second NAP in 2015. Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, Trinidad and Tobago, and Uruguay are in the process of developing a NAP.

Military and police security forces are important partners in the implementation of these NAPs. Indeed, the spread of NAPs in Latin America and the Caribbean has been spurred by increasing participation of countries in the region in UN Peace Operations.[20] Many countries and military leaders, particularly those who have been deployed in UN missions, have recognized that a more diverse force in terms of gender and gender perspectives increases operational effectiveness and readiness.[21] For many countries in the region, the adoption of the WPS framework has also meant greater attention to the role of women in their own security forces from both an operational and a rights points of view. In addition, many civil society organizations have advocated for NAPs that reflect a more inward-looking approach. This is particularly important in a region that no longer has traditional armed conflicts, yet faces high rates of violence, particularly against women and girls.[22]

Gender Balance, Gender Perspectives and Gender Mainstreaming

When considering gender equality and the WPS agenda within the security sector, three issues are key:

First, gender balance—that is, the equal representation of women within the force. Research has shown that more diverse organizations are more effective organizations.12 Military organizations are no different.[23] Yet, women remain grossly under-represented in security forces around the globe, including in Latin America and the Caribbean. The United Nations has repeatedly lamented the lack of women soldiers and police in its peacekeeping operations.[24] It is important to recognize the cultural and institutional barriers women may face in military and police forces.

Second, gender perspectives—that is, overlaying a lens that reveals gender differences when planning, executing, or evaluating military and police security force activities. The integration of a gender perspective involves the systematic and continuous process of assessing gender-based differences of men and women as reflected in their social roles and interactions. As explained by a commanding officer in the multi-national force deployed in Afghanistan, “a gender perspective is much more than female members in the team. It is about having and using knowledge about the gender roles and situation of both men and women in all activities of the mission.”[25] A good gender analysis before activities start will greatly enhance situational awareness that, in turn, will enhance operational effectiveness.

Third, gender mainstreaming—that is, an integrated strategy by which organizations implement the concepts of gender balancing and gender perspectives across their organizations and operations. NATO, for example, has defined gender mainstreaming as “a strategy to achieve gender equality by assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies and programs in all areas and at all levels.”[26] In other words, “gender mainstreaming is a set of specific, strategic approaches as well as technical and institutional processes adopted to achieve the goal of gender equality.”[27]

The Latin American and Caribbean WPS assessment tool helps to measure how security forces are doing along those three axes. More specifically, it measures gender balance, gender perspectives, and gender mainstreaming at two different levels: the political level and the institutional and operational level. Lastly, it measures to what extent practices of good governance—that is, monitoring and evaluation—have been integrated.

The Latin American And Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool

The Latin America and Caribbean WPS assessment tool measures progress along three main levels: political will, institutional policy and practice, and monitoring and evaluation. For each we defined a limited set of key indicators. 

The political level is a necessary first step. Is there political will and commitment to integrate the principles of the WPS agenda in the security forces—that is, is there political will to advance gender equality and gender perspectives in military and police forces? Political will can be measured in several ways. A first indicator is whether principles of gender equality have been incorporated in a country’s laws and regulations. In addition, we can measure to what extent political leaders refer to the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in their speeches. For the purposes of our project, a critical indicator of political will is whether a country has adopted a WPS NAP and whether implementation plans for the security sector have been drafted.  From our research on the integration of WPS principles in NATO countries, we know that countries that mention the defense department as a principal actor and those who outline clear lines of responsibility through an action or implementation plan generally score higher on implementation than countries whose plans fail to specifically call out the military as an implementing agency. Lastly, we examine whether any resources have been allocated. Indeed, the allocation of resources is often a good measure of political intent.

The operational level is about gender mainstreaming and institutionalization, that is, how gender equality and WPS principles are integrated in institutional and bureaucratic processes. Institutionalization is critical, in that it safeguards gender equality and WPS initiatives from political turn-over and turmoil.[28]  Gender mainstreaming is about gender balance and gender perspectives. To what extent is women’s equal participation and integration in military and police forces a priority, and to what extent are institutional processes in place that are conducive to the integration of women in the military and police? This requires collecting baseline data about gender in the ranks. It also means examining measures taken to address gender imbalances, including the lifting of structural barriers and barriers related to the work environment.  Three types of indicators are particularly important in this respect: first, whether all jobs are open to women; second, the existence of policies that deal with family issues (in particular, pregnancies and child care); and third, the existence of policies that deal with harassment and abuse. To what extent gender perspectives are integrated in operational policies and plans can be measured by examining strategic operational documents, field manuals, and other similar publications. The appointment of Gender Advisors (GENADs), as well as their standing and position in the force, is an important indicator for institutional support for gender mainstreaming. From our research on gender mainstreaming in NATO militaries, we know that a Gender Advisor is a commander’s best resource for ensuring the integration of gender perspectives into the planning, execution, and evaluation of military operations.[29] Lastly, gender mainstreaming requires attention to training and education. Are soldiers and senior leaders being taught how to do a gender analysis, and are they aware of the national and international legal frameworks?

The last step in ensuring institutionalization of gender equality and WPS initiatives is monitoring and evaluating progress over time. The WPS assessment tool measures to what extent policies and operations are subject to monitoring and evaluation processes. Monitoring and evaluation are key to capturing best practices, establishing realistic benchmarks, identifying gaps in resources and structural challenges, framing strategic planning efforts, and supporting accountability measures. Two key indicators include the systematic collection of sex-disaggregated data and to what extent outside actors, including civil society organizations, are involved in assessment efforts.

The WPS assessment tool, by examining military and police forces from the political to the operational and from the strategic to the tactical levels, measures the progress of military and police organizations comprehensively. Assessments like these work best when they become part of iterative processes that allow for dialogue and learning among countries in the region.

Methodology

In early August 2020, WIIS held its first Latin America and Caribbean WPS research workshop to assess interest in applying the assessment tool to countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. The workshop also allowed us to review the draft assessment tool. Over 70 people from the region joined the workshop and eventually formed 14 volunteer research country teams. These research teams were composed of active and retired members of the security forces (military and police), government officials (foreign affairs, defense ministries, women’s agencies), the legislative branch, academics, and civil society. Each team elected a team coordinator who served as the main point of contact with WIIS.

As a result of the discussions at the workshop, the WIIS team further refined and adjusted the indicators of the assessment tool. (See Figure 1 and Annex 1) The revised assessment tool, containing 51 indicators, was subsequently sent to each of the country teams.

WPS Assessment Tool for Security Forces In Latin America and the Caribbean
Category                                                                                                      Indicators I:  National Importance and Political Will  11 II:  Institutional Policies and Practice      A.  Strategy, Plans and Policy  14   B.  Gender in the Ranks  6   C.  Training, Education and Exercises  6   D.  Work Environment  8 III:               Monitoring, Reporting and Evaluation                                             6

Figure 1: WPS Assessment 

Tool for Security Forces in Latin

America and the

Caribbean

By the end of September 2020, we had received data from 14 country teams. With that data, we were able to generate a scorecard for each country. That is, responses to the questions on the assessment tool received a predetermined numerical value following a scoring protocol.[30] These scores were then used to evaluate the relative importance attached to certain issue areas and to establish regional and national averages.

In addition to the quantitative assessment, we also prepared a qualitative assessment for each country. The qualitative assessment allowed us to contextualize the collected information. It also offers an overall assessment of where the country stands with regard to implementation of the gender equality and WPS agenda. Lastly, the qualitative reports contain a set of country specific recommendations detailing how the country and its security sector might move forward. The elaboration of quantitative and qualitative reports included many follow-up interviews with the country teams to ensure that we were accurately interpreting the data they provided. All country teams reviewed final country quantitative and qualitative reports. [31]

Figure 2: Sample Quantitative Assessment Tool        

Figure 3: Sample Qualitative Report

    Colombia – Summary Report   WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status: Colombia has not developed a NAP. That said, the November 24, 2016 peace agreement includes many gender provisions. Additionally, in 2018 the Ministry of Defense (MoD) published its own transversal (intersectional) gender implementation plan for uniformed personnel in Colombia.   Overall Assessment: Colombia has a robust civil society network dedicated to advancing the WPS agenda, and many are lobbying the Colombian government to adopt a WPS NAP.1 Although the national government has made statements in support of gender equality and the MoD recognizes UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda, no NAP has been developed.   National Importance/Political Will: Gender equality is enshrined in the Colombian Constitution (See Articles 40 and 43).2 Colombia also has a Presidential Council for Women’s Equity, which collects and analyzes information related to the situation of women in Colombia. Gender equality, women’s rights, and the empowerment of women are also referred to in the 2018-2022 National Development Plan, an allinclusive policy document that addresses foreign and domestic security policies.3   In Colombia, the army, the air force, the navy, and the national police all fall under the authority of the (MoD). The MoD guidelines and policies apply to all four services. Its 2018 report, Public Policy for a Cross-Gender Approach for the Uniformed Personnel of the Public Force, explicitly refers to UNSCR 1325 and its related resolutions.4 The report, developed as a requirement of the 2016 peace agreement, is referred to as the military’s WPS implementation plan, and it includes the police under the umbrella term “public force.” It calls on the military and the police to make sure that women have equal access and opportunities. It also sets up Gender Observatories at the level of the MoD and General Command, as well as inside each military branch and the police.                                                   See Humanas Colombia, 20 Años Exigiendo que el Gobierno Colombiano se conecte con la Paz y la Seguridad de las Mujeres, Pronunciamiento (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, July 2020), at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/arch_contenidos/i_e_73153_q_PRONUNCIAMIENTO_R1325.pdf; Also from Humanas Colombia, see Observatorio Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad (a group actively lobbying for a WPS NAP), Cumplimiento del Estado Colombiano con la Resolución 1325 de 2000: Informe de monitoreo del año 2017 y primer semestre de 2018, (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, December 2018), at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/ar/ar_9042_q_R1325informe.pdf.. See Corte Constitucional, Constitución Política de Colombia 1991, Actualizada con los Actos Legislativos a 2016, (Bogota: Corte Constitutional), at https://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co/inicio/Constitucion%20politica%20de%20Colombia.pdf See Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP), Colombia en la Escena Global: Política Exterior Responsable, Innovadora y Constructiva, (Bogotá: DNP, May 2019) at https://www.dnp.gov.co/DNPN/Plan-Nacional-deDesarrollo/Paginas/Pilares-del-PND/Legalidad/Colombia-en-la-escena-global.aspx; and also from DNP, Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2018-2022 at https://www.dnp.gov.co/DNPN/Paginas/Plan-Nacional-de-Desarrollo.aspx Ministerio de Defensa, Política Pública Sectorial de Transversalizacion del Enfoque de Genero para el Personal Uniformado de la Fuerza Pública 2018-2027, (Bogotá: MinDefensa 2018), at https://www.justiciamilitar.gov.co/irj/go/km/docs/Mindefensa/Documentos/descargas/Prensa/Documentos/politica_ genero.pdf   1  

WPS In Latin American And Caribbean Security Forces: 

Main Findings

In terms of the overall implementation of gender equality and WPS principles in the security forces, the region (all countries combined) had an average score of 64.6 (on a scale of 1-100). This robust showing is not surprising given the region’s strong adherence to international and regional legal human right instruments, such as CEDAW and the Belem do Para convention. The region has also been a strong supporter of the Beijing Platform of Action and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Particularly important in this regard is the Montevideo Strategy for Implementation of the Regional Gender Agenda within the Sustainable Development Framework by 2030, adopted in 2016 by countries of the region.[32] In the last five years, countries in the region have also prioritized access to political participation. Most countries in the region have instituted political quotas, which has increased women’s participation in decision-making institutions throughout the government.[33] Lastly, many countries in the region have established women’s or gender equality government agencies; in some cases, these agencies function at the ministerial level.

Despite a relatively strong score overall, many challenges remain. Indeed, this is a region where “patriarchal, discriminatory and violent cultural patterns remain in place, with gender stereotypes persisting in the education system, the media and political and cultural institutions.”[34] The security sector is, of course, not devoid of these stereotypes. As Ellen Haring has noted in a recent publication, “national military organization are quintessentially masculine constructs that rely on notions of men as warrior-protectors and women as the protected. (…) National militaries are set up to optimize men’s participation and rely on patriarchal social structures where women perform traditional family duties centered around caregiving while men go to war.”[35] Nicole Jenne and Fiorella Ulloa Bisshopp, in their study on the effectiveness of Chile’s efforts to promote a gender perspective in the military, emphasize how “resilient” gender stereotypes are in military organizations. For example, Chilean forces deployed in the UN peacekeeping operation in Haiti had a fair number of women. That said, the tasks these women were assigned hewed closely to traditional gender stereotypes: “Instead of performing the full range of peacekeeping tasks, women were often delegated to deal with issues concerning women and children and prevented from joining activities that were deemed to involve security risks.”[36] Gender mainstreaming in security forces requires more than just adding women; it also requires cultural and organizational change.[37]

When we examine the average performance of the region as a whole at the different levels of our assessment tool, the region scores highest at the political commitment level, with a score of 68. The score drops at the implementation level to 64 and at the monitoring and evaluation level to 57.7. 

(See Figure 4)

Figure 4: Overall

Average Regional

Scores

Figure 5: Overall

         
         49  76
         
                              50                            
         
       58      60  5866 66        72 4.4
                        
                        
                      55
                        
                                     
                                      57      60
                        
                        
                                                                    6
                                        

      Average National                             Argentina                                                                                                                         90

      Scores                                       Brazil

                                                        Chile

                                                  Colombia

  Costa Rica                                                                               87  Dominican Republic

  Ecuador             Guatemala

  Mexico  Panama

                                                   Paraguay

                                                         Peru

                                      Trinidad & Tobago

                                                    Uruguay

                                                    Average    

When we examine the overall performance of individual countries in the region, four countries scored above the average regional score. Four countries scored around the regional average, and six countries fell below the regional average. On the high side, Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay significantly outperformed other countries. What is common to these countries is that they have strong scores across all levels. (See Table 1)

Country            Political Will      Policy & Practice           Monitoring Reporting     Total Score                            & Evaluation      
 
Argentina                    98                         90                             68                        90 Brazil 44 51 48 49 Chile 85 75 64 76 Colombia 51 47 68 50 Costa Rica 80 88 100 87 Dominican Republic 63 58 48 58 Ecuador 72 56 60 60 Guatemala 78 52 36 55 Mexico 60 59 40 58 Panama 62 63 60 66 Paraguay 67 68 44 66 Peru 58 57 60 57 Trinidad & Tobago 55 64 36 60 Uruguay 78 70 76 72 Region Average           68                         64                           57.70                    64.60

Table 1: Average

National Scores by

Category

Lastly, it may be noted that our results closely align with the scores of these countries in other gender equality indexes, such as the Women, Peace and Security Index published by the Georgetown University Institute on Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS) and the Fighting Inequality in the Time of

Covid-19: The Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index 2020, published by Oxfam and Development

Finance International.[38] (See Table 2)

GIWPS Rank             Country                                                             Oxfam Rank
41 Trinidad & Tobago 16 45 Costa Rica 3 48 Argentina 2 49 Ecuador 8 55 Chile 1 58 Uruguay 11 68 Paraguay 15 69 Peru 18 70 Panama 22 74 Dominican Republic 23 98 Brazil 13 103 Mexico 14 104 Colombia 10 106                           Guatemala                                                                  24

Table 2: GIWPS and Oxfam Rankings

In sum, while there is broad regional commitment to the principles and ideas of the WPS agenda, commitment to actual implementation and monitoring and evaluation is considerably less robust. Rhetoric, generally, does not match action.

National Importance/Political Will

National importance and political will measures three main issues: (1) whether gender equality is recognized in a country’s main laws and regulations; (2) whether a country has adopted a WPS NAP; and (3) whether political leaders in their statements provide strong support to the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda.

All countries in the region have enshrined gender equality in their constitutions, and many have also established gender equality and women’s empowerment agencies. That said, an important indicator of political commitment is whether a country has adopted a WPS NAP. (See Table 3)

 Countries with NAPs     Countries with NAPs      Countries without NAPs                           under development
           Argentina Costa Rica Colombia              Brazil Ecuador Dominican Republic               Chile Mexico Panama           Guatemala Trinidad & Tobago Peru            Paraguay                                 Uruguay

Table 3: National

Action Plans –

Status

Argentina and Chile—both with top scores overall and at this level—have developed and implemented WPS NAPs. However, the presence or absence of a NAP is not necessary or sufficient to score high. For example, Costa Rica, despite not having a NAP, scored high overall due to the government’s strong political commitment to advancing gender equality across the country and within its institutions.[39]On the other hand, Brazil fell below the regional average. Indeed, in the case of Brazil, a change in national level political leadership in 2019 resulted in diminished political will and commitment to gender equality and the WPS agenda.

The NAPs of the countries in the region have many similarities, but also significant differences. For most countries in the region, the WPS agenda is an external, rather than an internal, agenda. In most cases, the ministries of foreign affairs have lead responsibilities for the implementation of a NAP.[40] The extensive gender equality machinery established under CEDAW, the SDGs, or regional gender equality commitments is often seen as distinct from the WPS agenda. Guatemala is the exception and has adopted a whole-of-government approach. In Guatemala, the Women’s Ministry plays an important role in the development of a new NAP. In Costa Rica, the development of a NAP involves many government agencies, not just in the security sector, but also in the legislature. In addition, its National Institute for Women works at a ministerial level and has taken innovative steps to tackle structural gender inequalities at home, including machismo culture.

Most civil society organizations in the region advocate for whole-of-government efforts as well as a broadening of the agenda beyond traditional armed conflict.[41] They argue that the region grapples with many “gendered consequences of non-conventional armed violence,” and they point to high rates of femicide in the region.32 While several Latin American NAPs have integrated demands for a broader agenda, most remain very externally focused. Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo note that the Paraguayan NAP stands out with ambitious and long-term goals. The Paraguayan NAP defines one of its goals as “the elimination of cultural barriers that hinder the full participation of women in all areas of human society.”[42] The Argentinian NAP includes issues related to human trafficking. The Brazilian NAP includes gender-sensitive initiatives focused on the rights of refugees and refugee seekers in the country. The Chilean NAP expanded the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to include the protection of women and girls from sexual and gender-based violence.[43] The Argentinian, Brazilian, and Chilean NAPs all define protection as meaning not just physical security but also access to sexual and reproductive health.

                                        UN Ranking                  Total                    Male                  Female
  Uruguay 17 1,138 1,055 83 Argentina 42 304 276 28 El Salvador 45 292 263 29 Brazil 47 282 270 12 Peru 52 233 198 35 Guatemala 57 176 155 21 Paraguay 80 31 28 3 Chile 82 30 27 3 Bolivia 83 27 20 7 Mexico 94 13 6 7 Honduras 97 11 7 4 Ecuador 98 10 4 6 Dominican Republic 107 5 3 2 Colombia 108 4 3 1           Totals Region   2,556 2,315 241 Global Totals   81,820 76,596 5,328 Source: United Nations

Another positive driver for gender equality and the WPS agenda, including the development of a WPS NAP, is the extent of global—UN—engagements a country has. The participation in peacekeeping operations is particularly important in this regard. (See Table 4) For example, the Brazilian NAP expired at the end of 2018. Gender equality and the WPS agenda were not a priority for the new Brazilian administration that came to power in January 2019. Yet the administration decided to extend the NAP (developed under the previous administration) in March of 2019 for four years. Indeed, Brazil’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations was considered important and, in that context, the continuation of a NAP became significant.[44]Table 4: Participation in UN Peacekeeping Operations by Countries from Latin America and the Caribbean-Military and Police Combined – August 2020

However, while UN peacekeeping involvement is positively impacting the military, it does not appear to have a similar impact on the national police. Indeed, the police generally scored lower in most countries than did the military regarding implementation of the WPS agenda.

The engagement of international actors in the Colombia peace agreements has also been an important factor in pushing forward a gender equality and WPS agenda. For example, the 2018 Colombian Ministry of Defense’s report Public Policy for a Cross-Gender Approach for the Uniformed Personnel of the Public Force was developed as a requirement of the 2016 peace agreement. It is considered the military’s WPS implementation plan. It calls on the military and the police to make sure that women have equal access and opportunities. It also sets up Gender Observatories at the level of the Ministry of Defense and General Command, as well as inside each military branch and the police.

Other examples of international engagements and commitments that advance a gender equality and WPS agenda at home include: Uruguay, which co-chairs, with Canada, the United Nations GFP Network and is currently working on a WPS NAP; the Dominican Republic, which during 2020, together with Germany, co-chaired the UN Security Council Informal Expert Group (IEG) on WPS; or Mexico, which, since 2019, co-chairs with France the Generation Equality Forum—a global civil society-centered gathering for gender equality. Its work on the Generation Equality Forum, and the fact that Mexico launched a Feminist Foreign Policy in January 2020 and is currently developing a WPS NAP, are certainly not unrelated. High-level international engagements also help civil society organizations at home to press their governments to progress on the gender equality and WPS agendas.

Policy and Practice

Policy and practice examines how political commitment to gender equality and WPS principles is translated into practical action in the security sector. We distinguish four main areas: (1) policy, planning, and staffing, in particular the appointment of GENADs and GFPs; (2) women’s participation in the security forces (gender in the ranks); (3) policies and programs that support women’s participation in the security forces; and (4) training and education on WPS principles.

Policy, Planning and Staffing

Although national level commitment is critical in advancing the WPS agenda, it is not sufficient to realizing better outcomes in terms of gender mainstreaming. Even in countries that have published NAPs, these NAPs do not always require the participating ministries and departments to develop detailed implementation plans. Without such plans, including bureaucratic procedures and processes that mainstream gender in security institutions, change will be fleeting and easily reversible with changing political leadership.

Our analysis found that countries that developed military implementation plans even before or in the absence of a NAP have generally made significant progress in terms of gender mainstreaming. For example, in 2008 the Argentine Ministry of Defense adopted a WPS Action Plan (long before their 2015 NAP was published). It was developed in response to Argentina’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations and led to many “policy reforms in the field of defense and the armed forces.”[45] Participation in UN peacekeeping operations helped to strengthen pre-deployment training on gender issues. It also required the military to establish GENADs and GFPs.37

Indeed, a major indicator of progress with regard to the integration of gender equality and WPS principles is the appointment of GENADs and GFPs. They are critical in helping to mainstream the principles of the WPS agenda in all aspects of the operations of security forces. The role of a GENAD is to provide guidance and advice to senior level commanders on how to integrate gender perspectives into operations and missions, crisis and conflict analysis, concepts, doctrine, procedures, and education and training. GFPs are similarly trained but work at lower levels in the organization to mainstream the WPS agenda across occupational positions.[46]

Only a few countries in the region are systematically appointing, training and employing GENADs and GFPs. (See Table 5) Argentina has a robust GENAD and GFP program. It also provides gender training through its regional peacekeeping center—trainings that are open to other countries in the region as well. Uruguay, a top regional UN troop contributor, co-hosts, with Canada, the UN GFP network. It has appointed GFPs in both the military and the police, but these GENADs are all double-hatted—that is, they have other responsibilities as well. Neither the military nor the police have appointed full-time GENADS. In some countries, for example in Mexico and Peru, the security institutions have established gender equality institutions that have certain GENAD functions. However, most often these institutions work more in the human resources sphere, rather than the policy and planning spheres. Most often, they do not report directly to the highest command levels.

Gender in the Ranks: Women’s Participation in the Security Forces

All countries in our survey have low women’s participation rates in their military and police forces. (See Table 6) The promotion rates for women are even lower. In general, women have made greater inroads in the police than in the military. In the national police forces, all positions are officially open to women. That said, some of our investigators also reported that the practice does not always align with the formal rules. In some countries, women are not assigned to work “on the streets.” In addition, as women have made inroads within the police, some countries have begun to impose caps, thereby limiting women’s access. Such is the case in Trinidad and Tobago, where no more than 30% of the force is allowed to be women. There is also a waiting list for women who want to join the police.

In four out of 14 countries, women continue to be officially barred from some military occupations. (See Table 7) In addition, even if in theory all positions are open, women often face restrictions in practice, particularly in terms of where they are utilized. Many teams reported that data on military deployments reveal that women are far less likely to be deployed on operational missions.

Country            The country       The country       GENADs are     The country       has  appointed          has appointed    assigned for       has gender                             Gender Advisors         gender focal              pecific                 equality                                 (GENAD).            points (GFP).            missions.             offices/units.
Argentina                        Yes                        Yes                                                  Yes Brazil                                     Yes   Chile                                    Yes Yes Yes Colombia                                  Yes Costa Rica                                Yes Dominican Republic                 Yes Yes Ecuador                                    Yes Guatemala                                Yes Mexico                                     Yes Panama                                    Yes Paraguay                                  Yes Peru                                         Yes Trinidad and Tobago                   Yes Uruguay                                                       Yes                       Yes                       Yes

Table 5: Gender Advisors and

Gender Equity

Offices

Country                  Military        Percent of          Senior            Police             Senior                                                     Women          Military                                Police                                                   Deployed         Women                               Women
Argentina 17.3% 8% nd nd nd Brazil 7.6% 8% nd 9% nd Chile 10% 10% nd 34% 15% Colombia 6% 1.5% 1% 9% 2% Costa Rica na na na 18.7% di Dominican Republic 20.8% 5.1%-8% 4% 15% 4.7% Ecuador 2.7% di nd 15% di Guatemala nd 8% nd 16% nd Panama na na na 16.2% 14.9% Peru 10% di .5% 18% .4% Paraguay nd 10% nd Nd nd Mexico 12.4% 1-3% 2.5% 10% 19% Trinidad & Tobago 14.3% na nd 29% nd Uruguay                     11%                7%                1.7%             25.6%               3% nd=no data (data not provided or data not available) na=not applicable (these countries have no military forces or they do not deploy) di=data incomplete (not enough data to calculate percentage)

Table 6: Women’s

Participation as a Percentage of the

Total Force

Working on “the streets” and military deployments are generally career enhancing assignments;  the restrictions women face in this regard likely contributes to them being less competitive for promotions. These restrictions may explain why few women are represented at the highest levels in  the military or police.

Lastly, in terms of long-term policy and planning, we found that only four countries have active recruitment programs or set targets to raise the number of women in the force.

Table 7: Policy and Practice

Country Are all  Are there  Do they How much Is WPS Is  positions  recruitment  provide paid gender Monitoring  open to targets? uniforms &   maternity/ training & Evaluation  women (military/ equipment paternity provided ? conducted?  in the  police) adapted to leave  military?  women? is provided?   
Argentina Yes Yes/UNK Yes 90 days/10 days Yes Yes Brazil       No       No. There are  some caps/No.  There are local  caps No 180 days/5 days Yes No Chile No No/No Yes 126 days/UNK Yes Yes Colombia No No/No Yes 126 days/8 days Yes Yes Costa Rica Yes NA/No Yes 120 days/2 days Yes Yes Dominican Republic   Yes   Yes/Yes, but there are local caps No 98 days/7 days Yes Yes  Ecuador Yes No/No No 80 days/15 days Yes Yes Guatemala Yes No/No No 84 days/UNK Yes No Mexico Yes Yes/No No 90 days/10 days No No Panama Yes NA/ No Yes 98 days/3 days Yes Yes Paraguay No No/No Yes 126 days/UNK Yes Yes Peru Yes No/No No 98 days/UNK No Yes Trinidad and Tobago   Yes   No, there is a  30% cap Yes 90 days/3 days Yes No Uruguay                      Yes                 Yes/Yes                No             91 days/10 days            Yes                Yes NA=not applicable because they have no military forces UNK=unknown-data was not provided during data collection

More generally, it must be noted that data on women’s participation and promotion rates were elusive in many countries. Either the data are not being collected and tracked over time, or the country refuses to publish the data. One country indicated that data on women in the military were considered confidential and not publicly releasable.

Many organizations that track numbers and the composition of armed forces around the world, such as the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies, generally do not collect sexdisaggregated data. The only known detailed survey of women in the armed forces and the police dates from 2010 and was carried out by the Argentine think tank RESDAL.[47]

Women-Friendly Policies and Programs

To increase women’s participation in the security forces, it is also important to have policies and programs that make military and police service possible on a personal level. Women tend to leave the military and police at higher rates than men when they have children or encounter a hostile work environment. Therefore, it is imperative that the military and police implement policies that make it possible for women to have a fulfilling career by ensuring that their organizations are inclusive, free of harassment, and accommodate family needs for women who often remain primary caregivers.

In all countries reviewed, both the military and police provide paid maternity leave for women, although the length of time varies greatly—from 80 days to 18 weeks. Many countries also provide a few days of paid paternity leave. Some countries offer varying levels of childcare and family leave, while others offer none.

A healthy and productive work environment also requires that sexual harassment and abuse is not tolerated, that it is strictly monitored, and that offenders are prosecuted. Most countries, particularly those involved in peacekeeping, provide basic human rights training, with a portion of the training directed specifically toward preventing sexual and gender-based violence in the areas of operations. However, the same level of training and attention is not being given to eradicating sexual harassment and abuse within a country’s own ranks. Data from countries that track and address harassment, including the US, Canada and Australia, show that sexual harassment and abuse of women in the ranks is pervasive in military organizations around the world.[48] Therefore, it is critical that military and police organizations address this behavior if they want to keep women in their organizations.

Finally, uniforms, equipment, and facilities must be adapted to accommodate women to optimize women’s performance and retention. Only half of the countries in our survey provide women-specific equipment. (Table 7 above). Requiring women to perform in uniforms and equipment designed by and for men degrades women’s performance, causes injuries, and can result in safety hazards. Furthermore, failing to provide bathrooms and safe billets also drives women out of military and police organizations.

In sum, security forces seeking to increase women’s participation must ensure that there are familyfriendly programs available to support women’s long-term participation, address sexual harassment and abuse within the ranks, and provide uniforms, equipment, and billets for women. While countries in the region score well in terms of maternity and paternity leave policies, much work remains to be accomplished in the other areas.

WPS Training and Education

Applying a gender lens to military and police organizations and operations requires training and education. It is not an intuitive process. The countries that participate in UN peacekeeping operations receive human rights and WPS training during pre-deployment training. Indeed, when countries engage with the UN, particularly in the context of contributing troops to UN peacekeeping operations, they are expected to meet certain UN WPS training requirements. However, for many countries, gender and WPS training ends with UN missions.

Some countries have more systematically integrated gender training into their entry, mid- and senior-level training and education programs. That said, this training is more likely to be found in the military than the police. Police training generally focuses on responding to and preventing domestic, sexual, and genderbased violence.

GENADs and GFPs require specialized training. Such training remains limited. A few countries like Argentina provide WPS training for the military. Costa Rica has mainstreamed gender throughout police training programs. Costa Rica is unique in the region for creating a gender training program that addresses masculinity and machismo culture.

Figure 6:

Masculinity Flyer

Eleven countries in the region host peacekeeping training centers. Many of these centers have not integrated gender and the WPS agenda in their curriculum in a systematic manner.[49] Helping these centers build up their WPS and gender equality curriculum and provide specialized courses for GENADs would be an obvious first step towards more robust training on WPS and gender equality  in the region.

Monitoring, Reporting, and Evaluation

Monitoring and evaluation are critical for learning and understanding whether progress is being made in implementing the WPS agenda. Monitoring and evaluation also had the lowest average scores. There are three main reasons for the low scores. First, even when countries have developed NAPs, strategies or implementation plans, they are often written without clearly defined and measurable goals and benchmarks. Second, countries generally do not appoint or support independent oversight bodies. Most governments are wary of such bodies and/or the involvement of civil society in the oversight of policies. Third, there is a dearth of sex-disaggregated data being collected or made available for evaluation.

The best monitoring and evaluation programs are independent, transparent, and involve civil society. Some country teams reported that monitoring and evaluation does occur, but the reports and data produced by entities in these countries can only be accessed by requesting them through government transparency programs, or they may not be available at all.

Costa Rica has the most robust monitoring and evaluating systems in the region. They are provided by Costa Rica’s National Institute for Women, which functions as a ministry. This ministry-level Institute has a national council responsible for decision-making at the national level. Furthermore, the Institute provides advice and has oversight over gender mainstreaming in all of the government ministries, including the Ministry of Public Security.

Some countries have robust independent civil society networks that provide some external monitoring and evaluation functions and keep pressure on governments to advance gender equality and the WPS agenda. For example, Colombia has a robust civil society network with 57 distinct organizations that promote the principles of UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda. It also has a Women Peace and Security Observatory, a coalition of civil society organizations that is actively lobbying the government to adopt a WPS NAP.[50] In some countries, the think tank and academic community are important players. For example, in Brazil, the Igarapé Institute has a considerable amount of expertise with regard to the WPS agenda and women in the military. Similarly, in Argentina, RESDAL has undertaken important work in this regard. The analysis by these institutions are important in collecting best practices and advancing the WPS agenda in the region. More generally, the Gender Division of the UN’s Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC or CEPAL in Spanish) plays an important role in gender mainstreaming in the region and collecting data.

Recommendations and Concluding Remarks

To advance the gender equality and WPS agenda in the security forces in the region, the following actions should be taken at the national and regional levels.

National Actions

All countries in the region have strong normative gender equality frameworks in place. This should provide a solid basis for governments in the region to apply the political will necessary to develop WPS NAPs. The most effective NAPs are whole-of-government efforts that engage all governmental and  non-governmental stakeholders and cover the entire range of security challenges, including human security and non-military security challenges. More specifically:

  • All government agencies, including military and police forces, should develop implementation plans with clear goals and benchmarks for measuring progress;
  • Governments must back up their commitment to NAPs and implementation plans by pledging the necessary resources—personnel and financial—to ensure effective implementation;
  • Legislatures must become actively involved in the development of WPS NAPs. They should require the executive to present NAP updates at regular intervals and pass budgets with dedicated funding streams for NAPs and implementation plans;
  • Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be transparent and include members of civil society. Civil society actors are critical to ensuring transparency and providing expertise in the effective implementation of WPS NAPs.

The increase of the number of women in police and military organizations and the integration of gender perspectives in operations require actions at different levels.

  • Military and police organizations should develop organization-specific WPS implementation plans. This can be accomplished even in the absence of a nation-wide WPS NAP. Countries, such as Argentina and Colombia, have developed and effectively implemented military implementation plans before NAPs were developed.
  • In terms of gender balance, the military and police should remove all exclusions and caps that limit women’s full participation in the security forces. They should also develop recruitment programs and establish targets to increase the number of women in the ranks. Military and police should regularly collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in the ranks.
  • In terms of integrating gender perspectives in operations and more generally the development of a gender mainstreaming strategy, the military and police should appoint Gender Advisors (GENADs). GENADs help with the development of organizational gender mainstreaming strategies, make sure that police and military exercises and operations have integrated a gender analysis, and advise on the education and training of soldiers and officers with regard to the WPS agenda. To be effective GENADs should be located at the highest command level. In addition to GENADs, military and police organizations should appoint Gender Focal Points (GFPs) at lower levels of the organization.

GFPs are key to ensuring that implementation takes place at all levels.

International and Regional Actions

There is a great deal of expertise in Latin America and the Caribbean that should be capitalized on for the good of the entire region. Unfortunately, the exchange and learning among security forces in the region is ad-hoc, uneven, and non-systematic. Countries in the region, including the United States government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM), should create a WPS Center of Excellence for military and police security forces that can support the integration of the WPS agenda throughout the region. The Center—a multilateral governmental venture—should seek to actively engage non-governmental stakeholders. The Center would function as a regional hub to support military and police forces in the region. Areas of responsibilities would include:  

  • Research: encourage national and regional collaborative research efforts and focus on topics supporting the integration of the WPS agenda into security forces, such as measures to eliminate barriers for women’s participation in military and police forces, monitoring and evaluation practices, collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data on gender balances in the forces.
  • Education and Training: facilitate the development and delivery of WPS and gender curriculum and training for the military and police.
  • Convening of stakeholders:exchange best practices.
  • Technical support: for the development of WPS NAPs and implementation plans, particularly implementation plans for the military and police.

More specifically, the US Government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM) should embed WPS discussions in all engagements, including in all security and military senior leader engagements. They should also incentivize women’s participation in any externally funded training programs they provide to regional partners by requiring that a certain percentage of military and police women participate in the training.

Concluding Remarks

It has been twenty years since UNSCR 1325 was unanimously adopted by the UN Security Council.

In the subsequent years, there has been slow but steady progress in realizing the purpose and intent of 1325. Many nations around the world, and six in Latin America and the Caribbean, have adopted WPS National Action Plans.

The concepts and terms gender balance, gender perspective and gender mainstreaming are better understood and becoming embedded within the operational activities of security institutions. Nations that are further along with gender mainstreaming have begun to realize the value of adopting a gender perspective to achieve better security outcomes. That said, normative thinking and behavior on complex social issues is slow to change, but change does happen. It requires concerted, continuous and systematic efforts by all.

Lastly, the success of gender mainstreaming efforts is closely related to the involvement of civil society. Global studies have shown that the most successful WPS NAPs are those that have the active involvement of civil society organization at every step of the way. This finding is not surprising, since gender mainstreaming is ultimately about debunking regressive gender stereotypes that exist within  our societies.

References

1. Gender Equality, WPS and NAPs

Boutron, Camille, “Engendering Peacebuilding: The International Gender Nomenclature of Peace Politics and Women’s Participation in the Columbian Peace Process,” Journal of Peacebuilding and Development, Vol. 13, No. 2 (2018), pp. 115 – 121.

Davies, Sara E. and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019).

De Jonge Oudraat, Chantal and Michael E. Brown, The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020).

Drumond, Paula and Tamya Rebelo, 1325 and Beyond: Moving Forward the WPS Agenda in Latin America, WIIS Policy Brief (July 2020).

Drumond, Paula and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4 (2020), pp. 462 – 484.

Drumond, Paula and Tamya Rebelo, Implementing the “Women, Peace and Security” Agenda in Brazil: An Assessment of the National Action Plan, Strategic Paper 31 (Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute, August 2019).

Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Regional Report on the Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action in Latin American and Caribbean Countries (Santiago: United Nations, 2019).

Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean, Gender Equality Plans in Latin America and the Caribbean: Road Maps for Development, Studies 1 (Santiago: United Nations January 2019).

Folly, Maiara and Giannini Renata, Achieving Gender Equality: Best Practices for the Implementation of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda, Igarapé Institute Strategic Note (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Igarapé, March 2017).

Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and Peace Research Institute Oslo, Women, Peace and Security Index 2019/2020: Tracking Sustainable Peace Through Inclusion, Justice, and Security for Women, (Washington D.C., USA; GIWPS and PRIO, 2019).

Giannini, Renata and Perola Pereira, Building Brazil’s National Action Plan: Lessons Learned and Opportunities, LSE Centre for Women, Peace and Security Working Paper Series, (London, UK; London School of Economics and Political Science, 2020).

Giannini, Renata et al., A agenda sobre mulheres, paz e segurança no contexto latino-americano: desafios e oportunidades, Igarapé Institute Strategic Article (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Igarapé, March 2018).

Hamilton, Caitlin et al, Twenty Years of Women, Peace and Security National Action Pland: Analysis and Lessons Learned (Sydney: University of Sydney, March 2020).

Humanas Colombia, 20 Años Exigiendo que el Gobierno Colombiano se conecte con la Paz y la Seguridad de las Mujeres, (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, July 2020).

Jacevic, Mirsad Niki, “WPS, States and the National Action Plans,” in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 273 – 292.

Kurtenbach, Sabine, “The Limits of Peace in Latin America,” Peacebuilding, Vol. 7, No. 3, (2019),  pp. 283 – 296.

Marchetti, Ximena Gauche, “Planes de Acción Nacional sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad: Experiencias Comparadas y Proyecciones para el Caso Chileno,” Revista de Derecho, Vol. 30 No. 2 (2017),  pp. 203 – 223.

Marín Carvajal, Isabela and Eduardo Álvarez-Vanegas, “Securing Participation and Protection in Peace Agreements: The Case of Colombia”, in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 461 – 474.

Meyer Mcaleese, Mary K., “WPS and the Organization of American States,” in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 413 – 427.

Swaine, Aisling, “Globalising Women, Peace and Security: Trends in National Action,” in Rethinking National Action Plans on Women, Peace and Security, edited by Sahla Aroussi (Amsterdam: IOS Press, 2017), pp. 7 – 27.

Urrutia Arestizábal, Pamela; Ana Villelas Ariño y María Villegas Ariño, Seguridad Feminista: Aportaciones Conceptuales y Desarrollo Actual, (Barcelona: Institut Catalá Internacional per la Pau, 2020).

Unión Nacional de Mujeres Guatemaltecas, Por una Vida Plena con Libertad, Justicia y Paz: Consulta Latinoamericana para el Estudio Mundial sobre la Implementación de la Resolución 1325, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala; UNAMG, May 2015).

Velasco Ugalde, Ana Laura, UNSCR1325 and the WPS Agenda: A Feminist Response to Authoritarianism, WIIS Policy Brief (June 2020).

Women In International Security, 1325 and Beyond: Winning Essays, (Washington, DC: WIIS, 2020)

NAPs can be accessed at https://wwww.peacewomen.org and https:// www.wpsnaps.org

2. Women in the Military and Peacekeeping

Abdenur, Adrina Erthal, Enhancing Peacekeeping Training Through Cooperation: Lessons from Latin America, Policy Brief (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, June 2018).

Baldwin, Gretchen and Sarah Taylor, Uniformed Women in Peace Operations: challenging Assumptions and Transforming Approaches (New York: International Peace Institute, June 2020).

De Jonge Oudraat, Chantal, et al, Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR

1325 and its Related Resolutions – The 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015). For a description of the NATO project and the country scorecard reports see https://www.wiisglobal. org/programs/unscr-1325-nato/

Donadio, Marcela and Cecilia Mazzota, La Mujer en las instituciones armadas y policiales: Resolución 1325 y Operaciones de Paz en América Latina, (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2009).

Donadio, Marcela et al, Women in the Armed Forces and Police Forces: Resolution 1325 and Peace Operations in Latin America (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2010).

Egnell, Robert, et al, Gender, Military Effectiveness and Organizational Change: The Swedish Model (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2014).

Esparza, Diego; Santiago Arca Henon & Hope Dewell Gentry, “Peacekeeping and civil–military relations in Uruguay,” Defense & Security Analysis, Vol. 36 No. 3 (2020), pp. 314-334.

Ghittoni, Marta, Lea Lehouck and Callum Watson, Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations:

Baseline Study ( Geneva: DECAF, July 2018).

Giannini, Renata; Maiara Folly and Mariana Lima, Situações Extraordinárias: a inclusão de mulheres na linha de frente das forças armadas, Igarapé Institute Strategic Article (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, August 2017).

Hardt, Heidi and Stefanie von Hlatky, “NATO’s About-Face: Adaptation to Gender mainstreaming in an Alliance Setting,” Journal of Global Security Studies, Vol. 5, No.1 (2020), pp. 136-159.

Haring, Ellen, “Gender and Military Organizations” in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, eds., The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 90 – 112.

Hurley, Matthew, “Watermelons and Weddings: Making Women, Peace and Security ‘Relevant: at NATO Through (Re)Telling Stories of Success,” Global Society, Vol. 32, No. 4 (2018), pp. 436-456.

Jenne, Nicole, “Civilianizing the armed forces? Peacekeeping, a traditional mission for the military,” Defence Studies, Vol. 20 No. 2 (2020), pp. 105 – 122.

Jenne, Nicole and Fiorella Ulloa Bisshopp, “Female Peacekeepers: UNSC Resolution 1325 and the Persistence of Gender Stereotypes in the Chilean Armed Forces,” International Peacekeeping (October 14, 2020).

Karim, Sabrina and Kyle Beardsley, Equal Opportunity Peacekeeping: Women, Peace and Security in PostConflict States (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).

Perera, Fabiana Sofia; and Lieutenant Colonel Duilia Mora Turner, eds., Twenty Years, Twenty Stories: Women, Peace and Security in the Western Hemisphere (Washington, DC: William J. Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies, 2020).

Masson, Laura, Militares Argentinas: Evaluación de Políticas de Género en el Ámbito de la Defensa, (Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires: Universidad de la Defensa Nacional, 2020)

Newby, Vanessa F and Clotilde Sebag, “Gender Sidestreaming? Analyzing Gender Mainstreaming in National Militaries and International Peacekeeping,” European Journal of International Security (November, 2020), pp. 1-23.

Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations (NCGM), A Military Guide to the United Nations Security Council Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security, (Stockholm, Sweden; NCGM,  April 2020)

Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations, Whose Security? Practical Examples of Gender Perspectives in Military Operations (Stockholm: Nordic Centre for Military Operations, 2015).

Razakamaharavo, Velomahaniha T., Luise Ryan and Leah Sherwood, Improving Gender Training in UN Peacekeeping Operations, WIIS Policy Brief (Washington, DC: WIIS, February 2018).

Wilén, Nina, “Female Peacekeepers’ Added Burden,” International Affairs, Vol. 96 No. 6, (November 2020), pp. 1585 – 1602.

3. Useful listservs and websites

Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF), https://www.dcaf.ch,

Igarape Institute, https://igarape.org.br/temas/consolidacao-da-paz/

London School of Economics Centre for Women, Peace and Security, https://www.lse.ac.uk/womenpeace-security/research/Rethinking-Policy-Advocacy-Implementation

NATO, Allied Command Transformation – Gender Advisor. The website contains on-line education and training modules and toolkits,  https://www.act.nato.int/gender-advisor

Pass Blue Women, press agency, https://www.passblue.com/category/women/

Red de Seguridad y Defensa de America Latina, https://www.resdal.org/

UN Women, https://www.unwomen.org/es

UN Peacekeeping, Department of Peace Operations, https://peacekeeping.un.org/es/department-ofpeace-operations

WILPF’s Women, Peace and Security, https://www.peacewomen.org/

Women In International Security, https://www.wiisglobal.org/wiis-wps-scorecard-security-forces-inlatin-america/

The WomenStats Project at www.womanstats.org

Women’s UN Report Network, listserve (also in Spanish, Portuguese, French), https://wunrn.com/

WPS National Action Plans, https://www.wpsnaps.org/

About the Authors

Dr. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat is President of Women In International Security (WIIS) since February 2013. She has held senior positions at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)

North America; the US Institute of Peace; Center for Transatlantic Relations, Paul H. Nitze School of

Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University; Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, DC; and the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) in Geneva. Dr. de Jonge Oudraat has published extensively on a wide array of international security issues. She is co-editor with Dr. Michael E. Brown of The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, July 2020). De Jonge Oudraat received her PhD in Political Science from the University of Paris II (Panthéon).

Dr. Ellen Haring is a Senior Fellow at Women In International Security where she directs the Combat Integration Initiative. She is the former CEO of the Service Women’s Action Network. Haring’s research and work focuses on women and gender in the military. She is a West Point graduate and a retired US Army colonel. She holds a PhD in Conflict Analysis and Resolution from George Mason University, and she has taught at the US Army Command and General Staff College, the US Army War College and Georgetown University. Haring has published numerous articles and papers on a wide array of military and security-related topics. She guest lectures, has testified before Congress as a subject matter expert, and has been a guest speaker on foreign and domestic news shows.

Dr. Diorella Islas Limiñana is a Fellow at Women In International Security and an independent security consultant on intelligence, transnational criminal organizations and national security policies. She is Adjunct Faculty member in the Countering Transnational Organized Crime (CTOC) program at the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies in Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany. She has worked as a consultant for the Royal United Service Institute in London, and as a security analyst at the Center for Information and National Security in Mexico City. She holds a PhD in Politics, Languages and International Studies from the University of Bath and a MA and a BA from Tec de

Monterrey, Mexico City Campus. She has taught at the Bader International Study Center of Queens University and delivered guest lectures at different universities and organizations around the world.

Ana Velasco is a Fellow at Women In International Security and a Researcher at Observatorio Nacional Ciudadano, a leading Mexican NGO focused on issues of security and justice. Previously, she worked as an international news reporter in Mexico, and she has held a diplomatic position for the Mexican Secretariat of Economy in Germany. Velasco is the winner of the “1325 and Beyond” international essay competition organized by WIIS and the Heinrich Böll Stiftung. She recently finished a MA in Gender, Violence and Conflict at the University of Sussex with Distinction, and she is about to start her PhD in International Relations at the same institution.

Project Participants*

Aguirre, Johanna (Panama)

Almeida, Katherine (Dominican Republic)

Aquino, Massiel (Dominican Republic)

Arboleda, Naomi (Dominican Republic)

Argueta, Ann Marie (Guatemala)

Arias, Jeannette (Costa Rica)

Baez Racalde, Maria Gloria (Paraguay)

Baires, Emily (Guatemala)

Balcazar, Mauel (Mexico)

Barriga Abarca, Lourdes Aurelia (Peru)

Barrios, Silvana (Argentina)

Beltran Del Portillo, Maria Fernanda (Colombia)

Broce, Rosa (Panama)

Canto, Maria Belen (Argentina)

Capellan, Belgica (Dominican Republic)

Cardenas Hidalgo, Maria Andrea (Ecuador)

Cerdas, Loreley (Costa Rica)

Chaves, Andrea (Argentina)

Colon, Victor (USA)

Cordon, Mireya (Colombia)

Dantas, Stela (Brazil)

Davila Calderon, Martha Jenneth (Colombia)

De Anda Martinez, Erika (USA)

Depaz, Leidy (Peru)

Donadio, Marela (Argentina)

Drumond, Paula (Brazil)

Espaillat, José Rafael (Dominican Republic)

Ferreira Costa, Ivana Mara (Brazil)

Ferreto, Yorleny (Costa Rica)

Fischer, Andrea (Chile)

Flores, Nancy (Guatemala)

Fundora, Cristobal (Panama)

Galan Paniagua, Sonia Maria (Guatemala)

Giannini, Renata (Brazil)

Gil Rosado, Maria Teresa (Dominican Republic)

Gonzalez, Pedro (Chile)

Henandez, Francia (Dominican Republic)

Hernandez, Brianna (USA)

Hormazábal, Javiera (Chile)

Ignacio, Mercedes (Dominican Republic)

Islas, Diorella (México)

Jarpa, Carolina (Chile)

Jeremias da Silva, Jessika Kelly (Brazil) Jiménez Morales, Karen (Costa Rica)

Jorge, Ramon (Dominican Republic) Justynski,

Ashley (USA)

Lancaster-Ellis, Karen (USA)

Layman, Matthew (USA)

Lopez Portillo, Ernesto (Mexico)

Made, Dominga (Dominican Republic) Manes,

Amb. Jean (USA)

Marcial, Cynthia (Argentina)

Marulanda Castano, Diana Marcela (Brazil)

McCann, Elizabeth (USA)

Méndez, Elvira (Panama)

Mendoza Cortes, Paloma (Mexico)

Miranda Vargas, Inaraquel (USA)

Montenegro, Nadia (Panama)

Ortiz, Nereyda (USA)

Otto, Fomina (Chile)

Pacheco, Gloria (Costa Rica)

Pagtakhan, Elisabet (USA)

Paredes Escobar, Byron Gabriel (Ecuador)

Parra, Veronica (Chile)

Pena, Elisama (Dominican Republic)

Perera, Fabiana (USA)

Placencia Almonte, Albania (Dominican Republic)

Porras, Silvia (Costa Rica)

Ramirez Herrera, Carolina (Dominican Republic)

Rebelo, Tamya (Brazil)

Rey Pinto, Eva María (Colombia)

Reynoso Barrera, Jonas (Dominican Republic)

Rivas, Reina Margarita (Colombia)

Rodriguez-Acosta, Cristina (USA)

Rogers, Rhea (Belize)

Rojas, Valeska (Chile)

Rojas Ballestero, Fiorella Andrea (Costa Rica)

Sahid Garnica, German (Colombia)

Salguero, Miguel (Argentina)

Sanabria, Diana (Ecuador)

Sancho, Carolina (Chile)

Sanjines, Karen (Jamaica)

Santolalla, Guillermo (USA)

Santos, Maria Dolores (Ecuador)

Seron, Christian (Chile)

Silva Freire, Maria Eduarda Laryssa (Brazil)

Sprinkle, Abby (USA)

Suarez, Hilda (Argentina)

Summers, Becky (USA)

Talamoni, Ana Florencia (Argentina)

Turner, Duilia (USA)

Typrowicz, Jennifer (USA)

Russ, Sarah (USA)

Velasco-Ugalde, Ana (Mexico)

Villalba, Laura     (USA)

Volia, Zoila (Costa Rica) Weiss, Cornelia (USA)

Williams, Dianna (USA)

* Project participants includes those who participated in at least one of our workshops and/or our country research teams.

[1] In this project we are examining military forces and national police forces (police that operate at the national level not at the local or municipal level).

[2] The methodology was developed by Women In International Security (WIIS) in the context of a NATO sponsored project that sought to assess how well NATO member and partner states had integrated the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in their military institutions and operations. See Chantal de Jonge Oudraat et al., Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its Related Resolutions- the 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015).

[3] See Executive Order, Instituting a National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security (Washington, DC: The White House, December 19, 2011). This Plan was subsequently updated in June 2016.

[4] See Women, Peace and Security Act of 2017, Public Law 115-68-October 6, 2017 (Washington, DC: GPO, 2017).

[5] See US Strategy on Women, Peace and Security (Washington, DC: White House, 2019).

[6] See US DOD, Women, Peace, and Security: Strategic Framework and Implementation Plan (Washington, DC: US DoD,  June 2020), p.7.

[7] Ibid.

[8] See Chantal de Jonge Oudraat et al., Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its Related Resolutions – The 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015). For a description of the NATO project and our country scorecard reports, see: https://www.wiisglobal.org/programs/unscr-1325-nato/.

[9] The term “police” in this tool does not include local or municipal police. The police agencies that are included are those police agencies that also send police officers to UN peacekeeping operations.

[10] For more see wiisglobal.org.

[11] This is a statement that has also been recognized and subscribed to by the US Department of Defense. See US DOD, Women, Peace and Security (2020), p.10.

[12] In the Southern Hemisphere the legal framework for human rights even predates the UDHR. The American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, (adopted in May 1948 in Bogota, Columbia) was the first human rights instrument that recognized equal rights for all people. It was followed in 1969 by the American Convention on Human Rights. The 1969 American Convention on Human Rights requires states to adopt domestic legislation to give effect to these rights.

[13] They were particularly important in integrating Human Rights in the UN Charter and the UDHR.

[14] For more see Marcela Donadio et al., Women in The Armed and Police Forces: Resolution 1325 and Peace Operations in Latin America (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2010). More generally see also Ellen Haring, “Gender and Military Organizations” in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, eds., The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 90 – 112.

[15] In October 2015, the UN Security Council, in Resolution 2242, called for the doubling of the number of female peacekeepers (military and police) within five years. In August 2020, the UN Security Council also adopted Resolution 2538 which recognized “the indispensable role of women in increasing the overall performance and effectiveness of peacekeeping operations.” It also stressed the need to increase the participation of uniformed women in peacekeeping operations.

[16] In 2013, CEDAW adopted General Recommendation 30 on women in conflict prevention, conflict, and post-conflict situations. This strengthened the links between the WPS agenda and CEDAW.

[17] NATO/EAPC Women, Peace and Security Policy and Action Plan, 2018. NATO committed to the three “I”s: Integration: making sure that gender equality is considered as an integral part of NATO policies, programs, and projects guided by effective gender mainstreaming practices; Inclusiveness: promoting an increased representation of women across NATO and in national forces to enhance operational effectiveness and success; and Integrity: enhancing accountability with the intent to increase awareness and implementation of the WPS agenda in accordance with international frameworks.”

[18] See Mary K. Meyer Mcaleese, “WPS and the Organization of American States,” in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds.,  The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 413 – 427.

[19] See, for example, Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4 (2020), pp. 462 – 484; See also Donadio, Women in the Armed and Police Forces (2010). In 2019 Brazilian Navy Lieutenant Commander Marcia Braga received the UN Military Gender Advocate of the Year award for her work in the UN operation in the Central African Republic.

[20] See Drumond and Rebelo, Global Pathways or Local Spins?

[21] See for example, Fabiana Sofia Perera and Lieutenant Colonel Duilia Mora Turner, eds., Twenty Years, Twenty Stories: Women, Peace and Security in the Western Hemisphere (Washington, DC: William J. Perry Center for Hemsipheric Defense Studies, 2020). See also Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations, Whose Security? Practical Examples of Gender Perspectives in Military Operations (Stockholm: Nordic Centre for Military Operations, 2015).

[22] See Renata Avelar Giannini et al., A agenda sobre mulheres, paz e segurança no contexto latino-americano: desafios e oportunidades, Hemisphere (Rio de Janeiro, Brasil: Instituto Igarapé, March 2018). 12  See, for example, studies by the McKinsey Institute and the World Economic Forum.

[23] For many practical examples see Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations, Whose Security? Practical Examples of Gender Perspectives in Military Operations (Stockholm: Nordic Centre for Military Operations, 2015).

[24] The UN’s 2028 target for women in military contingents is 15% and 25% for military observers and staff officers. The 2028 target for women serving in formed police units is 20% and 30% for individual police officers. In 2020, women constitute 4.8% of military contingents and 10.9 % of formed police units in UN peacekeeping missions. See Peackeeping.un.org.

[25] Cited in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat et al., Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its Related Resolutions – The 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015), p. 7.

[26] This definition is based on the UN ECOSOC definition of 1997. See also Helene Lackenbauer and Richard Langlais, eds., Review of the Practical Implications of UNSCR 1325 for the Conduct of NATO-led Operations and Missions (Stockholm: Swedish Defense Research Agency (FOA), 2013), p. 55.

[27] See UN Women website unwomen.org “Gender Mainstreaming.”

[28] For example, in the United States and Brazil, the WPS agenda and gender equality efforts were not supported by the Donald J. Trump and Jair Bolsonaro administrations. Yet in both cases, the WPS agenda had gained some champions within the foreign affairs and defense establishments. These establishments had also put in place certain processes to integrate gender perspectives. Together, the champions and the institutional processes were able to safeguard some of the efforts that had been started before the advent of the new administrations. In addition, in the United States the US Congress had adopted the WPS Act in 2017, which had broad bi-partisan support. It was a big factor in safeguarding some of the WPS capacities that had been developed earlier. The Act also allowed the expansion of WPS activities in the military with regard to training and the appointment of GENADs in the Combatant Commands. The US Congress even set aside some money for the latter.

[29] See de Jonge Oudraat et al, Gender Mainstreaming (2015), p. 10-11.

[30] See scorecard template in Annex 2 and the scoring protocol in Annex 3.

[31] See country scorecards and narrative reports at the WIIS website (provide link here).

[32] See ECLAC, Regional Report on the Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in Latin America and Caribbean countries, 25 years on, LC/CRM.14.4 (Santiago: United Nations, 2019).

[33] See IDEA, Gender Quotas Database (Stockholm: IDEA @idea.int).

[34] See ECLAC, Regional Report on the Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in Latin America and Caribbean countries, 25 years on, LC/CRM.14.4 (Santiago: United Nations, 2019), p. 17.

[35] See Ellen Haring, “Gender and Military Organizations” in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020), p. 90.

[36] Nicole Jenne and Fiorella Ulloa Bisshopp, “Female Peacekeepers: UNSC Resolution 1325 and the Persistence of Gender Stereotypes in the Chilean Armed Forces,” International Peacekeeping, (October 14, 2020), p. 21.

[37] For strategies to increase women’s participation in national military organizations, see Haring, “Gender and Military Organizations.”

[38] See Georgetown Institute for Women Peace and Security and the Peace Research Institute Oslo, The WPS Index 2020 (Washington, DC: GIWPS, 2020); Oxfam and Development Finance International, Fighting Inequality in the Time of Covid-19:

The Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index 2020 (Oxford: Oxfam, 2020).

[39] Costa Rica is unique in the region as one of only a few countries with no military. It was assessed based on the security provided by the national police.

[40] See Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4 (2020), pp. 462 – 484.

[41] For more general analysis of NAPs globally see Caitlin Hamilton, Nyibeny Naam and Laura J. Shepherd, Twenty Years of Women, Peace and Security National Action Plans: Analysis and Lessons Learned (Sydney: Sydney University, March 2020). 32  Drumond and Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins?” p. 1. See also Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, 1325 and Beyond:

Moving Forward the WPS Agenda in Latin America, WIIS Policy Brief (July 2020); and

Ana Laura Velasco Ugalde, UNSCR1325 and the WPS Agenda: A Feminist Response to Authoritarianism, WIIS Policy Brief (June 2020), p. 1. Velasco notes the Covid-19 crisis and the call for staying at home has exposed the violence at home.

[42] Cited in Drumond and Rebelo, Global Pathways or Local Spins? p. 12. See also Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, 1325 and Beyond: Moving Forward the WPS Agenda in Latin America, WIIS Policy Brief (July 2020).

[43] Ibid.

[44] For more on Brazil’s NAP see Renata Avelar Giannini and Perola Abrue Pereira, Building Brazil’s National Action Plan: Lessons

Learned and Opportunities (London: LSE, March 3, 2020 – blog); Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, Implementing the “Women,

Peace and Security” Agenda in Brazil: An Assessment of the National Action Plan, Strategic Paper 31 (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, August 2019). See also https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/2019-07-31_AE-31_Women-Peace-andSecurity-National-Action-Plan.pdf.

[45] Argentine NAP: p. 10. Government of Argentina, National Action Plan of the Argentine Republic for the Implementation of Resolution Nº1325/2000 of the Security Council of the United Nations. (Argentina, 2015) at: https://www.peacewomen.org/ sites/default/files/Argentina%20NAP%202015%20(English).pdf and see the Spanish version at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/ infolegInternet/anexos/250000-254999/252151/Dto1895.pdf. 37  Today Argentina leads the region in WPS implementation.

[46] See UN Secretary General, Departmental Focal Points for Women in the Secretariat, ST/SGB?2008/12 (New York: United Nations, August 1, 2008). See also UN Women, Gender Focal Points and Focal Points for Women @ unwomen.org; and United Nations, Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Policy: Gender Responsive United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (New York: United Nations, February 1, 2018).

[47] RESDAL obtained much of its data through freedom of information mechanisms. See Marcela Donadio et al., Women in the

Armed Forces and Police in Latin America: Agender Approach to Peace Operations (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2010). See Renata Avilar Giannini, Maiara Folly and Mariana Fonseca Lima, Situacoes extraordinarias a entrada de mulheres na linha de frente das Forcas Armadas brasileiras (Rio de Janieri: Igarapé Institute: 2017). We do not know to what extent the US government is collecting data on the number of women in military forces around the world and how it applies that data to its International Military Training and Education (IMET) programs.

[48] The US DoD tracks the incidence rate of sexual harassment and assault in the ranks and publishes annual reports on their Sexual and Prevention Website. This is a Congressionally mandated annual requirement. https://www.sapr.mil/. See also Government of Canada, 2019 Sexual Misconduct Incident Tracking Report https://www.canada.ca/en/department-nationaldefence/corporate/reports-publications/sexual-misconduct-tracking-report.html. In Australia, the Chief of the Army came out strongly against sexual harassment and abuse. See Australia’s Chief of the Army addresses to soldiers on sexual assault in the ranks. https://vimeo.com/71028162.

[49] Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay. See Adriana Erthal Abdenur, Enhancing Peacekeeping Training Through Cooperation: Lessons from Latin America, Policy Brief (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, June 2018).

[50] See Humanas Colombia, 20 Años Exigiendo que el Gobierno Colombiano se conecte con la Paz y la Seguridad de las Mujeres, Pronunciamiento (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, July 2020) at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/arch_contenidos/ i_e_73153_q_PRONUNCIAMIENTO_R1325.pdf; Also from Humanas Colombia, see Observatorio Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad (a group actively lobbying for a WPS NAP), Cumplimiento del Estado Colombiano con la Resolución 1325 de 2000: Informe de monitoreo del año 2017 y primer semestre de 2018, (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, December 2018) at https://www.humanas.org. co/alfa/dat_particular/ar/ar_9042_q_R1325informe.pdf.

 

 

Enhancing Security: Women’s Participation in the Security Forces in Latin America and the Caribbean

2020 Country Report

Argentina – Summary Report 2

Brazil – Summary Report 7

Chile – Summary Report 14

Colombia – Summary Report 19

Costa Rica – Summary Report 23

Dominican Republic – Summary Report 27

Ecuador – Summary Report 33

Guatemala – Summary Report 38

Mexico – Summary Report 42

Panama – Summary Report 47

Paraguay – Summary Report 52

Peru – Summary Report 56

Trinidad and Tobago – Summary Report 61

Uruguay – Summary Report 64

Argentina – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Argentina adopted a NAP in 2015 for a three-year period. A new NAP is reportedly in development.

Overall Assessment:

Argentina demonstrates a strong commitment to the WPS agenda, a commitment that is expressed in many national documents.Argentina’s NAP, published in 2015, is currently being updated.

National Importance/Political Will:

Gender equality is enshrined in the Argentine constitution and related laws, which are enforced by the police and the courts.[1] There are explicit references made to WPS/UNSCR 1325 in top national foreign policy[2] and national security documents.[3]

In 2008, the Argentine Ministry of Defense adopted a WPS Action Plan for gender mainstreaming in international peacekeeping operations. [4] This was developed in response to Argentina’s participation in UN operations. It led to many “policy reforms in the field of defense and the armed forces.”[5] For example, it strengthened pre-deployment training on gender issues and established a requirement for Gender Focal Points in the military.

Argentina adopted a WPS NAP in 2015 for a three-year period.[6] A new NAP is currently under development. The NAP explicitly references the Ministry of Defense (MoD) and the Ministry of Security (which oversees public safety and security, the federal police, and the gendarmerie), as principal actors in the implementation of the WPS agenda and assigns specific tasks to them. Resources and positions have been allocated for NAP and WPS agenda implementation. For example, there is the MoD Directorate of Gender Policies, with Gender Offices distributed among the armed forces. The national police have plans for meeting NAP/WPS objectives, and they are monitored and evaluated for progress by the Gender Policy Council.[7]

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policies

WPS has been integrated into strategy, plans, policy, and other doctrinal documents at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels.[8]

In the military, prevention of sexual violence is explicitly mentioned in strategy, plans, and policy documents at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels as well as in field manuals and handbooks.[9] It is also explicitly identified as a hazard to operational effectiveness. WPS principles, gender analyses, and gender perspectives are integrated into police strategy, plans, policy, and doctrinal documents as well as in some field manuals and handbooks of the police forces.[10]

A full-time Military Gender Advisor (GENAD) has been appointed at the strategic and operational levels of the military forces and has been assigned as a member of the senior military commander’s staff. GENADs receive certified training at the Argentine Center for Joint Training in Peacekeeping Operations (CAECOPAZ) as part of established practice.[11]

In the police forces, a GENAD is part of the Human Resources staff and other staffs, but not at the highest level.[12] The Directorate of Gender Policies and Gender Offices focusing on Gender Focal Points (GFPs) exists in the armed forces and police forces, where GFPs are appointed throughout various police organizations.[13]

Nevertheless, information on NAP implementation by police forces is lacking, and the integration of WPS principles do not seem as advanced in the police as in the military.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police):

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army41,2636,93014%
Army Senior Women   
Navy13,2283,17719%
Navy Senior Women   
Air Force9,8633,40026%
Air Force Senior Women   
National Police[14]   
National Police Senior Women   
Women Deployed  8%

Women have been allowed to occupy all positions in the military, including combat positions, since 2013. All positions in the police are open to women.

Although all military positions are open to women, few women have reached senior ranks, and none are in the senior ranks of combat occupations (in part because they were only recently opened to women).

In 2008, the Ministry of Defense set a target goal of 25-40% women in the ranks.[15] Despite that one of the NAP’s first objectives is to increase the presence of women in peacekeeping, in humanitarian operations and in decision-making bodies, only 8% of deployed personnel are women. No data was obtained on women serving in the national police.

Work Environment

Family Policies: The implementation of WPS principles in work environments is governed by the human resource guidelines for the military and police. Military and police personnel receive 90 days of paid maternity leave and 10 days of paid paternity leave.[16] Childcare, including kindergarten and family leave policies that support members of the military, are available and widely used.[17]

Protection Policies: Both the military and police have programs to prevent sexual harassment and assault of military and police personnel. The programs are both transparent and effective. The programs provide support to victims, and they ensure that perpetrators are prosecuted and punished.[18] Moreover, there is a sexual harassment and sexual exploitation and abuse prevention program to address issues of military and police personnel as perpetrators of violence against civilians. If a member of the military commits an act of serious misconduct, they are sanctioned at the military disciplinary level and prosecuted in civil courts.[19]

Equipment and Facilities: There are gender-specific individual equipment within the military and police forces, including uniforms and personal protective equipment designed for and issued to all women. Facilities, including bathrooms and billets, are available for women in military and police quarters, and they are provided during deployments as required by the United Nations Standards Operations Procedures (SOP).[20]

Training, Education, and Exercises

GENADs facilitate consistent education on gender awareness and WPS as part of entry-level training for both military and police personnel. Similarly, WPS principles for military and police forces are introduced and integrated into the education and training of personnel at the mid-grade and senior level. Personnel are also trained in the prevention of, and in response to, sexual violence, sexual exploitation, and abuse. The training is focused both internally (within the organization) and externally (civilian populations outside the organization).[21] 

Further, the military pre-deployment training course, provided by the Argentine Joint Peacekeeping Training Center (certified by the United Nations), is responsible for the delivery of mandatory pre-deployment training, which includes the following areas: the importance of the protection, rights and needs of women, men, girls, and boys; information on how to engage with, and increase, the participation of local women as well as how to exchange information with women; cultural awareness training based on an analysis of gender relations in the area of operations; information on how integrating a gender perspective can serve as a force enabler and increase operational effectiveness of the mission; and creating an understanding of measures with respect to international law regarding the rights and protection of women and girls, especially civilians during armed conflict.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

Military: Argentina has specific monitoring and evaluation requirements for the implementation of UNSCR 1325 and WPS principles in the military. It is overseen by the MoD’s Observatory Office, which was created within the National Directorate of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law. The Observatory Office is tasked with monitoring and evaluating the full inclusion of women in the military. Sex-disaggregated data and lessons learned are collected and analyzed within the MoD for use in military operations to improve security outcomes for women, men, girls, and boys. Additionally, while formal involvement of several civil society organizations and groups in the WPS/NAP review exists, only the military and police forces can make data publicly available.[22]

Police: Despite explicit mention in the NAP of the importance of gathering sex-disaggregated data, data for the national police forces are lacking.

Although Argentina expresses public commitment to the principles of WPS, monitoring and assessments are only carried out for the military, not the police. 

Recommendations:

The new NAP must fully include all police forces in the country. Resources and monitoring and evaluation for implementation in the police must be clearly outlined. Specifically, the police must be required to collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in their areas of operations and within the force.

Report Contributors:

Ana Florencia Talamoni.

María Belén Canto, Ministry of Defense, Advisor.

Lic. Silvana Lorena Barrios, Ministry of Defense, Advisor

Dr. Cristina A.Rodriguez-Acosta, Florida International University

December 2, 2020

Brazil – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Brazil published a NAP in 2017 with a two-year duration period (2017 – 2018).[23] In March 2019, the 2017 NAP was extended for a four-year period.[24]

Overall Assessment:
Brazil has made limited progress in advancing the WPS agenda. The NAP (initially developed under a previous administration and extended in 2019 by the current government) has not been a priority for the government and is mostly considered in the context of Brazil’s engagement with UN peace operations. Women continue to serve in very limited numbers in the security forces (military and police), lower than in most countries in the region.. Data collection and monitoring and evaluation is limited and not publicly available.

National Importance/Political Will:

Like many other countries in the Western Hemisphere, Brazil has a solid legal framework that recognizes gender equality. The 1988 Brazilian Constitution establishes the principles of gender equality, non-discrimination, and the protection of the rights of women.[25] In addition, the government has approved several laws related to gender equality, gender mainstreaming, and the protection of women, including a law criminalizing femicide and a decree that provided assistance for victims of sexual violence.[26] Brazil has also ratified the Convention Eliminating All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). In the early 2000s, the government launched new policy initiatives to further mainstream human rights and gender equality in the country.[27] In 2018, the government created additional political instruments to advance gender equality domestically, including a National Plan to Combat Domestic Violence.[28]

In January 2019, with the ascent of a new administration under the leadership of President Jair Bolsonaro, gender equality became less of a priority, The new administration championed conservative ideologies that focused on traditional family values and on women as mothers and caregivers. The lack of focus on gender equality and the individual empowerment of women could also be seen when in 2019, the Ministry of Human Rights became the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights.[29]

Initial NAP Development

Discussions and development of a NAP started in 2015 when Pandiá Calógeras, an independent think tank within the Ministry of Defense (MoD, carried out research about the possibility for the development of a Brazilian NAP. Around this time, the Brazilian MoD also created a Gender Commission tasked with advancing gender equality and the integration of women in the armed forces and participation in NAP discussions.[30]

The actual drafting of a NAP was carried out by an Interinstitutional Working Group.[31] It brought together officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Justice and Public Security, Ministry of Human Rights, as well as representatives of UN Women and the Igarapé Institute as the only representatives of civil society. Throughout 2016, the Working Group organized a series of meetings and defined NAP priorities.

Consultations were hampered by the political turmoil in the country, including President Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment and removal from office in 2016. Despite these difficulties, the Brazilian Government published a NAP in March 2017.[32] Discussions on a new NAP were to start at the end of 2018. However, the end of 2018 also coincided with general elections that brought Jair Bolsonaro to power. While the WPS agenda and gender equality was not known to be a priority for the Bolsonaro administration, the MoD announced in April 2019, at a Ministerial Peacekeeping meeting in New York, that Brazil had extended the 2017 NAP for a four-year period.[33]

The extension of the NAP was a welcome development for many civil society organizations, including many mid-level public servants who had been engaged in the process early on. Yet the lack of political will at the highest levels has meant that little progress has been made to implement the NAP and make it a more robust instrument for the integration of gender in military operations.[34] The Brazilian NAP is also an outward looking NAP and thus seen by many officials as mostly relevant within the context of Brazil’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations.[35]

In sum, for past and current Brazilian administrations the WPS NAPs are mainly outward-looking plans and foreign policy instruments rather than inward-looking plans that could further gender perspectives within the country, particularly within the security sector.[36] More generally, the NAP and the WPS agenda are not regularly referred to in foreign policy documents or documents of the MoD.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The NAP lists the MoD as one of the main actors charged with  increasing the participation of women in the security sector, and it lays out a series of activities to fulfill this objective. For example, it states that the MoD should:

(1) assess the main challenges faced by women in relation to the application of the WPS agenda;

(2) promote the deployment of women military police officers; and

(3) exchange best practices regarding the participation of women in the military with other countries.

That said, the MoD has not developed specific implementation plans, and follow up is unclear.

For example, although the White Papers of each of the three branches of the armed forces mention the importance of the participation of women, they do not present specific actions for increasing the number of women in the armed forces.[37] Similarly, the National Defense Strategy and the National Defense Policy do not contain any mention of the WPS agenda or gender equality.[38]

The police are mentioned in the NAP, but not given any specific tasks.[39]

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police), 2016[40]

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
All Military309,65825,507[41]7.6%
Army203,5978,1104%
Army Senior Women*26,2834,48214%
Navy19,2301,55213%
Navy Senior Women*7,2113,47732%
Air Force55,4079,84815%
Air Force Senior Women*7,4053,87534%
National Police378,6983,64519%
National Police Senior Women   
Women Deployed5658%

*all commissioned officers from lieutenant to general.

As a percentage of the force, women serve in very low numbers in the military and police. Many military positions were closed to women until recently. In 2012, the Army announced that women could attend the Military Academy Agulhas Negras and serve in combat positions. In 2018, 33 women were admitted to the Military Academy Agulhas Negras, where they can choose logistics and weapons specialists roles in support of combat roles.[42] Infantry, artillery, cavalry, communications, and engineering remains closed to women. In the Air Force, logistics was opened to women in 1996, and combat pilot positions were opened to women in 2003. In 2014, women were allowed to serve in logistics positions in the Navy; all Navy positions were opened to women in 2019.[43]

All police positions are open to women. However, in some states there is a ceiling on the number of women permitted to serve. In addition, women police officers report that there are subjective and cultural challenges in the force, and many are not allowed to work “on the streets.”

Work Environment

Family Policies: In 2015, the right to six months of maternity leave was extended to the military forces. It also allows fathers to receive five paid days after the birth of a baby.[44] Interviews with female military officers showed that there is no childcare available in military organizations.[45]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: Sexual exploitation and abuse do not constitute a crime under the Brazilian Military Penal Code. According to WPS experts, this situation inhibits reporting, prosecuting, and collecting information about such misconduct.[46]

Equipment and Facilities: The police and the armed forces provide gender specific facilities for women. In terms of equipment, in some cases there are uniforms tailored for women, though this is not generally the case. It is known that the training uniform used by the female soldiers is the same as the one used by the men without any modification for women’s bodies.[47] Furthermore, there is no women-specific personal protective equipment.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Peacekeeping training centers offer modules on sexual violence, exploitation, and abuse. Those who are deployed to UN missions receive pre-deployment training, which includes training about international humanitarian law and the rights and protection of civilians, including women and girls during armed conflict. The focus of most of the trainings is on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation as it relates to civilians in the area of operations. Training on gender is not widely  included in the normal training of soldiers. Only peacekeeping training centers have gender focal points.[48] Gender Advisors are appointed for specific missions.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There is no monitoring and evaluation mechanism for the Brazilian NAP. However, the ministries that are parties to the NAP meet once a year to discuss developments and challenges. In 2019, each institution was tasked with the responsibility of elaborating indicators. Only the Ministry of External Relations, the coordinator of the NAP implementation, developed such indicators. The Gender Commission also has responsibilities in this regard. However, the Gender Commission is not known to have met in recent years. In addition, there is no public evidence that sex-disaggregated data and lessons learned are collected and analyzed by the military.

The Igarapé Institute published an evaluation of the development and content of the Brazilian NAP.[49] To date, it is the only civil society actor in Brazil actively engaged on the WPS agenda. The Centro de Apoio Operacional das Promotorias de Justiça dos Direitos Humanos also monitors and reports on governmental actions related to gender equality, but not necessarily on the WPS NAP.[50]

Recommendations:

The WPS NAP should be approved by the Congress and become law.

The National Defense Strategy and the National Defense Policy should take advantage of the NAP and add specific strategies and actions to include gender provisions and support national efforts to increase the participation of women..

Future NAPs would benefit from the participation of civil society in the drafting, implementation, and evaluation processes. The inclusion of civil society would increase transparency and improve the overall outcome.

Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be put in place as well as specific action plans for each governmental institution that signed the NAP.

A dedicated budget for the NAP implementation should be allocated.

Issues concerning Brazilian women challenges in areas of undeclared armed conflicts could benefit from being included in the NAP. For this purpose, other ministries could take part in a future NAP.

All limitations on women’s military and police service should be removed immediately. Women must have access to all training programs and be employed on the streets and during deployments.

In addition, the Brazilian MoD should mainstream gender training across the force and not limit it to forces deploying during peacekeeping operations.

Finally, the military must immediately criminalize sexual harassment and sexual abuse in the Military Penal Code and start collecting data regarding harassment and discrimination cases.

Report Contributors:

Dr. Paula Drumond, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio); Global South Unit of Mediation (GSUM).

Dr. Renata Giannini, Senior Researcher, Igarapé Institute and Coordinator of the Brazilian WPS Network.

Dr. Tamya Rebelo, Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing and Centro Universitário Belas Artes, São Paulo, Brazil.

December 2, 2020

Chile – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

In 2009, Chile became the first country in Latin America to adopt a NAP. The second iteration was published in 2015, covering the period 2015-2018. In view of the 20th anniversary of UNSCR 1325, several Chilean ministers expressed support for the development of a third NAP. It would be a third-generation document with emphasis on deployment for disaster relief.

Overall Assessment:

Chile has taken positive steps towards the implementation of the WPS agenda that go beyond the political realm. Concrete actions to implement a gender perspective in the duties of the Ministry of Defense (MoD) and the Investigations Police of Chile (PDI for its acronym in Spanish) were noted.[51] However, there are still areas for improvement; not all commitments have been fully realized.

National Importance/Political Will:

Gender equality is recognized in Chile’s constitution. It is likely that the new constitution will go even further. The Constitutional Convention is required to have gender parity. This means that Chile’s new constitution will be the first one in the world drafted by an equal number of women and men.[52]

The national importance of the WPS agenda in Chile is evident since the adoption of the first NAP during the first presidential term of (former president) Michelle Bachelet. The second version of the NAP was not only a continuation of the country’s commitment, but also an improvement upon the first NAP that integrated many lessons learned. For example, the second NAP established specific monitoring, auditing, and accountability processes. It also emphasized the importance of mainstreaming efforts in different ministries.

An Inter-ministerial Committee for the Implementation of the NAP meets regularly and includes the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of National Defense, the Ministry of Women Affairs and Gender Equity, and the Ministry of the Interior and Public Security (which includes the Chilean police). Chile has also joined the Network of Women Mediators of the Southern Cone to promote sustainable peace in the region. The network is promoted by Argentina and UN Women of Latin America and the Caribbean and also includes Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay.[53]

UNSCR 1325 and WPS principles are explicitly mentioned in key foreign policy and national security documents, and they put forth specific political commitments. In the 2017 Book of Chile’s National Defense, the section called “Resolution 1325” highlights Chile’s commitment to the WPS agenda.[54] In addition, in the Sectoral Policy in the Field of Military Policy chapter, the section “Gender Policy” explicitly refers to Resolution 1325, the NAP, and the commitments of the MoD, which include: increasing the participation of women in the armed forces; promoting women’s participation in peacekeeping operations; integrating a gender perspective in the training cycle; and strengthening the institutional framework for the inclusion of gender policies in the defense sector.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The MoD integrates a gender perspective in its planning as it is a national policy requirement for all ministries. In May 2018, the MoD signed an agreement with the Ministry of Women Affairs and Gender Equality on the rights of women in the armed forces, the objective of which is to “strengthen equal opportunities, in addition to ensuring and protecting full respect for the rights of women.”[55] Accordingly, the three services of the military (army, navy and air force) have appointed gender delegates whose duties are similar to those of a gender focal point (GFP). In turn, the Joint Staff also has a gender delegate. The gender delegates are tasked with promoting the agreement and disseminating related protocols.[56] Among them is the protocol for complaints related to sexual and labor harassment adopted in March 2019.[57] However, the gender delegates are not always full-time and often have double-hatted functions. In addition, they do not function at the operational and tactical levels, where there are no GFPs or Gender Advisors. More generally, it may be noted that despite the work of the gender delegates, what the adoption of a gender perspective by the armed forces means lacks widespread understanding.

The police participated in the preparation of the first and second NAPs. Through the Joint Staff, they also participate in peacekeeping missions and therefore are part of certain actions of the NAPs.

The police have incorporated gender equality and WPS principles in parts of their operations, as exemplified by the Department of Organizational Development, Equity and Equal Opportunities and the Human Rights and Gender Equity Department, both at the PDI. The police also have Gender Advisors and GFPs who are deployed in all regions of the country. Their main tasks include:  participation in inter-ministerial and institutional commissions; advising the High Command in strategic institutional planning; observing and analyzing procedures and claims; and providing workshops, classes, and training.

Gender in the Ranks (Military[58] and Police[59])

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army36,4463,9719.8%
Army Senior Women  0%
Navy17,3721,6018.4%
Navy Senior Women  0%
Air Force7,6936003.16%
Air Force Senior Women  .13%
National Police8,6524,43734%
National Police Senior Women  15%
Women Deployed  10%[60]

Despite the military’s commitment to gender equality and the WPS Agenda, not all combat positions are open to women. The army lifted all restrictions for women’s access to the different combat positions, including armored cavalry and infantry positions, in 2016.[61] All positions in the air force are open as well. In the navy, some positions are still closed to women, such as the Marine Corps and the Submarine Service.[62] The military does not have a specific recruitment goal for increasing women’s participation. All police positions are open to women and, although they do not have any recruiting goals, nearly 50% of new recruits are women.[63]

Work Environment

Family policies: For military and police personnel, the paid maternity, paternity, and family life measures are the same as for the rest of the workers in Chile. Women receive 18 weeks of paid maternity leave, and childcare is also available.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: The armed forces have adopted a sexual harassment and sexual abuse program for protection of military personnel.[64] Nonetheless, interviews conducted for this research with experts in Chile showed that transparency and protection is not equally developed in the three branches of the military and, thus, some victims might be discouraged from coming forward.

The police have also adopted specific policies to deal with sexual harassment and abuse. The information is managed by the Analysis and Monitoring of Misconduct Department and, while it is not published, the information can be requested through government transparency mechanisms.

Equipment and facilities: Both the military and the police provide gender specific equipment, including uniforms and facilities for women in the areas where they are permitted to serve.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The principles of WPS/UNSCR 1325 are not consistently integrated into the education and training of military personnel. Personnel who participate in UN missions consistently receive training on the principles of WPS before deployment and during operations. The courses of the Chilean Joint Peacekeeping Operation Center (CECOPAC) are conducted following UN guidelines on training for peacekeeping operations and use the material provided by the organization for such purposes. Nonetheless, the rest of the military does not provide such training consistently for junior and mid-levels. Each year there are specialized WPS courses available to senior-level personnel from CECOPAC, and they are also available for civilians. Both the military and the police receive training on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual abuse. The police incorporate a gender perspective in all its training levels.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

Although Chile’s second NAP addressed monitoring and reporting and included indicators, there are still gaps. For instance, as part of the second NAP, Chile launched the Observatory on Women, Peace and Security in 2018, which integrates the portfolios of Foreign Affairs, Defense, Women and Gender Equity, Interior, and Public Security. Its purpose is to: a) publicize progress in the implementation of the 2nd NAP; and b) integrate civil society into the process of monitoring and evaluation. Available information indicates that the Observatory is not currently working. A confirmation of the involvement of civil society in the preparation of the new NAP is absent. Despite these issues, Chile has a robust transparency law framework, and sex-disaggregated data, collected by the military and the police, is available.

Recommendations:

A third NAP would be an opportunity to deepen and consolidate the advancement of gender in the military and the police. Both institutions should be considered as main actors and, most importantly, they should be assigned specific tasks with clear goals and outcomes. In particular, the Gender Advisors should receive clear mandates with authority and resources. Importantly, it is essential that gender perspectives are consistently integrated into the education and training of all military personnel and not just those engaged in UN peacekeeping operations.

A third NAP should also emphasize and provide clearer guidelines for the inclusion of civil society, not only in the drafting of the document, but also in its implementation and monitoring. Finally, all military positions should be opened to qualified women immediately.

Report Contributors:

Andrea Fischer, Master in International Relations

Carolina del Pilar

Carolina Jarpa

Christian Serón, Police Attaché at the Chilean Embassy in the United States, Washington D.C.

Valeska Rojas, Educational Advisor in the Chilean Army, Master in Education specialist in Gender

December 2, 2020

Colombia – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:
Colombia has not developed a NAP. That said, the November 24, 2016 peace agreement includes many gender provisions. Additionally, in 2018 the Ministry of Defense (MoD) published its own transversal (intersectional) gender implementation plan for uniformed personnel in Colombia.

Overall Assessment: Colombia has a robust civil society network dedicated to advancing the WPS agenda, and many are lobbying the Colombian government to adopt a WPS NAP.[65] Although the national government has made statements in support of gender equality and the MoD recognizes UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda, no NAP has been developed.

National Importance/Political Will:

Gender equality is enshrined in the Colombian Constitution (See Articles 40 and 43).[66] Colombia also has a Presidential Council for Women’s Equity, which collects and analyzes information related to the situation of women in Colombia. Gender equality, women’s rights, and the empowerment of women are also referred to in the 2018-2022 National Development Plan, an all-inclusive policy document that addresses foreign and domestic security policies.[67]

In Colombia, the army, the air force, the navy, and the national police all fall under the authority of the (MoD). The MoD guidelines and policies apply to all four services. Its 2018 report, Public Policy for a Cross-Gender Approach for the Uniformed Personnel of the Public Force, explicitly refers to UNSCR 1325 and its related resolutions.[68] The report, developed as a requirement of the 2016 peace agreement, is referred to as the military’s WPS implementation plan, and it includes the police under the umbrella term “public force.” It calls on the military and the police to make sure that women have equal access and opportunities. It also sets up Gender Observatories at the level of the MoD and General Command, as well as inside each military branch and the police.

While the political commitments toward gender equality are important, there is no overall monitoring mechanism for the uniformed services to examine how measures are applied. In addition, no additional resources or positions have been made available to ensure that the principles of the WPS agenda are implemented within the security forces.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

WPS principles, and the importance of gender analyses and gender perspectives, are mentioned on an ad-hoc basis in military and police strategies, operational plans, and policy documents. They are not systematically applied. For example, it is recognized by the security services that a gender perspective must be included in the investigation of transnational organized criminal activities, but there are no public documents to corroborate that it occurs in other operational situations.

The prevention of sexual violence and the protection of women and children from sexual violence during the conduct of police and military operations is mentioned in many strategic and policy documents as an important objective in operations. That said, interviews with members of the military and the police, as well as civil society actors, seem to indicate that the implementation of this objective is not systematic.

The military has an official gender office with gender advisors, but we do not know how many people staff this office and what training they receive.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army39,8921,5123.7%
Army Senior Women  1.5%
Navy10,3518997.9%
Navy Senior Women  1.8%
Air Force5,6041,24318.2%
Air Force Senior Women  1.7%
National Police131,78413,1429.1%
National Police Senior Women  1.9%
Women Deployed  Less than 1%

Data provided by MoD personnel.

Few women serve in Colombia’s military and police—less than 4% in the army and a little over 9% in the national police. In addition, women are not promoted to the highest ranks at rates equal to the percentage that they serve in the forces.

Women serve mostly in the support branches and remain prohibited from serving in some ground combat occupations and units. Colombia has not set any targets for increasing women’s participation in the security forces.

Work Environment

Family Policies: Women in the Colombian military and police receive 18 weeks of paid maternity leave. Men receive 8 days of paid paternity leave. Neither men nor women receive any paid family leave, and there is no childcare assistance for military members who have children.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: There are no programs for the prevention or treatment of sexual harassment and sexual exploitation within the ranks, and the security institutions do not publicly report on the incidence rate of such behavior.

Equipment and Facilities: Women do receive equipment and uniforms designed for women, and they are supported with women-specific facilities including bathrooms and billets.[69]

Training, Education, and Exercises

Entry and mid-level military and police personnel are introduced to the concepts of the WPS agenda, but the training is basic and not systematic. Senior level leaders receive no training in the principles of WPS. Civilian staff personnel occasionally receive training on the principles of WPS within the organization and during operations.

The military and police receive training on protection and prevention of sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse of civilians in an area of operations. Despite this training, there are many complaints of sexual violence perpetrated by the military, and particularly by the national police.[70]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There are some monitoring and reporting requirements at some agencies, but it is not a formal national level effort. The MoD does have a monitoring and evaluation program.[71] An objective for the Gender Observatories in the military and the police is to ensure the monitoring and follow-up of efforts to integrate gender perspectives. The Observatories are supervised by the Sectorial Committee for Mainstreaming the Gender Approach in the Defense Sector.

Both the military and police collect some sex-disaggregated data, but most are not made public. That said, Colombia has a robust civil society that promotes and advances the UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda.[72] The Women Peace and Security Observatory, a coalition of organizations, is actively lobbying the government to adopt a WPS NAP.[73]

Recommendations:

At the national level, Colombia should deepen and codify its commitment to the principles of the WPS agenda by developing and publishing a NAP. The national government should ask their robust civil society groups to assist in writing the NAP and in overseeing its implementation. The military and police should be given specific goals for advancing the agenda as well as resources to realize established goals. Both the military and the police must look internally at how women are treated within the ranks. In particular, the national government should address barriers for women to enter the security forces and how to increase the low numbers. It must also address sexual harassment issues within the ranks.

Report Contributors:

Eva María Rey Pinto, Colombian War College

María Fernanda Beltrán Del Portillo, Nacional MoD

Martha Janneth Dávila Calderón, ‘Escuela de Comunicaciones Militares’ and ‘Escuela Nacional de Carabineros de la Policía Nacional

German Sahid-Garnica, Military Academy (Army), Intelligence School (Army and Air Force)

Leidy Johana Cabrera Cabrera, Gender Observatory – Escuela Militar de Cadetes ‘General José María Córdova

December 2, 2020

Costa Rica – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Costa Rica is actively developing a NAP. The National Institute for Women is in the lead, but the Ministry of Public Security is actively participating in the development of the NAP.

Overall Assessment: Although Costa Rica does not have a WPS NAP, it has made great strides in addressing women’s inequality and insecurity in the country. It has an active and well-established ministry-level National Institute for Women that provides advice and has oversight over gender mainstreaming in all other ministries. Costa Rica is one of a few nations that has no standing military. Citizen security is provided by the Ministry of Public Security. The government, including the Ministry of Public Security, is committed to gender equality in all communities across the nation. Costa Rica has creative and progressive programs to address gender inequality, including programs that challenge “machismo” culture through education and outreach to men in rural communities.

National Importance/Political Will:

Costa Rica has a National Institute for Women that functions as a ministry. This ministry-level Institute is responsible for gender issues. The Institute has a National Council responsible for decision-making at the national level. Furthermore, the Institute provides advice and has oversight over gender mainstreaming in all of the government ministries, including the Ministry of Public Security.

Costa Rica does not have a Ministry of Defense; instead, it has a Ministry of Public Security responsible for ensuring border security, citizen safety, and law enforcement. The Ministry of Public Security was consulted for this report. The Ministry of Public Security has adopted a Gender Equality and Equity Policy.[74] The objective of the policy is to create an organizational environment and culture that requires the provision of inclusive citizen security, the development of police actions and procedures in partnership with communities and the general public, and the promotion of gender equity and gender equality and the promotion of human rights in all institutional work. This policy has its own action plan that was developed in recent years.[75]

The General Directorate of the Public Force, which falls under the Ministry of Public Security, is made up of Regional Directorates, which have specific functions on the subject of gender. They receive support from the Office of Gender Equality and Equity located in the Ministry of Public Security and from the Directorate of Preventive Police Programs. The Directorate of Preventative Police Programs provides information and training across the country on the importance of women’s inclusion in public life and their need for security. Similarly, at the Ministry of Public Security, there is an annual operational plan in which actions are established according to the work of each department that focuses on the issue of gender and implementing a gender perspective. Additionally, the police have a violence against women program to address the prevention of violence against women as well as protection of women.[76] This plan was made official through an internal decree that all employees received.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Police force documents have integrated gender equality principles, gender analyses, and gender perspectives into some strategy, plans, and policy and other doctrinal documents at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels.[77] These principles are also mentioned in field manuals and handbooks. The principles of gender equality/WPS are integrated into police exercises, operations, and other police activities, as evidenced in documents like the Operational Plan of the Office for Gender Equality and Equity.[78] The police also have manuals and protocols on how to handle gender-based violence, including domestic violence, sexual harassment, sexual exploitation, and toxic masculinities.[79] The Office for Gender Equality and Equity serves as a gender advisory office for the police and falls under the Vice-Ministry of Special Units. It does not operate at the highest level and functions more in a human resources capacity. Each police delegation has personnel who are specially trained on gender perspectives, violence against women, and domestic violence It also provides training for civilian groups that make up community security committees and youth groups.

Gender in the Ranks (Police)[80]

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
National Police Academy 3918.8%
NPA Senior Women 555%
Public Force 2,61319.3%
Public Force Senior Women 71.5%
Border Police 195.5%
Border Police Senior Women 120%
Air Surveillance Service 13521.3%
ASS Senior Women No Data21%
National Coast Guard 468.6%
NCG Senior Women 730%
Drug Control Police 3821%
DCP Senior Women 5No Data
Total Force12,5492,89018.7%

Women serve in all positions and all ranks in the Ministry of Public Security. There is no numerical goal to increase women’s participation, but there are incentive policies to increase women’s participation. The institution has a strong non-discrimination policy, and women are targeted in recruitment advertising.[81]

Work Environment

Family Policies: In accordance with national laws, women receive 120 days of paid maternity leave, including one month before delivery and three months after delivery. Men receive 2 days of paternity leave after the birth of a baby. There are some family leave programs, including a program that allows for leave in the event that a minor child is hospitalized. Costa Rica has national childcare programs that are available to police personnel.[82]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: Women in the Department of Public Security are protected by a number of provisions that address sexual harassment and abuse.[83] The sexual harassment and abuse prevention program is actively utilized, and it is transparent. The curriculum of the National Police Academy includes prevention of sexual harassment and abuse (they are considered serious offenses).

Equipment and Uniforms: Women receive equipment and uniforms specifically designed for them. Specifically, after women objected to being issued unisex bullet proof vest that didn’t fit them, women-specific body armor was procured and issued to women. Women also receive maternity uniforms as required.

Facilities: Infrastructure with billets and bathrooms for the exclusive use of women is provided. Despite the limitations in police infrastructure, there has been effort to modify facilities to accommodate women.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The principles of WPS are present in all levels of training through thematic content in the subjects of human rights, intrafamily violence, commercial sexual exploitation, and appropriate police behavior.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There are monitoring and reporting mechanisms in place for all departments. The public is invited to comment via a website link, but civil society groups do not participate in monitoring and evaluation. Sex-disaggregated data are collected and published annually, and data are tracked over time.[84]

Recommendations:

At the national level, Costa Rica should deepen and codify its commitment to the principles of the WPS agenda by expeditiously publishing a comprehensive NAP. The police should be given specific goals for advancing the agenda. Monitoring and evaluation should include the systematic use of civil society groups, and all reports should be made publicly available.

Report Contributors:

Zoila Volio Pacheco, Member of Parliament

Silvia Porras Jiménez

Gloriana Pacheco

Fiorella Rojas Ballestero, Departamento de Ciencias Forenses, Organismo de Investigación Judicial, Poder Judicial

December 2, 2020

Dominican Republic – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status: The Dominican Republic has not developed a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment: The Dominican Republic demonstrates strong political commitment to the principles of gender equality, as can be seen in policy documents and offices that support women’s inclusion. That said, the implementation of actions is uneven and the number of women who serve in the security and defense forces remains low. Furthermore, only a fractional minority of those who serve are promoted to the highest ranks.

National Importance/Political Will:

Gender equality is mentioned in the Dominican Republic Constitution (Article 39) and is supported by other laws and rules.[85] Additionally, the 2030 National Development Strategy and the 2015-2020 Foreign Policy Strategic Plan prioritize gender equality and the provision of equal opportunities and rights for all citizens.[86] Moreover, the main national security documents include provisions to protect and advance gender equality[87].

In 2000, the government created the Ministry of the Woman as a way to implement the commitments established in the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action.[88] The Ministry of the Woman is responsible for preparing the Plan of Egalitarianism and Gender Equality and monitoring its progress. The latest National Plan of Egalitarianism and Gender Equality III 2018-2030 was presented in 2018.[89] The plan evaluates the advances in terms of gender equality and presents recommendations and observations for the future. It presents the context, priorities, objectives, and lines of actions in seven issue areas: education, health, economic autonomy, social and political participation, the environment, violence, and digital technologies. The plan serves as guide for all governmental offices.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is relevant to the WPS agenda because it oversees all the international commitments of the Dominican Republic, including the ones related to UNSCR1325. In its New Policy of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs considers gender equality, human rights, and social inclusion as key components of their foreign policy.

In the Dominican Republic, the national police is part of the Interior and Police Ministry, while the Ministry of Defense (MoD) has authority over the army navy and air force.[90] The MoD has a Strategic Plan (Jan 2017-Dec 2020) that presents the strategic objectives, the lines of action, and goals for the different services.[91] The Strategic Plan is in alignment with the national constitution and the different laws to achieve gender equality.

Article 11 of the Strategic Plan states that the armed forces employ a gender perspective (gender approach), as called for in the legal framework of the country, with an objective to increase gender equality and decrease gender discrimination. Article 12 of the MoD Strategic Plan requires that “all the plans, programs, projects and public policies should incorporate a gender approach, to identify discriminatory situations between men and women and to take actions to guarantee egalitarianism and gender equality.”[92]

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The principles of WPS/gender equality are sometimes integrated into military and police exercises, operations, and activities, as evidenced by documents to include exercise directives, operations orders, etc. The MoD has a Directorate of Gender Equality and Development that is headed by a colonel who is responsible for gender equality workshops and education programs.[93] This office serves as the MoD’s and military’s full-time gender advisor. Additionally, the army, navy and air force each have their own Office for Gender Affairs. Similarly, the national police have an Office of Gender Equality and Development.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army24,1334,42015.5
Army Senior Women  4
Navy9,4652,54021.2
Navy Senior Women  2.3
Air Force13,2775,34928.7
Air Force Senior Women  4.4
National Police31,9776,72921.04%
National Police Senior Women  8.6
Women Deployed  5.1-8

All positions are open to women in the military and police forces, although women report that there are cultural and institutional limitations. For example, policewomen report that there are ceilings on the number of women who may serve in some states, and that many women are not put to work “on the streets.” Promotions across the institutions are equally offered, but few women have reached senior ranks. The national police, the army, the navy and the air force all have their own strategic and operational plans, and each one of them carries out different actions in terms of gender equality.

The national police have specific objectives and allocation of resources to tackle different aspects of gender equality.[94] For example, Goal 1.1.3 of the Operative Plan 2020 of the Office for Gender Equality and Development establishes a coordination mechanism with other institutions to follow up on the actions and training measures regarding gender equality. At the same time, objective 1.1.5 includes activities such as: 1) training personnel in the different aspects of gender equality; 2) elaborating a didactic guide to support the gender perspectives; 3) incentivizing decision makers to include women in senior positions; and 4) creating a work plan to track the network of focal points.

As to the military, although the army had the objective of strengthening the Department of Gender Equality in its Strategic Plan, the Operative Plan 2019 and 2020 show no extra allocation of financial resources for this objective.[95] The only gender-related activity considered in the operative plan was a single conference to advance gender equality in senior ranks. Similarly, the Strategic Plan 2017-2020 of the air force does not present any specific actions to increase and advance gender equality. [96] The only reference in the air force Plan 2020 to gender equality is about planned “talks about gender equality.” [97] In the case of the navy, no information was available on its official website at the time of writing this report.

Work Environment

Family Policies: The Labor Law of the Dominican Republic grants 14 weeks of paid maternity leave and seven paid days of paternity leave.[98] The employees of the MoD and the national police have access to the same social benefits as other governmental ministries, including childcare stays.[99]

Equipment and Facilities: The MoD Strategic Plan 2012-2020 and the National Police Strategic Plan 2017-2020 specifies that one of the lines of action to improve physical infrastructure is to be more inclusive of women. Such actions would include dormitories, bathrooms, sport facilities, lactation rooms, and childcare stays.[100] However, even when the Strategic Plan notes the improvement of the facilities to accommodate women, the goal has only partially been achieved.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: Documentation related to programs that seek to prevent, protect and respond to sexual harassment, sexual exploitation, and abuse is part of the internal rules and procedures of each institution. At the national level, sexual harassment and sexual violence are established as criminal offences in the Law 29-97 of the Penal Code.[101]

Training, Education, and Exercises

Training in gender affairs and gender perspectives are conducted at entry and mid-level positions. Senior level personnel also receive training in gender and updates in institutional and inter-agencies actions. In addition to standard training, there are multiple educational actions through the year conducted at the armed forces academies and police academy. Other institutions also provide specialty topics in their education programs, such as the Human Rights and International Humanitarian Right Graduates School.[102] Similarly, the national police consistently provides gender training to its personnel at the entry, mid- and senior levels, following the National Police Annual Operative Plan 2020 that states that the Office of Gender Equality and Development should offer related trainings to its personnel.[103]

Military and police personnel consistently receive training on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse. Military pre-deployment training includes: the importance of protection, rights and needs of women, men, girls and boys; how integrating a gender perspective can serve as a force enabler and how it increases operational effectiveness; and specific information on gender norms in areas of operations.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

Efforts for monitoring the performance of the public sector, including the military and police, are outlined under the Presidential Goals System.[104] Both the military and police collect sex-disaggregated data, which can be easily accessed at each of theirs transparency offices.[105] However, there is a challenge to presenting a general picture of the security institutions due to the existence of multiple decentralized agencies. Although each agency collects its own information, there is a need to create one national report that integrates and presents the data from the different security and defense agencies. There are very few NGOs that consistently monitor the security sector. At this point, the latest report monitoring actions regarding gender equality was presented by Pax Christi International.[106]

Recommendations:

At the national level, the Dominican Republic shows real commitment towards achieving gender equality. The activities of the Ministry of the Women and the National Plan of Egalitarianism and Gender Equality are a guide and a tool for all governmental institutions. However, it is advisable that the country creates a WPS NAP. The MoD makes it clear that gender equality is a priority for the ministry; however, the MoD’s prioritization differs from the actions reported in the operational plans of the three military branches. Therefore, we recommend the following measures:

  • The offices for Gender Affairs of the army, of the air force and of the navy should increase their efforts towards gender equality and define specific activities and measurement tools to achieve gender equality objectives. For example, the army and the air force could organize more workshops that educate, promote and encourage people in all ranks about gender perspectives.
  • MoD’s gender advisor office functions at the directorate level; however, we recommend that the army, the air force and navy gender offices appoint senior personnel to oversee and lead these offices. Furthermore, these offices should report directly to the senior leadership of each military service.
  • In addition, it is advised that the MoD commission a study to determine why so few women are reaching senior ranks and how each armed service is applying the gender equality objectives.
  • The MoD should establish an action plan for the services to be accomplished by the army, the navy and the air force. Such plan should have measurement tools and reviews to ensure the accomplishment of all objectives.
  • Although the army, the navy and the air force have their own strategic and operational plans, each one of them carries out different actions in terms of gender equality. The MoD should establish minimum standards to be accomplished by each service branch.
  • Finally, the principles of the WPS agenda should be included in the next strategic plan for the armed forces.

The National Police, including its de-centralized agencies, should consider gender equality as a priority. To further their efforts in this regard, the recommendations are as follows:

  • The National Police should establish coherency and coordination between the Strategic Plan and the Operative Plan.
  • The National Police should communicate the gender policy across departments, with awareness as a goal.
  • The Ministry of Interior, including the National Police, must coordinate joint actions to further gender equality at all levels and to create awareness of the WPS principles.
  • Observing the efforts carried out by the Ministry of Interior and the National Police on gender issues within the operative plans, it is advised that the efforts extend to the creation of the Dominican Republic’s WPS National Action Plan.

As a UN member state, the Dominican Republic’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MIREX) should:

  • Increase awareness about the UNSCR1325 and the WPS principles within all national institutions and facilitate efforts for the creation of a NAP.
  • Create a collaborative network between international actors and the national institutions to further the actions related to gender equality.
  • Given that all members of the diplomatic and consular offices are trained by the Instituto de Educación Superior, Diplomática y Consular “Eduardo Latorre” (INESDYC), [107] it is advised that INESDYC is considered a tool within the Dominican Republic’s future NAP, and that it develops specialized courses and trainings regarding the WPS agenda.

Report Contributors:

Couns. Katherine Almeida Ramos, Interamerican Defense and Security

Carolina Ramirez, Security International Consultant

Maria Teresa Gil Rosado, Gender Focus Consultant

Cor. Pil. Jonas Reynoso Barrera, FARD (DEM), Counter Transnational Organized Crime

C.C. Ramon Jorge Taveras, ARD, Security

December 2, 2020

Ecuador – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Ecuador has not published a NAP, but it is currently developing one.

Overall Assessment:

Ecuador’s efforts to implement the principles of UNSCR 1325 are significant but unevenly distributed within the military and the police. Although the national government has expressed a strong commitment to gender equality, the issue has not filtered down completely to the armed forces. While the police rank better in this regard, transparency and channels of communication with civil society are currently lacking.

National Importance/Political Will:

Despite not having adopted a NAP, Ecuador has shown significant political commitment to the principles of gender equality, which are embraced in major foreign policy documents such as the Foreign Policy Agenda 2017-2021 and the Policy for Gender Equality.[108] The Specific Plan of Foreign Relations and Human Mobility calls attention to UNSCR 1325 and states that a NAP is being developed.[109] Ecuador also has a solid gender equality national agenda. A relevant document is the National Agenda for Women and LGBTI People 2018-2021, which sets specific tasks for different ministerial actors, such as the police.[110] The document was created, and is implemented, under the supervision of the Gender Equality Council. This is an inter-ministerial body in charge of mainstreaming gender equality at the national level in all institutions, including the military. Resources dedicated to these tasks are difficult to track since budget reporting tends to vary each year.

Major national security documents, like the Policy of National Defense of Ecuador and the Defense Sector Plan, refer to gender equality as a principle, but they do not make specific references to UNSCR 1325. [111] The national police is an example of how, despite not having adopted a NAP, security institutions can adhere to WPS values. The National Plan for Human Security and Peaceful Social Coexistence does not refer specifically to the WPS agenda, but it includes a comprehensive argument about the importance of gender and intersectional perspectives in security issues, a review of gender-based violence in Ecuador, and references highlighting the contributions of women in the police.[112]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

At the organizational level, the MoD has taken steps to include WPS principles. The Gender Policy of the Armed Forces of Ecuador, published in 2013, explicitly recognizes UNSCR 1325 and call on states to implement it. The policy states four general objectives to mainstream gender within the ranks, including: ensuring equality of opportunities; improving the work environment; applying a gender perspective in training; and preventing discrimination.[113] Another relevant policy document is the Institutional Strategic Plan of the Armed Forces, which also refers to UNSCR 1325, although it limits the application of UNSCR 1325 to including women’s participation in UN missions.[114] Despite these limitations, it was noted during interviews that the gender equality agenda’s visibility depends on the leadership in the MoD. Ecuador has named two women as Ministers of Defense, and gender mainstreaming was more prominent under their leadership.

There is not a specific directive to include gender perspectives in operational planning. The MoD has a Human Rights, Gender Issues and Humanitarian International Law Unit that functions as a full-time GENAD, but it does not work directly with the Joint Command of the three branches of the military.[115] The Joint Command has a Human Rights unit of its own, but the Director of the unit is not a senior staff officer and, only on occasion, are there officers specialized in gender issues. The armed forces have human rights advisors, but they are not specialized in gender matters.

Police doctrine makes a more comprehensive inclusion of gender equality principles. The Strategic Plan for the National Police 2017-2021 provides guidelines for operational planning, mentioning that policemen and policewomen are to be involved in all operations.[116] There is a full-time GENAD at the police focused solely on this task. Neither the military nor the police have Gender Focal Points.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)[117]

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army26,2384621.73%
Army Senior Women   
Navy9,5944294.28%
Navy Senior Women   
Air Force6,4172824.21%
Air Force Senior Women   
National Police42,6137,33615%
National Police Senior Women   80[118] 
Women Deployed  44%[119]

The presence of women in the military in Ecuador remains low. Although all positions are officially open to them, they are not represented in every occupation. Data regarding promotion to senior ranks was not available, though it is believed to be less than 1%. In the police, all positions are open to women. The police have some women serving in the senior ranks. Neither the military nor the police have defined specific goals to increase women’s participation in their ranks.

Work Environment

The military has made efforts to improve the working environment for service members. A relevant publication in this matter is the Gender Book, which aims to present applicable legislation related to gender in a concise and educational fashion.[120]

Family Policies: Military and police personnel are both granted 80 calendar days of paid maternity leave, and 10 to 15 days of paternity leave. Childcare is available to both military and police personnel.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: There is no specific program in place to protect military personnel who are victims of harassment or abuse; when it occurs, it is handled by the civilian justice system and the civilian penal code. Depending on the verdict, administrative action can be taken against perpetrators. It is unclear if the gender policy for the military has had an impact on these cases. In the case of the police, the process for prosecution is similar. Police doctrine emphasizes human rights and the responsibility not to abuse power, but it is mostly an outward rather than inward perspective.

Equipment and facilities: For daily operations, there are women-specific uniforms, including maternity uniforms, but there is no specific personal protective equipment. Bases and units are prepared to have both women and men, but some operational environments are still not equipped for women, and they do not serve in such positions.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Gender topics are part of the curriculum during junior and mid-level military education and fall within human rights studies. Learning about gender issues remains at a very abstract and theoretical level. For senior level officers, gender training is sometimes provided. The training tends to be optional and sporadic and depends on the particular profile of the personnel teaching, rather than as an institutionalized topic. That said, particular training on UNSCR 1325 is offered.[121] The police receive training in this matter, since part of their duties includes the protection and prevention of violence against vulnerable people. The Gender Equality Council, in particular, provides training for the police in implementing a gender perspective.[122] The military also receives training pertaining to protection of vulnerable persons within the framework of international humanitarian law, but it is not clear if the training includes an internal focus to prevent this violence within its own ranks.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There is some monitoring and reporting associated with the indicators developed in the Sustainable Development Agenda 2030. For example, there is a specific indicator that measures the percentage of women police officers.[123] The Gender Equality Council collaborates with civil society to monitor the advancements of the National Agenda for Women and LGBTI People and thus oversees commitments related to the police. Civil society does not participate in any monitoring of the military. It is also unclear if civil society is involved in the current drafting of the NAP. Sex-disaggregated data is collected both by the military and the police, but it is not always publicly accessible. That said, these figures can be obtained through public policy transparency mechanisms.

Recommendations: Ecuador should deepen its commitment to the principle of WPS by expeditiously publishing a robust NAP that outlines clear goals and objectives for the military and police, identifies resources for implementation, and provides independent mechanisms for monitoring and evaluation. Civil society groups should immediately be consulted for the NAP currently under development. Training about gender perspectives should be conducted on a regular basis at the highest level. Specific steps must be taken to allow more women to access all positions in the military and to reach the highest positions. Sex-disaggregated data for the military and police should be published annually. Protocols to prevent abuse and harassment should be strengthened. Lastly, GENADs should be appointed for all branches of the military; they should assume operational roles and not be placed in administrative positions.

Report Contributors:

Mgs. Byron Gabriel Paredes Escobar

Mgs. Diana Carolina Sanabria Salinas

Mgs. Marco Antonio Criollo Asimbaya

Lic. María Andrea Cárdenas H.

Ing. María Dolores Santos Vidal, President of AFCEA International Ecuador Chapter

December 2, 2020

Guatemala – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Guatemala adopted a NAP in 2017, but it did not have a specific time frame for its implementation or expiration.

Overall Assessment:

Guatemala is an active supporter of the WPS agenda, and the NAP has paved the way for the inclusion of the WPS principles in its security and defense institutions. However, implementation of the NAP is hard to measure given the lack of a monitoring and assessment mechanism to evaluate progress or determine impact. Guatemala has low representation of women in the military and police, with few to no women serving in the senior ranks.

National Importance/Political Will:

Guatemala is a signatory of key international legal frameworks on gender equality. Guatemalan women took a leading role in ending the recent civil war, which lasted from 1960 until 1996, but they were subsequently underrepresented in the formal peace processes and negotiations.[124] Most institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women’s rights in the country are derived from the Peace Accords (signed at different stages after the civil war ended). The most relevant of these is the creation of the Women’s Secretariat. Gender equality is also enshrined in Article 4 of the Constitution, and there are other laws, such as the Law of Dignification of the Integral Promotion of Women.[125] Among the most relevant strategies for women’s equality is the National Policy for the Promotion and Integral Development of Women and Equal Opportunities Plan 2008-2023 that is implemented by the Secretariat.[126] Although it does not make a direct reference to UNSCR 1325, it directs the police to take specific actions. For example, they are directed to create programs that prevent discrimination within the institution and to acknowledge the multiethnic facet of Guatemala. This is not a minor feature, since more than 80% of the victims in the civil war were indigenous people, including many women who were victims of sexual assault[127] and forced domestic slavery.[128] The Ministry of National Defense (MoND) is not mentioned in this document.

Guatemala’s NAP was developed by the Inter-Agency Roundtable on Women, Peace and Security (MIMPAZ). This roundtable was created in 2012 with the purpose of promoting and facilitating the implementation of the WPS agenda. Both the  MoND and the national civil police are members of MIMPAZ. Nonetheless, the principles of WPS are not explicitly mentioned in the most important security documents, such as the Framework Law of the National Security System[129], the Pact for Security, Justice and Peace,[130] or the National Defense Book.[131]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The NAP outlines a set of operational actions to create and implement gender equality policies in the national security system, including the national civil police and the Ministry of National Defense. It calls for: 1) the full participation of women at all decision-making levels; 2) measures to prevent violence against women; and 3) the commitment to ensure work-life balance for women serving in the ranks.[132] Nonetheless, the WPS principles are absent in strategy, policy or planning documents, and in any field manuals, both from the military and the police. They are also not integrated into military or police operational policy planning processes. The MoND, through Government Agreement No. 30-2016, created the Department of Gender, General Directorate of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law[133]. The NAP was co-designed by this department, which also serves as a GENAD. However, this position is not part of the General Staff of National Defense. In the case of the police, a GENAD is part the Gender Unit of the General Sub-directorate for Violence Prevention. GENADs have received training from the Presidential Secretariat of Women. No GFPs have been assigned to the military or the police.

The police have a Department for Gender Equality that is part of the General Sub-directorate for Crime Prevention. The Comprehensive Community Security Police Model does mention gender equality as a priority for the institution, but it is not linked to operational practices.[134] The policy document closer to the WPS agenda is the Police Didactic Manual for the Prevention of Cases of Violence Against Women.[135]

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army 1,395 
Army Senior Women   
Navy   
Navy Senior Women   
Air Force   
Air Force Senior Women   
National Police 6,67116%
National Police Senior Women   
Women Deployed162148%[136]

All positions in the military and police are technically open to women. However, women serve in extremely low numbers and at the lowest ranks. Women comprise less than 8%[137] of the armed forces and 16% of the police. To date, no women have been promoted beyond the rank of colonel in the military, and there are no target goals to increase the percentage of women in the ranks. In the police, some women have reached senior ranks. Although the NAP calls for the full participation of women at all decision-making levels, there has been little progress on this front.[138]

Work Environment

Family Policies: Women receive 84 days of paid maternity leave in both the military and the police. Childcare is also available.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: Programs against sexual harassment and sexual abuse to protect personnel within the military and the police exist, but they are not transparent. Every year, personnel participate in conferences, workshops, and preventive talks related to sexual harassment and sexual abuse, but it is not possible to assess their impact or effectiveness. There is also a prevention program to address issues of military and police personnel as perpetrators of violence against civilians.

Equipment and Facilities: There is some equipment and uniforms specifically designed for women in the military and the police, as well as facilities for women in both institutions in the areas where they serve.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Guatemala has a specialized training center for personnel who participate in UN missions. The Regional Training Command of Peacekeeping Operations (CREOMPAZ) includes courses on how to employ a gender perspective.[139] The principles of WPS are integrated into the education and training of military and police personnel at every level of the hierarchy. This training is also available for the staff. Nonetheless, there is no information on the frequency of this training or who provides it. Personnel consistently receive training on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse. The training is both internally (within the organization) and externally (UN missions) focused.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

Information published by MIMPAZ this year indicates that a Monitoring and Evaluation System of the NAP has been presented by UN Women Guatemala, but no further report was located.[140] This is relevant since there are no national or agency level requirements to monitor or to report on progress in meeting the WPS agenda, despite this being a requirement of the NAP. The involvement of civil society is mentioned in the NAP, but no specific information is available about their current involvement in monitoring and reporting. The police and the military collect sex-disaggregated data, but it is not made publicly available.

Recommendations: Guatemala has the opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to the WPS agenda by publishing a second NAP that builds upon the successes and limitations of the first version. A new NAP must clearly identify responsible agencies in both the military and police, provide resources, identify goals, set a time frame for implementation, and provide clear indicators to measure advancement. In this regard, it would be valuable to include the Technical Secretariat of the National Security Council, as they coordinate the institutions of the national security system. Additionally, there must be independent and transparent monitoring and evaluation that include civil society organizations. The military and police should solicit input from women in the field with operational experience. Military and police leadership must take specific steps to guarantee the participation of women in their ranks, particularly as flag and general officers, and must mainstream a gender perspective in the institution, for example, by implementing a transparent permanent program to prevent and punish sexual harassment and assault within the ranks.

Report Contributors:

1. Female staff of the Technical Secretariat of the National Security Council

2. Emily Rubí Baires Martínez – National Coordinator for Disaster Reduction (CONRED)

December 2, 2020

Mexico – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

In January 2020, Mexico announced the adoption of a feminist foreign policy. Mexico is also developing its first 1325/WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment:

In 2019, the government of Mexico restructured the security and defense apparatus extensively.[141] The reforms created a new National Guard, which functions as a national police force. While this is a civilian force under civilian direction, its leadership and the majority of its personnel come from the armed forces. In addition, in May 2020, the Mexican President, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (also known as AMLO), issued an executive decree that formalized and expanded the role of the military to participate in public security tasks. [142] In both the military and police, the number of women serving is low, and they often serve at the lowest ranks. Until recently, civil society has not been much involved in the integration of women in the security forces.

National Importance/Political Will:

The Mexican Constitution, national laws and a number of national policy documents and statements recognize and support the notion of gender equality and women’s rights, but these laws and regulations are not systematically enforced by the police and the courts.[143] For example, the National Development Plan mentions both the police and military as principal actors, but it does assign specific actions to the police or military, and there are no goals or benchmarks to measure progress.

National support for the WPS agenda in Mexico has been weak, but there are some signs of support under the new AMLO administration. A WPS NAP was set to be released in October 2020. It is worth noting that this did not occur, and the authorities are expected to launch it before the end of 2020. The Mexican security forces have reportedly participated in the development of the plan. (See the Report of the Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection).[144]

In January 2020, Mexico announced that it had adopted a feminist foreign policy focused on reducing structural differences, gender gaps and inequalities at home and abroad. Recent foreign policy documents make repeated references to gender equality, women’s rights, and women’s empowerment as major foreign policy aims.[145] These are presumably also the stated aims of the feminist foreign policy. That said, the government has not yet published a detailed implementation plan how gender equality and women’s rights will be advanced in the foreign policy context.

The National Peace and Security Plan (2018-2024) that introduced reforms to the security forces, including the creation of a National Guard, does not address the protection and prevention of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence against women, nor does it address the need for the increased participation of women in peace and security activities.[146]

On the other hand, the National Defense Sector Program 2020-2024 considers the promotion of equality and inclusion as a priority strategy. It includes as tasks:  to consolidate the culture of respect and equality among women and men to avoid gender violence, harassment, discrimination, as well as sexual abuse; and to strengthen the professional development of military women.[147] The Navy Sector Program 2020-2024 has as a priority strategy the task of promoting respect for human rights, gender equality, and interculturality.[148]

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The Mexican military has integrated some gender equality/WPS principles into their strategies, plans, and policy documents. The most notable commitment by the military (army and air force) is the establishment in 2011 of the Observatory for Equality between Women and Men. The military reports that this Observatory functions as a Gender Advisor. However, there are no publicly available reports that detail the activities and members of the Observatory, or explain the resources it has at its disposal. Their access to the highest ranks of the military also remains unclear.

The National Guard has not systematically incorporated the principles of WPS in their strategy, plans, and policy documents, and they have not appointed any gender advisors or gender focal points in their organization.

That said, to what extent the military and the National Guard have integrated WPS and gender equality principles is difficult to tell, since many policy documents are currently under development.

Gender in the Ranks[149]

ServiceTotalMenWomenPercent Women
Army/Air Force[150]214,153188,75825,39511.8%
Army/Air Force – Senior Women  200[151]3%
Navy88,10076,00012,10014%
Navy – Senior Women  84[152]1%
National Guard/Police78,46670,0008,46610.7%
National Guard/Police -Senior Women   19%
Women Deployed[153]137646%[154]

Most women serving in the Mexican military serve in the medical and administrative branches and not the operational and combat branches. Not surprisingly, few women are deployed during operations. Women also occupy very few senior positions in the Mexican military—a mere 3% in the Army and just 1% in the Navy. Furthermore, official information about the number of women in the armed forces is difficult to find in open sources. Although Secretariat of Defense personnel said that there are efforts to increase women’s participation in the military and reach a goal of 30% by 2024, this goal seems unrealistically high given that women currently only comprise 11.8% of the force.

Work Environment

Family Policies: The military and police provide three months of paid maternity leave and 10 days of paid paternity leave. Paternity leave must be used immediately following the birth of a baby. Childcare and other family leave policies support members of the military and they are widely used.

Equipment: Women in both the military and police are issued equipment designed specifically for women. Facilities, including bathrooms and living quarters are available to accommodate women in the military, but they are not systematically available in the National Guard.

Anti-Sexual Harassment Policies: Although the military has policies to address sexual harassment and assault of military members, the number of cases, the disaggregation of cases by sex, or the number of cases that is prosecuted is not made public. Prosecution of cases between military personnel takes place within the military command. However, when the offense is committed against a civilian, the case takes place within the civil tribunals. There is no program to address sexual harassment, assault or exploitation in the National Guard. Presumably, these cases would be referred to the civilian courts.

Training, Education, and Exercises

WPS principles are introduced and integrated into the education and training of personnel at the junior-level as part of entry-level training but it is not widely reinforced with follow-on training at the mid- or senior-levels.

Military personnel consistently receive training on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse. The training is both internally (within the organization) and externally (civilian populations outside the organization) focused. Although the Mexican government said that National Guard personnel will receive training on gender perspectives, it is unclear if this training is fully integrated into the curricula at all levels.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

The military and police report that sex-disaggregated data and lessons learned are collected and

analyzed to improve security outcomes for women, men, girls and boys but the data is not made publicly available. Furthermore, there are no national level programs to monitor and evaluate progress toward meeting the goals of the WPS agenda and civil society groups are not engaged in any assessments.

Recommendations:

Publish a robust WPS NAP as soon as possible and ensure that it provides clear goals, metrics, and resources for both the military and National Guard. Goals should include: metrics for analyzing and assessing progress in the areas of increasing women’s participation in the forces; a minimum budget allocation; addressing sexual harassment, abuse and exploitation of military and police personnel and civilians in the areas of operation;, applying a gender lens to all programs and operations; andannually evaluating and publishing progress toward meeting national goals. It is important that this plan is not limited to Mexico’s performance in the UN missions, but that it has a firm internal focus. It is also advisable to include monitoring from the Defense and Marine Commissions of the legislative branch or through the Bicameral National Security Commission.

Report Contributors:

Diorella Islas Limiñana

Ana Velasco Ugalde

Mario Abrego Valdez

Carlos Mercado-Casillas

Paloma Mendoza Cortés

Erika de Anda

Manuel Balcázar Villarreal

December 2, 2020

Panama – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Although Panama does not have a NAP, the Institute of Women has a Strategic Operative Plan that carries out a variety of activities to promote gender equality in government and society.[155]

Overall Assessment:

Panama has been developing a robust legal framework to enhance gender equality. In May 2020, the government of Panama and UN Women signed a five-year agreement to develop a strategy to improve gender equality and women’s empowerment in the country.[156] In terms of its national security structure, Panama does not have a military but does have a Ministry of Public Security that oversees four law enforcement branches:  the National Police, the National Aeronaval Service, the National Borders Service and the National Migration Service. While the overall national commitment to gender equality is high, its application in the Ministry of Public Security is relatively low. It was enhanced with the creation of a Gender Advisor (GENAD) office in 2017, which has progressively and steadily increased its activities.

National Importance/Political Will:

Gender equality is mentioned in Article 19 of Panama’s constitution. It explicitly states that there shall be no discrimination on the basis of race, birth, disabilities, social class, sex, religion and political thought.[157] Furthermore, the legal framework that supports gender equality is composed of at least 20 laws, three executive resolutions and four public policy tools. This remarkable framework includes activities for all levels of the citizenship. For example, Law number 6, approved in 2000, made it mandatory for all school texts and materials to include a gender perspective. Law number 54, approved in 2012, reformed the electoral code and requires political parties to have at least 50% of women on electoral lists for primary elections.

In 2017, Executive Decree No. 100 mandated that every ministry and governmental institution create an office for women and/or gender issues, with a special unit to deal with cases of domestic violence, sexual harassment, and abuse. These offices are financed by the Comité Nacional Contra la Violencia en la Mujer. The Committee is part of the National Institute for Women, which works with an overall budget of US $6,516,551 in 2019 and US $5,747,864.00 in 2020.[158]

In 2017, the Congress approved Law 56, which established quotas for the participation of women in state boards of directors. Article 2 requires that any institution supported by the Central government, including decentralized, public companies, should assign at least 30% of seats on their administrative councils, boards of directors, or similar entities to women.[159]

The government of Panama created the National Institute for Women in 2008. Its main task is to monitor and oversee the public policies related to gender equality and equal opportunities.[160] The Institute of Women has worked with the Ministry of Public Security in furthering gender equality. The 2018 Activities Report of the Institute mentions that it worked with the police and provided special training to police on issues related to gender-based violence. Subsequently, the police created a service specialized in gender-based violence. This service is now housed in the offices of the different police zones in Panama and is in charge of dealing with cases of domestic violence.[161] In 2019, the Institute and the National Police carried out a presentation about gender equality and violence against women. The Institute’s Annual Operative Plan for 2020 shows that the activities carried out during the year included two sensitization workshops for the national police. Such workshops focused on how to prevent the revictimization of victims during police and judicial investigations[162]

In terms of the Ministry of Public Security, it created the Office of Gender Equality and the Equality of Opportunities in 2018(Oficina de Equidad de Genero y Equiparación de Oportunidades) in compliance with the executive decree No. 100 published in 2017. Its organizational structure includes a director and sub-director, psychologists, sociologists, and social workers. The Office is composed of different divisions, including one that focuses on generating statistics, and two specialized units: 1) equal opportunities; and 2) gender issues.[163] Moreover, the manual of the Office of Gender Equality, published in 2019, presents a detailed description of the tasks and responsibilities of each position and each area within the Office. Such activities include: the creation of an annual operational plan regarding gender issues to be formulated in coordination with the national police, the National Migration Service, the National Borders Service, and the National Aeronaval Service; the coordination of gender-sensitization campaigns; and the provision of legal and juridical advice to women facing violent events.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The principles of WPS/gender equality are sometimes integrated into police exercises, operations, and activities, as evidenced by the Organizational Manual of the Ministry of Public Security. The Oficina de Participacion Ciudadana (Office of Citizen Participation) is the office in charge of preparing plans and programs, with a strategic focus on citizen security with a gender perspective.[164] This Office integrates the group of administrative units of the Ministry of Public Security in an auxiliary support level. In this regard, the Ministry of Public Security is the ministry in charge of citizen security and the promotion of the participation of community leaders and civil groups to strengthen security strategies and policy implementation.

The Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Public Security of Panama does not present a list of actions to improve gender equality or gender perspective in the law enforcement forces of Panama. Instead, it outlines that the next actions are to: “Begin a consultive process to update the goals, results and activities of the Strategy, considering the incorporation of some subjects such as the environment, the indigenous peoples and gender in a transversal (cross-cutting) way.” [165]

Gender in the Ranks (Police)[166]

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
National Police17,1023,45916.8
National Aeronaval Service3,53146311.6
National Borders Service3,5963679.3
National Migration Service88856638.9
Total22,6374,85516.2
Senior Ranks5609814.9

All police positions are open to women. That said, there are few women serving in some of the institutions like the Servicio Nacional Aeronaval and the Servicio Nacional de Fronteras, but this is attributed to the fairly recent creation of both institutions in 2008.

Work Environment

Family Policies: Article 107 of the Labor Code establishes that paid maternity leave lasts 14 weeks: six weeks prior to delivery and 8 weeks after delivery.[167] In 2017, three days of paid paternal leave were added.[168] The employees of the Ministry of Public Security have access to the same social benefits as other governmental ministries, including childcare centers.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse: Article 178 of the Penal Code of Panama was modified in 2018 to include sexual harassment. The reform dictates that sexual harassment at work is an offense that can be punishable with 2-4 years in jail.[169] In addition, the Organic Law of the National Police explicitly prohibits any type of discrimination.[170]

Equipment and Facilities:There are some women specific uniforms but no personal protective equipment designed for women. Moreover, there are facilities, including bathrooms and billets, available for women in police facilities, and they are provided during deployments.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Training in gender affairs and gender perspectives are conducted at entry, mid- and senior-level positions. The Office of Gender Equality and Equal Opportunities in the Ministry of Public Security and the National Institute of Women provide training on gender and gender perspectives to the police.

The Office of Gender Equality and Equal Opportunities has substantially increased its activities throughout the two years of its existence. The 2019 report has a detailed description of its accomplishments, including: activities of sensitization; introduction courses and self-care course;, new facilities for the Office; and courses on intervention for first respondents on violent crimes. Planned activities include: building a webpage for the office; providing courses and workshops about gender equality; developing educational material; creatiing a workplan for training entry level personnel as well as training for senior ranks; and the creation of a police unit specialized in gender violence as part of the national police.[171]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:           

The monitoring and evaluation of gender policies and programs is undertaken by the Institute of Women. In terms of the security sector, the evaluations are carried out by the Office of Gender Equality and the Office of Equality of Opportunities of the Ministry of Public Security. Additionally, NGOs like the Konrad Adenauer Foundation are also monitoring gender policies in Panama[172].

Recommendations:

Panama has a robust legal framework with respect to gender equality. Given many new policy developments, it might be time to update the Organization Manual of the Ministry of Public Security. It was published in 2015 and does not include the new Office of Gender Equality and Equal Opportunities that started operating in 2018.

Furthermore, the Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Public Security should consider including concrete objectives about how to promote and advance gender equality beyond the prevention of gender-related violence. For example, it could establish a plan to provide protective equipment for all the women in the police forces and address how to recruit and retain more women.

In a similar vein, the gender training provided by the Office of Gender Equality and Equal Opportunities should include more information on gender analyses and gender perspectives. Currently, the training is focused on investigative actions of violence against women. In addition, more attention should be paid to the promotion opportunities of women within the police.

Report Contributors:

Cristobal Fundora Sitton

Elvira Méndez

Nadia Montenegro

Rosa Broce

Sophia Wendderburn

Xiomara Edwards

Gloria Guerra

Carmen Solano

Zuleika Roa

Juan Gonzalez

Gitzel Bolaños

Isbel Valderrama

December 2, 2020

Paraguay – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Paraguay adopted its first NAP in 2013. A new version is currently under development.

Overall Assessment:

Paraguay has made progress towards the adoption of the WPS principles, thanks to the national gender equality agenda. That said, the 2013 NAP was never implemented because of a change in the political leadership of the country. The NAP was developed and published by the Frente Guasú and the Partido Liberal administration. In the 2013 elections, the Partido Colorado was the winner and the implementation of the NAP lost priority. The current Partido Colorado administration, elected in 2018, has been more positive towards the WPS agenda. The Ministry of Women is currently leading an effort to develop a new NAP.

National Importance/Political Will:

National importance given to the WPS agenda has waxed and waned over the years. However, Paraguay is committed to gender equality, which is evident in key foreign and national policy documents, such as is the National Development Plan 2030,[173] which was developed in the context of the UN Agenda for Sustainable Development.[174] In particular, the gender equality strategy of the plan promotes equitable and participatory access under equal conditions for women and men; it addresses power structures and decision-making processes, and it also calls for the integration of a gender perspective in public policies, plans, programs, projects, and regulations of public institutions.[175] Since the National Development Plan is a joint effort that involves all ministries, both the police (as part of the Ministry of Interior) and the Ministry of Defense (MoD) are engaged in the achievement of these goals. Given the status of the National Development Plan, both the military and the police are expected, but not obligated, to adapt their institutional policy documents to its goals.

The WPS agenda is not mentioned in national security documents such as the National Policy of Defense.[176] This document mentions equality and peace as goals, but it falls short in referring to the WPS agenda. As for the police, the report “Mainstreaming of the Gender Approach in the Strategy National Security Citizen” also does not refer to UNSCR 1325 or the WPS agenda, but it makes clear recommendations on how to improve the integration of a gender perspective into activities of the police.[177] The IV National Equality Plan of the Ministry of Women represents the clearest effort of the government to mainstream gender equality, although it does not mention UNSCR 1325.[178] Other relevant efforts by this Ministry include the Observatory of Women, which monitors the incidence of femicide and efforts to prevent trafficking of women.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

In the NAP, Paraguay committed to creating a Gender Observatory and to incorporating a gender perspective in all areas related to defense and security institutions. Nevertheless, the NAP did not specify which institution should host the Observatory. In addition, due to the change in political leadership, the Gender Observatory did not materialize (as can be noted in the Strategic Institutional Plan 2019-2023 of the MoD). That said, the MoD has a Gender Unit, which is part of the Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Directorate. Since 2019, the Directorate of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law and the Gender Unit fall under the supervision of the Vice Minister. It functions as a GENAD position. It is not clear whether there are GFPs in the armed forces. The police do not have a GENAD, but they do have a Gender Violence Unit, which is in charge of providing specialized care for victims of domestic violence. The police also do not have any GFPs.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomen[179]Percent Women
Army 129 
Navy 55 
Air Force 48 
Women Deployed26  3[180]10%

No data was provided on the number and percentage of women who serve in senior ranks in the military and police, except as related to UN peacekeeping operations. Many positions in the military are closed to women. In the Aamy, all cavalry and infantry occupations are closed to women; however, all positions in the air force and navy are open to women. Interestingly, a civilian woman currently serves as the Vice Minister of National Defense, and formerly a woman served as Minister of Defense. Women are only deployed in UN missions. In the police, all positions are open to women, but few women occupy senior ranks. Neither the military nor the police have set recruitment goals to increase the number of women in the ranks. However, the police have new career plan regulations to promote equal participation of women in its ranks.[181]

Work Environment

Family Policies: Military and police personnel receive 18 weeks of paid maternity.[182] Child care is also provided. In particular, the police have new career plan regulations and amendments to the law to ensure the equal participation of women in its ranks.[183]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: There are directivesin place to prevent sexual harassment both in the military and the police.

Equipment and facilities: Equipment and uniforms for women in both institutions are available, and facilities to accommodate women are also provided.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Military personnel that participate in UN missions receive training on the principles of WPS. The training is provided by the Peace Operations Training Institute or by training centers from neighboring countries in the Southern Cone. Military personnel who participate in UN missions consistently receive training on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse. The training is both internally (within the organization) and externally (civilian populations outside the organization) focused. Nonetheless, it is unclear if these, or similar courses, are available and mandatory for the rest of the military at all levels.

The police and other law enforcement institutions receive training in gender perspectives from the Ministry of Women (MINMUJER). This Ministry is the normative and strategic governing body of gender policies, and it currently coordinates the implementation of the IV National Equality Plan.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

General monitoring, evaluation, and reporting are considered within the institutional framework of the Fourth NAP of Open Government of Paraguay.[184] The Paraguayan government has developed short-term plans as tools to ensure accountability for development policies. Civil society is an active contributor to their formulation. That said, the involvement of civil society with regards to security-related policies and activities of the military and the police is limited. In part, this is because the number of specialized NGOs in matters of gender and security is small. The military and the police collect sex-disaggregated data, but the data it is not routinely made public unless requested through transparency mechanisms.

Recommendations:

At the national level Paraguay should deepen and codify its commitment to the principles of the WPS agenda by expeditiously publishing a new, comprehensive NAP. The military and police should be given specific goals for advancing the agenda. The new NAP should include mechanisms to institutionalize its implementation so that it can withstand political changes in the executive. This can be achieved with the adoption of specific implementation plans for the armed forces and the police, and the allocation of resources to these ends. Monitoring and evaluation should be clearly established and include the systematic use of civil society groups, and all data and reports should be made publicly available.

Contributors:

María Gloria Báez Recalde, General Director of Prevention and Care Against Trafficking, Ministry of Women, Asunción, Paraguay

Laura A. Villalba, Senior Principal Consultant, Politics & Policy LLC, Minnesota, USA

December 2, 2020

Peru – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Peru has not adopted a NAP.

Overall Assessment:

Despite not having adopted a NAP, Peru has made concrete progress toward gender equality and the adoption of WPS principles in the armed forces and the police. International commitments are reflected in national legislation and the National Plan for Gender Equality. The latter serves as a roadmap for progress. That said, more work needs to be done regarding the integration of gender equality norms in Peru’s national security institutions.

National Importance/Political Will:

At the international level, Peru has shown commitment to UNSCR 1325 by supporting the legal international frameworks for gender equality, including the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women, the Inter-American Convention to Prevent, Punish and Eradicate Violence Against Women, and the Declaration and Platform for Action of the Fourth World Conference on Women. Additionally, Peru has advocated for the elimination of gender-based restrictions in the armed forces in multilateral forums, such as the Conference of Defense Ministers of the Americas.

At the national level, Peru has pursued a national gender equality agenda supported by the Constitution,[185] a legislative framework, and the National Plan for Gender Equality.[186] The Plan is intersectional in nature and addresses structural discrimination against women as a central problem in the country. Among its priorities, it includes guaranteeing women’s access and participation in decision-making institutions as well as guaranteeing the protection of children, adolescents and women against all types of violence. Overall, the national gender equality policy is projected to be implemented by 2030, in accordance with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

Peru has a Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations, which is active in the implementation of a gender mainstreaming in all ministries, including the Ministry of Defense (MoD) and the Ministry of the Interior (which includes the police). Therefore, although the MoD is not specifically identified as a main actor, it implements some policies related to the principles of the WPS agenda. For example, the gender policies of Peru’s National Agreement[187] and the national security and defense policy seek to reduce inequality gaps by promoting a human security approach; the White Paper on National Defense provides information related to the promotion of peace and security and the protection of human rights.

The national police started gender mainstreaming in the 1990s. It has included gender perspectives in its policies and provides training on both gender and women’s rights.[188]

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Military: WPS principles, and gender analyses and gender perspectives are mentioned in military strategies, plans, and other policy documents on an ad-hoc, not systemic, basis. Gender is not integrated in operational planning processes. There is some recognition of the role that gender plays in military operations, and it is framed as a human rights issue.

The prevention of sexual violence is neither included in military strategic documents, nor is it part of military regulations. However, it is considered in the Law of the Disciplinary Regime of the Armed Forces (Law 29131).[189] The Committee for Gender Equality of the Ministry of Defense (MoD) was created in 2017 to contribute to the follow-up and monitoring of the implementation of national policies and the strategic objectives of the National Gender Equality Policy. The latter has, as goals, the reduction of gender gaps in planning instruments and the actualization of a gender equal organizational culture. The MoD does not have a specific Gender Advisor position, nor does  it have a specific budget allocation for gender related work.[190]

Police: Violence against women and the role of the police is specifically mentioned in the Institutional Strategic Plan of the Police 2020-2024.[191] These issues are also covered in plans and protocols that mention the police as a main actor (for example, the National Plan Against Gender Violence 2016-2021). As a result, personnel of the national police are continuously trained in these issues.[192] The police have also assigned a Commissioner for the Fight Against Violence Against Women.[193] This position meets some of the characteristics of a GENAD, but it is mainly oriented to the external tasks of the institution.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army  11%
Army Senior Women  .5%
Navy  9.6%
Navy Senior Women  .3%
Air Force  9.6%
Air Force Senior Women  .2%
National Police  18.0%
National Police Senior Women  .4%
Women Deployed 2912%[194]

In the armed forces, there are no legal limitations for women to serve in all positions. However, there are no women serving in combat positions. Women do participate actively in UN missions. Among the three branches of the military, there are at least 12 women who serve in the rank of colonel. This number is expected to increase in the coming years due to the fairly recent incorporation of women into the armed forces (since 1997).[195] No recruiting goals have been established to increase women’s participation, but the recruitment system does target women.

Women serve in all occupations in the national police and throughout the national territory, including in the Emergency Squad, Explosives Deactivation, and Criminalistics and the Police Aviation Unit. [196] There are women in all specialties, but few women serve in the most senior ranks and not at the same rate as men.

Work Environment

Family Policies: Women in the military and the police receive 98 days of paid maternity leave.[197] Childcare assistance is provided.

Equipment and Facilities: Equipment and uniforms designed to maximize women’s performance exist, but they are not always available and must be constantly adapted.[198] Facilities including restrooms and accommodations are available for women at military and police facilities and during deployment for peacekeeping operations.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: ThePolice Disciplinary Regime Law (No. 30714) and the Armed Forces Disciplinary Regime Law (No. 29131) regulate and/or punish serious offenses related to harassment.

Training, Education, and Exercises

In the educational curriculum, there are no specific courses on gender equality. However, compulsory courses on international humanitarian law and human rights are part of the training of personnel who participate in military operations inside the country and those who participate in UN missions abroad. These courses are based on the notion of respect and the idea of human life as a fundamental right. In general, mandatory training on WPS principles in the armed forces has not been considered. This type of training is only mandatory for personnel deployed to UN missions. In the case of the police, police personnel are constantly trained on preventing and responding to sexual violence and sexual exploitation and abuse of civilians, and they actively collaborate with the Ministry of Women.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There are efforts to inform and evaluate the implementation of gender equality in the armed forces and police. The presentation of reports and evaluation is carried out through the Personnel Directorates of each institution. However, there is no gender office in either institution that focuses exclusively on gender mainstreaming. The data that is collected and analyzed is confidential. This is also the case with the police.

Recommendations: Peru should deepen and codify its commitment to UNSCR 1325 by developing a NAP. Specific goals with transparent performance indicators for advancing gender equality and WPS agenda are highly recommended, as well as resources to accomplish established goals. Peru should consider the creation of gender offices in security and defense institutions to focus on monitoring gender integration strategies. These offices would benefit from having GENADs to monitor and evaluate national policies and plans. It is also advisable to incorporate a gender perspective in the curriculum for all levels in the armed forces and the police. It is further advisable to encourage the training and education of women in all specialties of the armed forces as well as to increase the participation of women at all decision levels. Gender specific uniforms, equipment and facilities that are fully adapted to women are also important steps to ensure the full participation of women in all aspects of duty.

Report Contributors:

Leidy Depaz Caballero, International Lawyer, Master in Development and National Defense, Writer and Researcher.

Col. EP Lourdes Barriga Abarca, Director of the Scientific and Technological Institute of the Peruvian Army

Col.EP Guillermo Santolalla, Advisor to the Inter-American Defense Board

PhD Luis Garcia Westphalen, Technical Secretary of the Legal Defense Commission of the Ministry of Defense

Miguel Peña Castro, Multilateral Affairs Officer of the Ministry of Defense

December 2, 2020

Trinidad and Tobago – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan Status:

Trinidad and Tobago does not have a NAP but is actively engaged in developing one.

Overall Assessment:

Although Trinidad and Tobago does not have a NAP, they have engaged in a number of best practices for promoting women’s participation in government agencies, and a relatively high percentage (29%) of the national police are women. Notably, at the ministerial level, they have a Minister of Gender and Child Affairs with a department dedicated to gender equity and justice. However, the Ministry of National Security, which includes the military and police, is separate from this organization; although there are some gender advisors in the security sector, they do not serve at the highest levels, and their training is informal and on an ad hoc basis. 

National Importance/Political Will:

Trinidad and Tobago is a signatory of all international laws and frameworks promoting women’s rights, and gender equality is enshrined in the constitution and in laws that are mostly enforced by the police and the courts.[199] The Office of the Prime Minister includes a Minister of Gender and Child Affairs. The purpose of the Gender Affairs Division is to “effectively promote Gender Equity and Gender Justice through the process of Gender mainstreaming in all government Policies, Programmes and Projects.”[200] In 2018, the ministry published The National Policy on Gender and Development.[201] This comprehensive document outlines the government’s goals of promoting gender equality across the nation. However, although the national policy says it applies to “all government and ministry agencies,” and it has a section titled “Gender Based Violence and Human Security,” it does not spell out specific responsibilities, tasks, goals, or metrics for the Ministry of National Security, which encompasses both the military and police.

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

WPS principles, gender analyses and gender perspectives are integrated into some strategy, plans, and policy and other doctrinal documents at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels. They are also occasionally mentioned in field manuals and handbooks. The principles of WPS are integrated into military and police exercises and operations on an ad-hoc, not a habitual basis, as evidenced by documents including exercise directives and operations orders. Both the military and police have some gender advisors, but only the police have trained gender advisors, and they are not assigned to the highest levels. They serve mostly in human resource departments. Prevention of sexual violence is mentioned in key documents, field manuals, and handbooks of both the military and police.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Military434772614.3%
Senior Military Women   
Police7,3232,93929%
Senior Police Women   

All positions in the military and police are open to women, but there are no recruiting goals to increase women’s participation, and women are limited by policy to 30% of the police force. In fact, there are women waiting to join the police force who cannot get in due to the 30% cap. Women are promoted to senior ranks at the same percentage as they serve across the force. A woman has held the highest position in the police force, serving for a period of time as the “acting” Commissioner of Police.

Work Environment

Family Policies: Women receive 90 days of paid maternity leave and men receive three days of paid paternity leave. Childcare and other family leave policies are available to support members of the military, and they are widely used.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: There is a sexual exploitation and abuse program in the military, but it is not transparent. The number of reported cases and the disposition of cases is not made public. There is no specific program for the police. However, both the military and police have programs to address sexual exploitation and abuse of civilians in the areas of operations.

Uniforms, Equipment and Facilities: There is women-specific individual equipment, including uniforms and personal protective equipment designed for and issued to all women. There are facilities including bathrooms and billets available for women in military and police facilities.

Training, Education, and Exercises

WPS principles are introduced, but not widely trained, during entry level training. Beyond entry level training, only the military continues to train personnel on the principles of WPS. Personnel receive training only on the prevention and response to sexual violence and sexual exploitation as it relates to civilians in the areas of operations, not as it relates to personnel within their own ranks.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

There are some monitoring and reporting requirements for the military, but it is not a national level effort and there are no requirements for monitoring or evaluating gender equity implementation by the police. The police collect some sex-disaggregated data for analysis, but the military does not. There is informal involvement of some civil society organizations in monitoring and evaluating implementation of WPS principles/gender equality in the military and police.  

Recommendations:

At the national level, Trinidad and Tobago should deepen and codify its commitment to the principles of the WPS agenda by expeditiously publishing a comprehensive National Action Plan. The military and police should be given specific goals and benchmarks for advancing the agenda.

Both the military and police should immediately develop programs for addressing sexual harassment and abuse within the ranks.

Both the military and police should develop and implement a monitoring and evaluation program with benchmarks and goals to increase women’s participation at all levels.

An independent monitoring and evaluation program should be established utilizing civil society

groups and the annual reports should be made publicly available.

The restriction limiting women to 30% of the police force should be eliminated immediately.

Report Contributors:

Dr. Dianne Williams, Independent Researcher

Karen Lancaster-Ellis, PhD student at the University of the West Indies, Acting Superintendent of Police, Trinidad & Tobago Police Service

December 2, 2020

Uruguay – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status:

Uruguay has not published a NAP, but one is in development.

General Assessment:

Uruguay has made concrete advancement towards the implementation of the WPS principles despite not having published a WPS NAP. As a contributor of personnel to the UN missions, its involvement with the WPS agenda is extensive. These efforts have also permeated the police. That said, the WPS standards should be integrated more fully in all security (defense and police) forces and not just those deployed in UN missions.

National Importance/Political Will:

The constitution guarantees that all people shall be treated equally, and in 2007 Uruguay enacted the Equal Rights and Opportunities between Men and Women law.[202] [203]Uruguay’s commitment to the WPS principles is reflected in key foreign policy documents, such as the Strategic Plan 2015-2020.[204] The Foreign Ministry is also consistent in its support for the international gender equality framework and explicitly makes references to UNSCR 1325.[205]

At the national level, the National Strategy for Gender Equality by 2030 stands out as the main instrument for the implementation of Uruguay’s commitments to gender equality.[206] The National Strategy is a comprehensive and inclusive roadmap, which guides the actions of the state in matters of gender equality in the medium term. It is also relevant that there is momentum in Uruguay for women’s rights.  In 2019, Uruguay elected for the first time a woman as Vice President of the Republic, and there is a very active multi-party caucus of congresswomen coordinating gender policies. Given the support for gender equality in the country and in the Congress, both the National Defense policy and the rest of the legal frameworks contain formulations that imply the presence and active participation of women.[207]

Nonetheless, there is room for improvement, particularly in referring explicitly to the Ministry of Defense (MoD) and the police as principal actors of the implementation of WPS and gender equality principles. Both institutions participate in the National Council of Gender, but neither has specific plans to implement the principles of UNSCR 1325.[208]

Institutional Policy and Practice:

Strategy, Plans, Policy

In Uruguay, the National Gender Council is a key government body that advances gender equality principles. This body, created by Law No. 18,104, mainstreams the spirit of UN Resolution 1325 and integrates the principles of gender equality in all public policies of the state, including those related to military strategy, policy, and planning. That said, none of these documents are publicly available.

The principles of WPS/UNSCR 1325 are more substantially integrated into key documents related to police strategy, plans, policy, and operations.[209] This is also the case for police operational planning process.

The Ministry of the Interior actively promotes gender equality in security institutions, for example, by the elimination of female entry quotas and their participation in UN missions.

Despite these advances, the military has not appointed a full-time Gender Advisor (GENAD). A GENAD is appointed only for UN missions. The police also not have a GENAD. That said, in both the military and the police there are double-hatted GFPs.

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomenPercent Women
Army13,5161,43210%
Army Senior Women  2%
Navy4,16159513%
Navy Senior Women  1.2%
Air Force2,17443817%
Air Force Senior Women  1.6%
National Police4,1271,30224%
National Police Senior Women  3%
Women Deployed104781[210]7%

On average, women make up 11% of the military. Their presence in flag positions remains very low. The Uruguayan armed forces frequently participate in UN missions. Uruguay is the largest troop contributor of Latin America. Of the troops contributed to UN missions, women represent 7.18% of all personnel.

All positions in the military are open to women. The recruitment target for women in the armed forces is set at maintaining the current percentages. This is related to the national demographics. Uruguay’s population has not significantly grown in the past three decades; rather than increasing the gross number of women in the armed forces, the goal is to maintain the rate. The MoD has taken steps to achieve this, for example through presenting the military as an appealing professional career.[211]

In terms of the police, 25.6% of the personnel are women. The target goal for the recruitment of women in the police is 50%.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The principles of WPS/UNSCR 1325 are not consistently integrated into the education and training for military personnel. Specialized courses are available for Uruguayan personnel before deployment at UN missions. These courses are mandatory. But this is not the case for the rest of the personnel.[212] In the training, emphasis is given to the protection of vulnerable populations. This is particularly important after a series of sexual abuse accusations against the Uruguayan peacekeepers were acknowledged at the highest political level.[213] Since then, Uruguay has strengthened its instructions. This “lessons learned and good practice” response has been recognized by the UN as such.[214]

In terms of the police, the Ministry of the Interior provides an extensive curriculum and extracurriculum training program for police officers, including with regard to issues related to domestic violence, receipt of complaints, budgets and planning with a gender approach, trafficking of persons for the purpose of sexual exploitation, sexual and reproductive health, gender and sexual diversity, and gender and deprivation of liberty.

Work Environment

Family policies: The Uruguayan military and police provide maternity/paternity leave as well as childcare. This is a direct ordinance from the Ministry of the Interior that provides training on sexual and reproductive rights, pregnancy, breastfeeding and leave, including consultation services and the distribution of contraceptives.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies: Both institutions have protocols to prevent and respond to sexual harassment cases within the ranks, although the protocol for the military is recent.[215] In 2020, a general from the army was sanctioned for a domestic abuse case.[216] There is also a sexual harassment and sexual exploitation and abuse prevention program to address issues of military and police personnel as perpetrators of violence in an area of operations.

Equipment and Facilities: Although there are facilities and infrastructure available for women in the military and the police, uniforms and equipment are not necessarily adapted.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation:

Despite not having published a WPS NAP, civil society is involved in the monitoring of the adoption of WPS/gender equality principles through the National Gender Council and the 4th National Action Plan for Open Government 2018-2020.[217]

In the area of accountability, the Ministry of the Interior, through the Division of Gender Policies, reports annually to the National Institute of Women on the implementation of the Plan for Equal Rights and Opportunities in its area of action.

Sex-disaggregated data is collected by the military and the police, and it is available through transparency mechanisms.

Recommendations:

Uruguay has a great opportunity to consolidate and expand the efforts of implementing WPS principles by adopting a NAP. The experience of the police can become the basis for an inward-looking perspective for the Plan. Uruguay’s experience with UN missions could also be the starting point for an external perspective. The NAP should specify particular tasks for the MoD, apart from those that it already undertakes. Further mainstreaming of a gender perspective in the military should be a priority, both for increasing the number of women in decision making-positions as well as in the training of all personnel. Assigning a full-time GENAD that is part of the senior command would prove valuable to achieve it. The consolidation of the protocols through a program for the prevention of sexual violence within the ranks should also be included.

December 2, 2020

[1] See Article 75, subsection 22 and 23 of the Constitution of Argentina. Senado y Cámara de Diputados, Constitución de Argentina. (Argentina, January 3, 1995), at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/0-4999/804/norma.htm

[2] See Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Decreto Nº 1895/2015, Plan Nacional de Acción de la República Argentina para la Implementación de la Resolución N° 1325/2000 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas y Subsiguientes.s. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (Argentina, September 21, 2015), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/decreto-1895-2015-252151/texto

[3] National Defense Policy Directive, Decree 1714/2009 (Argentina: National Defense Policy Directive, 2009) see CHAPTER III, “Regarding Human Rights and Gender Policies”, subsection e) and its update Decree 2645 / 2014

[4] Ministry of Defense, Decreto 1714/2009. (Argentina: Ministry of Defense, 2009), at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/160000-164999/160013/norma.htm

[5] Argentine NAP: p. 10. Government of Argentina, National Action Plan of the Argentine Republic for the Implementation of Resolution Nº1325/2000 of the Security Council of the United Nations. (Argentina, 2015),  at: https://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/Argentina%20NAP%202015%20(English).pdf;  and  see the Spanish version at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/250000-254999/252151/Dto1895.pdf

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ministry of Homeland Security, Resolución Nº58/2011, (Argentina, March 11, 2011), at: http://revistarap.com.ar/Derecho/administrativo/fuerzas_armadas_de_seguridad/1ADM0098095548000.html and Ministry of Homeland Security, Resolución Nº 1021/2011, (Argentina, October 20, 2011), at:

https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/resoluci%C3%B3n-1021-2011-188451/texto

[8] See Chapter III subsection E. Ministry of Defense, Decreto 1714/2009, (Argentina, October 10, 2011) at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/160000-164999/160013/norma.htm; see also the Ministry of Defense, Resolución Nº 1348/08, (Argentina: MoD, 2008) at: https://docplayer.es/78701127-Anexo-i-a-la-resolucion-mindef-no-1348-08-recursos-de-lucha-contra-la-violencia-familiar.html, Ministry of Defense, Resolución 1226/08, (Argentina: MoD, 2008),at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/resolucion_1226_08_anexos.pdf;  Ministry of Defense, Resolución 1407/08, (Argentina: MoD, 2008),at:  https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/resolucion_1407_08_anexo.pdf ; Ministry of Defense, Resolución 01/2010, (Argentina: MoD, 2010).

[9] Ibid. See also University of National Defense (UNDEF), Militares Argentinas: evaluación de políticas de género, (Argentina: UNDEF, September 2020), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/militares_argentinas._evaluacion_de_politicas_de_genero_libroonline.pdf

[10] Ibid.  

[11] See courses at CAECOPAZ, Centro Argentino de Entrenamiento Conjunto para Operaciones de Paz, (2020) at:  http://caecopaz.mil.ar/ofertaacademica.html

[12] Resolution MoD Nº 96/2014 establishes that each year the Chiefs of each Force and the Auditor General of the Armed Forces must designate personnel from the Gender Offices, the General Directorates of Personnel and the Auditors of each Force to receive specific training in “Gender and Institutional Management.”

[13] See Annex II, Comprehensive Gender Centers,  Ministry of Homeland Security, Resolución 1021/2011, (Argentina: MoHS, October 20, 2011)

https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/resoluci%C3%B3n-1021-2011-188451/texto; Ministry of Homeland Security,  Resolución 58/2011, (Argentina: MoHS, March 14, 2011), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/resoluci%C3%B3n-58-2011-180084/texto and Ministry of Homeland Security,  Resolución 1021/2011.

[14] Sex disaggregated data was available for evaluation.

[15] See Ministry of Defense Resolución 1226/2008

[16] See Article 38 subsection E. Congress of Argentina, Ley 19101 (June, 1971), at:  http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/15000-19999/19875/norma.htm;  Ministry of Defense, Resolución Nº706/2011, (Argentina: MoD, 2011), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/res_706_11.pdf; Ministry of Defense, Decreto 3413/79, (Argentina: MoD, 2011) at:  http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/15000-19999/19213/texact.htm

 Ministry of Defense, Resolución 198/2008 (Argentina: MoD, February 21, 2008), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/resolucion_198_08.pdf

[17] Ibid Ministry of Defense, Resolución 198/2008.

[18] See Chapter III, Article 11, subsection 7. Congress of Argentina  Ley 26485 (Argentina, April 1, 2009), at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/150000-154999/152155/texact.htm; Congress of Argentina, Ley 26394, (August 6, 2008) at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/140000-144999/143873/norma.htm and Ministry of Defense Resolución 112/2009.

[19] General Audit of the Armed Forces, Circular Nº 19/2009, (Argentina, December 9, 2009), at: https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/circular_09.pdf

[20] Ministry of Defense, Resolución 213/2007, (Argentina, February 16, 2007), at:  https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/res_21307.pdf

[21] Ministry of Defense, Resolución 28/10,  (Argentina, January 20, 2010)  https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/resolucion_28_10.pdf; Ministry of Homeland Security Resolución 1019/2011,  (Argentina, October 12, 2011), at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/infolegInternet/anexos/185000-189999/188315/texact.htm

[22] The National Action Plan 2020-2022 against gender-based violence has federal scope, including commitments from the provinces and municipalities. It is transversal at the level of the National Administration, Axis 4: “Integrated information management, transparency and monitoring.”

[23] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security (Brasilia, Brazil: 2017), at: http://funag.gov.br/biblioteca/download/1220-PNA_ingles_final.pdf

[24] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Extensão da Vigência do Plano Nacional de Ação sobre Mulheres, Paz e Seguranca (Brasilia: April 5, 2019) http://www.itamaraty.gov.br/pt-BR/notas-a-imprensa/20261-extensao-da-vigencia-do-plano-nacional-de-acao-sobre-mulheres-paz-e-seguranca

[25] Congresso of Brazil. Constitution of the Federal Republica of Brazil 1988 as amended to 2014 (Brasilia, Brazil: 2014), at: https://constitutions.unwomen.org/en/countries/americas/brazil?provisioncategory=b21e8a4f9df246429cf4e8746437e5ac

[26] Brazil NAP, pp. 8-10. The femicide law adopted under the Brazilian Penal Code, imposes specific sanctions for harming or killing women because of their gender. See also Law 13,112/2015 on registration of children; see also https://www.unwomen.org/-/media/headquarters/attachments/initiatives/stepitup/commitments-speeches/brazil-stepitup-commitment-2015-en.pdf?la=en&vs=5255

[27] See, for example, the National Plans of Policies for Women (Plano Nacional de Politicas para es Mulheres) developed by the National Secretariat of Politics for Women housed at the time in the Ministry of Human Rights. The first plan was developed in 2004, a second plan in 2008 for the period 2008-2011; and a third in 2013 for the period 2013-2015. See Centro de Apoio Operacional das Promotorias de Justiça dos Direitos Humanos, Governo Federal institui Sistema Nacional de Políticas para as Mulheres e Plano Nacional de Combate à Violência Doméstica (November 29, 2018) at: https://direito.mppr.mp.br/modules/noticias/makepdf.php?storyid=44 and the Brazilian NAP, p.12. See also Governo Federal. Secretaria Nacional de Políticas para Mulheres (SNPM) (Brazil, June 20, 2018) at https://www.gov.br/mdh/pt-br/navegue-por-temas/politicas-para-mulheres/politica-para-mulheres

[28] The National Policy System for Women, created in 2018, required states and municipalities to develop plans to mainstream gender equality and human rights. An example of a municipal plan can be found at: http://repositorio.londrina.pr.gov.br/index.php/menu-mulher/cmdm/resolucoes-5/31271-pmpm-2020-2021-final-publicacao/file .

[29] See Presidential Decree 10.174, http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2019-2022/2019/Decreto/D10174.htm#art8

[30] Ministry of Defense, Ordinance 893 of 2014. (Brazil, March 15, 2014), at: http://www.lex.com.br/legis_25426485_PORTARIA_N_893_DE_14_DE_ABRIL_DE_2014.aspx

[31] The Group was officially formed in 2016.

[32] See Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, Implementing the “Women, Peace and Security” agenda in Brazil: An Assessment of the National Action Plan, Strategic Paper 31 (Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute, August 2019) at: https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/2019-07-31_AE-31_Women-Peace-and-Security-National-Action-Plan.pdf; See also Renata Avelar Giannini and Perola Abreu Pereira, Building Brazil’s National Action Plan: Lessons Learned and Opportunities (London: LSE, March 3, 2020 – blog) https://www.lse.ac.uk/women-peace-security/assets/documents/2020/WPS24GianniniandPereira.pdf

[33] At the same event, corvette captain Marcia Andrade Braga, an officer in the Brazilian Navy who at that time served as Military Adviser for Gender at the headquarters of the United Nations Integrated and Multidimensional Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA), was awarded the United Nations Military Defender of Gender Award.

[34] See Renata Avelar Giannini and Perola Abreu Pereira, Building Brazil’s National Action Plan: Lessons Learned and Opportunities (London: LSE, March 3, 2020 – blog).

[35] See also Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No.4 (2020), pp.462-484.

[36] This is true for all previous and current Brazilian administrations. The MFA is the lead organization for the NAP, and they are focused on foreign affairs. In addition, Brazil’s foreign policy stance is very clear about the non-interference, not viewing domestic issues as part of a Security Council agenda. See also Drumond and Rebelo, Implementing the “Women, Peace and Security” agenda.

[37] See, for example, Ministry of Defense, Livro Branco de Defesa Nacional-Brasil 2020 (Brazil, 2020),at https://www.gov.br/defesa/pt-br/assuntos/copy_of_estado-e-defesa/livro_branco_congresso_nacional.pdf

[38] Ministry of Defense, Politica Nacional de defesa, Estrategia Nacional de Defesa (Brazil), at  https://www.gov.br/defesa/pt-br/assuntos/copy_of_estado-e-defesa/pnd_end_congresso_.pdf

[39] It may be noted that during the development of the NAP, the Ministry of Justice had frequent leadership changes and was not actively engaged. The other institutions did not feel comfortable including targets for the police in the absence of representation from the Ministry of Justice. Also, it must be noted that whenever the NAP mentions the police system, it refers to the state military police and not the federal police. The state military police falls under the authority of the national states. The state police institutions have very little knowledge about the WPS agenda. Brazilian police who participate in UN peacekeeping operations do so mostly on an individual basis, with little or no support from their states.

[40] Data from the Ministry of Defense, sent to the Igarapé Institute and shared for this publication. https://igarape.org.br/mulheres-forcas-armadas/pt/ and https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/AE-09_PROMOVER-GENERO-E-CONSOLIDAR-A-PAZ.pdf

[41] Approximately 32% of women serve in the army; 30 % in the navy and 39% in the airforce.

[42] In 2017 a total of 10,893 women applied. See Presidency of the Republic of Brazil. Women can now reach command positions in the Army, (Brazil, May 21,2018) at: http://www.brazil.gov.br/about-brazil/news/brazil-is-back/security-and-defense/women-can-now-reach-command-positions-in-the-army?TSPD_101_R0=77a741840fe2af28c521b181b3699e7ej0D00000000000000003b1dbcbdffff00000000000000000000000000005f8e587800c4f8d97408282a9212ab2000a46fe560e4ae79184380f9944be51f1c2319bd5ce6abec593c6d37edd47213cc0808a813bd0a2800c684a09af7d7ecd452921be3f0cd08b828d8836795a574833d7a94eb47075c2d993f4caba36e6fc2

[43] Renata Giannini, et al, Situações Extraordinárias: a entrada das mulheres na linha de frente das Forças Armadas brasileiras. Available at: https://igarape.org.br/mulheres-forcas-armadas/pt/

[44] See Law 13109, signed in 2015 by president Dilma Roussef. UN Women, Step it up for Gender Equality, (2015), at: https://www.unwomen.org/-/media/headquarters/attachments/initiatives/stepitup/commitments-speeches/brazil-stepitup-commitment-2015-en.pdf?la=en&vs=5255

[45] Renata Giannini, et al, Situações Extraordinárias: a entrada das mulheres na linha de frente das Forças Armadas brasileiras, at: https://igarape.org.br/mulheres-forcas-armadas/pt/

[46] Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, Two Years On: An analysis for supporting the review of the Brazilian National Action Plan on: Women, Peace and Security (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute August 2019), at https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/2019-07-31v2-AE31_summary-Women-Peace-and-Security-National-Action-Plan.pdf

[47] Natalia Eiras, Mulheres no Front, (Brazil, 2017), at: https://tab.uol.com.br/edicao/mulheres-exercito/#page1

[48] Renata Giannini, Promover o gênero e consolidar a Paz: a experiência brasileira, Strategic Paper 9(Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute, September 2014), at: https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/AE-09_PROMOVER-GENERO-E-CONSOLIDAR-A-PAZ.pdf

[49] See Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, Implementing the “Women, Peace and Security” agenda in Brazil: An assessment of the national Action Plan, Strategic Paper 31 (Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute, August 2019). See also https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/2019-07-31_AE-31_Women-Peace-and-Security-National-Action-Plan.pdf

[50] Centro de Apoio Operacional das Promotorias de Justiça dos Direitos, Governo Federal institui Sistema Nacional de Políticas para as Mulheres e Plano Nacional de Combate à Violência Doméstica Humanos, (Brazil, November 29, 2018) https://direito.mppr.mp.br/modules/noticias/makepdf.php?storyid=44

[51] All the references to the police in this report refer specifically to the Investigations Police of Chile (PDI), the civilian police, and not the Carabineros of Chile.

[52] Javiera Arce-Riffo, “Gender Parity in the Chilean Constitutional Convention: What Does it Mean for Chilean Democracy?”, (OxHRH Blog, April 2020), at: http://ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/gender-parity-in-the-chilean-constitutional-convention-what-does-it-mean-for-chilean-democracy; and Claudia Mojica, “Chile celebrates a Gender Equality Milestone”, (United Nations Development Program, November 2, 2020), at: https://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/blog/2020/chile-celebrates-a-gender-equality-first.html

[53] Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, “Canciller en conmemoración de la agenda “Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad”: “El trabajo de las mujeres contribuye a construir el tejido social y a prevenir conflictos a través del diálogo”, October 30th 2020 at: https://minrel.gob.cl/canciller-en-conmemoracion-de-la-agenda-mujeres-paz-y-seguridad-el/minrel/2020-10-30/174117.html

[54] Ministerio de Defensa, Libro Nacional de la Defensa 2017, (Santiago de Chile, Chile;  Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional, noviembre 2017), at: https://www.defensa.cl/media/LibroDefensa.pdf

[55] Subsecretaría para las Fuerzas Armadas, “Ministerios de Defensa y de la Mujer y Equidad de Género firman convenio para fortalecer la igualdad de género en las FF.AA.”, (Santiago de Chile, Chile: SSFFAA, May 2018), at: https://www.ssffaa.cl/noticias/ministerios-de-defensa-y-de-la-mujer-y-equidad-de-genero-firman-convenio-para-fortalecer-la-igualdad/

[56] Carlos Reyes P., “La primera delegada de género del Ejército: “De pronto se nos confunde el acoso laboral con lo cotidiano del trabajo”, La Tercera (January 30, 2019) at: https://www.latercera.com/la-tercera-pm/noticia/la-primera-delegada-de-genero-del-ejercito-de-pronto-se-nos-confunde-el-acoso-laboral-con-lo-cotidiano-del-trabajo/506503/

[57] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Establecen protocolo conjunto de denuncias por acoso sexual o laboral para las FF.AA., (Santiago de Chile, Chile: Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, March 12, 2019), at: https://www.defensa.cl/noticias/establecen-protocolo-conjunto-de-denuncias-por-acoso-sexual-o-laboral-para-las-ff-aa/

[58] Figures for the Army, Navy and Air Force are taken from the 2016 Report from Red de Seguridad y Defensa de America Latina (RESDAL), A Comparative Atlas of Defence in Latin America and Caribbean, (Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2016) at: https://www.resdal.org/ing/assets/atlas_2016_ing_completo.pdf

[59] Figures for the police are updated to 2020 and it does not consider administrative staff.

[60] This figure considers only Chile’s participation in UN Missions. See: Peace Keeping United Nations, Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020 (Peace Keeping United Nations, 2020) at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[61] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, No hayBarreras para la Mujer en la Defensa Nacional, (Santiago de Chile, Chile: Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, August 3, 2017), at: https://www.defensa.cl/temas-principales/no-hay-barreras-para-la-mujer-en-la-defensa-nacional/

[62]Admisión Armada de Chile, Grumete Infante de Marina, at:  https://www.admisionarmada.cl/grumete-infante-de-marina/postulacion/2016-06-21/151346.html

[63] Tamara Cerna, “El 49% de los nuevos estudiantes que ingresarán a la Escuela de Investigaciones son mujeres”, Emol (January 6, 2019), at: https://www.emol.com/noticias/Nacional/2019/01/06/933208/El-49-de-los-nuevos-estudiantes-que-ingresaran-a-la-Escuela-de-Investigaciones-son-mujeres.html

[64] Cámara de Diputadas y Diputados, Aprobación de Protocolo Conjunto en Denuncias de Acoso Sexual o Laboral en las Fuerzas Armadas, (Santiago de Chile; Cámara, March 12, 2019), at: https://www.camara.cl/verDoc.aspx?prmID=168321&prmTIPO=DOCUMENTOCOMISION

[65] See Humanas Colombia, 20 Años Exigiendo que el Gobierno Colombiano se conecte con la Paz y la Seguridad de las Mujeres, Pronunciamiento (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, July 2020), at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/arch_contenidos/i_e_73153_q_PRONUNCIAMIENTO_R1325.pdf; Also from Humanas Colombia, see Observatorio Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad (a group actively lobbying for a WPS NAP), Cumplimiento del Estado Colombiano con la Resolución 1325 de 2000: Informe de monitoreo del año 2017 y primer semestre de 2018, (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, December 2018), at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/ar/ar_9042_q_R1325informe.pdf..

[66] See Corte Constitucional, Constitución Política de Colombia 1991, Actualizada con los Actos Legislativos a 2016, (Bogota: Corte Constitutional), at https://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co/inicio/Constitucion%20politica%20de%20Colombia.pdf

[67] See Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP), Colombia en la Escena Global: Política Exterior Responsable, Innovadora y Constructiva, (Bogotá: DNP, May 2019) at https://www.dnp.gov.co/DNPN/Plan-Nacional-de-Desarrollo/Paginas/Pilares-del-PND/Legalidad/Colombia-en-la-escena-global.aspx; and also from DNP, Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2018-2022 at https://www.dnp.gov.co/DNPN/Paginas/Plan-Nacional-de-Desarrollo.aspx

[68] Ministerio de Defensa, Política Pública Sectorial de Transversalizacion del Enfoque de Genero para el Personal Uniformado de la Fuerza Pública 2018-2027, (Bogotá: MinDefensa 2018), at https://www.justiciamilitar.gov.co/irj/go/km/docs/Mindefensa/Documentos/descargas/Prensa/Documentos/politica_genero.pdf

[69] See, for example, Reserva Naval de Colombia, Uniformes, (Bogotá-Colombia, 2020), at https://www.reservanaval.co/uniformes

[70] See, for example, Julie Turkewitz, “Seven Colombian Soldiers Charged in Rape of Indigenous Girl,” The New York Times (June 26, 2020) at https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/26/world/americas/colombia-indigenous-girl-rape.html. See also, Daniel Arias Bonfante, “Denuncian Caso de Violencia Sexual de Policías,” RCNRadio (September 12, 2020) at https://www.rcnradio.com/bogota/denuncian-caso-de-violencia-sexual-de-policias-contra-tres-mujeres-en-bogota; Justicia, “Solo el 29% de uniformados con crímenes sexuales han sido condenados,” El Tiempo (July 4, 2020), at https://www.eltiempo.com/justicia/delitos/violencia-sexual-condenas-contra-militares-o-policias-por-crimenes-sexuales-514276

[71] See Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Politica Publica Sectorial: De Transversalizacion del Enfoque de Genero para el Personal Uniformado de Fuerza Publica 2018-2027 (Bogota: Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, 2018), at https://www.justiciamilitar.gov.co/irj/go/km/docs/Mindefensa/Documentos/descargas/Prensa/Documentos/politica_genero.pdf

[72] See note 1.

[73] See note 1.

[74] Ministry of Public Security, Política Institucional de Igualdad y Equidad de Género PIEG – MSP, (Costa Rica, November 16, 2020), at: https://www.seguridadpublica.go.cr/ministerio/igualdad_equidad_genero/politica_institucional_pieg.aspx

[75] Ministry of Public Security, Oficina de Igualdad de Género, (Costa Rica, November 16, 2020), at: https://www.seguridadpublica.go.cr/ministerio/igualdad_genero.aspx

[76]Observatorio de violencia de género contra las mujeres y acceso a la justicia. Hostigamiento sexual. (Suprema Corte de Justicia: Costa Rica, 2019), at: https://observatoriodegenero.poder-judicial.go.cr/index.php/soy-especialista-y-busco/circulares/hostigamiento-sexual

[77] Ministry of Public Security, Orientaciones Políticas del Ministerio de Seguridad Pública 2020. (Costa Rica, 2020) at: www.seguridadpublica.go.cr/documentos/orientaciones_politicas_ministerio_seguridad_publica.pdf

[78] Ministry of Public Security, Planes Anuales Operativos 2020. (Costa Rica, 2020), at:

https://www.seguridadpublica.go.cr/transparencia/planes/planes_inst/plananualoperativo/plan_anual_operativo_2020.pdf

[79] See toxic masculinity public force training course. Ministry of Public Security, Masculinidades, (Costa Rica), at: https://www.seguridadpublica.go.cr/ministerio/igualdad_equidad_genero/documentos/masculinidad.pdf

[80] Data from Department of Control and Documentation as of 08/19/2020.

[81] Andrea Mora, “Fuerza Pública busca 1000 policías nuevos para 2018,” El País (January 16, 2018), at: https://www.elpais.cr/2018/01/16/fuerza-publica-busca-1000-policias-nuevos-para-2018/

[82] Centros Infantiles de Atención Integral (CINAI), Dirección de CEN CINAI: 60 años contribuyendo con el bienestar de la niñez costarricense. (Costa Rica, May 8, 2011), at: https://www.cen-cinai.go.cr/images/pdf/Informes/LIBRITO_INTERACTIVO_MEMORIA_.pdf and https://www.cen-cinai.go.cr/index.php/cen-cinai/historia#

[83] The Ministry of Public Security has documents that require the respect and fulfillment of women’s rights, among them we can mention: 1. Executive Decree No. 015-2019 MSP “Declaration of the Ministry of Public Security as an institution with zero tolerance for sexual harassment.” 2. Agreement Number 124-2018-MSP “Declaration of zero tolerance for any manifestation of violence against women in the Ministry of Public Security”.

[84] See, for example data on femicide, which has gone down steadily in recent years. Poder Judicial, Feminicidios 2020, (Costa Rica, October 26, 2020), at: https://observatoriodegenero.poder-judicial.go.cr/images/Estadisticas/Femicidio/Documentos/Femicidio_2020_26_de_octubre-cd4.pdf

[85] See https://www.ifrc.org/docs/idrl/751ES.pdf

[86] Ministry of Planification and Development, Ley 1-12 Estrategia Nacional de Desarrollo 2030, (Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, 2012), at: https://mepyd.gob.do/mepyd/wp-content/uploads/archivos/end/marco-legal/ley-estrategia-nacional-de-desarrollo.pdf; and Ministry of Foreign Relations, Plan Estratégico 2015-2020 La Nueva Política de Relaciones Exteriores, (Santo Domingo, 2015) at: https://www.mirex.gob.do/pdf/planestrategico.pdf

[87] Ministry of Defense, Plan Estratégico Institucional PEI 2017-2020, (Santo Domingo, 2017), at: https://www.mide.gob.do/transparencyfile.aspx?id=6516 and National Police, Plan Estratégico Institucional, (Santo Domingo, January 2017) at: https://www.policianacional.gob.do/transparencia/plan-estrategico-institucional/

[88] UN Women, The Beijing Platform for Action: inspiration then and now, (UN Women, 2015), at: https://beijing20.unwomen.org/en/about

[89] Ministry of Women, Plan Nacional de Igualdad y Equidad de Género, (Santo Domingo, 2020), at: https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/2019_planeg_iii_dom.pdfx

[90] Ministry of Defense, ¿Quénes Somos? (Santo Domingo, 2020), at: https://www.mide.gob.do/detail.aspx?id=449&sl=96

[91] A PDF can be downloaded at Ministry of Defense, 6. Plan Estratégico de la institución, (Santo Domingo, 2017), at: https://www.mide.gob.do/transparencia/index.html

[92] Ibid. page 119.

[93] Mirando al los Cuarteles. Coronel Ana O Matos Feliz sigue en Equidad y Genero del MIDE, (September, 2016), at: https://www.mirandoloscuarteles.com/2016/09/coronel-ana-o-matos-feliz-sigue-en.html

[94] National Police, Oficina de Equidad de Género POA 2020, (República Dominicana, 2020), at:https://www.policianacional.gob.do/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/OFICINA-DE-EQUIDAD-DE-GENERO-POA-2020.pdf

[95]Army of the Dominican Republic, Institutional Strategic Plan 2017-2020, (Santo Domingo, 2017),at: https://www.ejercito.mil.do/transparencia/images/docs/plan_estrategico/2018/PLAN%20ESTRATEGICO%20INSTITUCIONALERD%202017-2020.pdf Army of the Dominican Republic, Avances del Plan Operativo 2019, (Santo Domingo, 2019), at: https://www.ejercito.mil.do/transparencia/planificacion-estrategica/plan-operativo-anual-poa/category/2019-30 and Army of the Dominican Republic, Avances del Plan Operativo 2020, (Santo Domingo, 2020), at: https://www.ejercito.mil.do/transparencia/planificacion-estrategica/plan-operativo-anual-poa/category/2020

[96] Fuerza Aérea de República Dominicana, Plan Estratégico Institucional, (Santo Domingo, 2017) https://transparencia.fard.mil.do/plan-estrategico-institucional/#59-wpfd-planificacion-estrategica-institucional

[97] Fuerza Aérea de República Dominicana, Plan Operativo Anual 2020, (Santo Domingo, 2020), at: https://transparencia.fard.mil.do/plan-estrategico-institucional/#60-wpfd-plan-operativo-anual-poa-plan-estrategico-institucional-1555038726

[98] Congreso de la República, Resolución No. 211-14 (Santo Domingo, 2014), at: https://observatoriojusticiaygenero.gob.do/documentos/PDF/normativas/NOR_Res_No_211_14.pdf and La República, “Discurso Completo de rendición de cuentas de Danilo Medina en 2019” La República.(February 27, 2019), at: https://listindiario.com/la-republica/2019/02/27/555400/discurso-completo-de-rendicion-de-cuentas-de-danilo-medina-en-2019

[99] Ministry of Defense, “MIDE resalta iniciativas del Gobierno para mejorar la vida de los militares” Ministry of Defense, at: https://mide.gob.do/detail.aspx?id=1409

[100] Op. Cit. page 74

[101]National Congress, Ley No. 24-97.(Santo Domingo, January1997), at: https://pdba.georgetown.edu/Security/citizensecurity/domrep/Leyes/ley24.html

[102] See Instituto Superior para la Defensa, Escuela de Graduados en Derechos Humanos y Derecho Internacional Humanitario (Santo Domingo: Ministerio de la Defensa, 2020), at: https://egdhdih.mil.do/

[103] See https://www.policianacional.gob.do/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/OFICINA-DE-EQUIDAD-DE-GENERO-POA-2020.pdf

[104] Office of Gender Equality and Development, Plan Nacional Operativo 2020, (Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: National Police, 2020), at: https://minpre.gob.do/transparencia/publicaciones-oficiales/

[105] National Police, Memoria Annual 2019. (Santo Domingo, 2019) at: https://www.policianacional.gob.do/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/MEMORIA-ANUAL-2019-FIRMADA.pdf and Ministry of Defense, Bienvenidos al Portal de Transparencia del Ministerio de Defensa. (Santo Domingo, 2020), at:https://www.mide.gob.do/transparencia/index.html

[106] Pax Christi International, Mujeres, paz y seguridad: panorámica y perspectivas en América Latina y el Caribe. (Belgium: Pax Christi International, December 2013), at: http://archive.paxchristi.net/MISC/2014-0216-es-am-GE.pdf

[107] See Instituto de Educación Superior en Formación Diplomática y Consular (INESDYC), Sobre el INESDYC, (Santo Domingo, 2014), at: http://www.inesdyc.edu.do/sobre-el-inesdyc

[108] Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana, Política para la Igualdad de Género, (Quito, Ecuador: Cancillería, January 2018), at: https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/politica_para_la_igualdad_de_genero_2018.pdf ; and, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana, Agenda de Política Exterior 2017-2021, (Quito, Ecuador: Cancillería, 2018), at https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/agenda_politica_2017baja.pdf

[109] Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana, Plan Nacional de Seguridad Integral: Plan Específico de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana 2019-2030, (Quito, Ecuador: Cancillería, 2019), at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2019/07/plan-nacional-min-exteriores-web.pdf

[110] Consejo Nacional para la Igualdad de Género, Agenda Nacional de Mujeres y Personas LGBTI 2018-2021, (Quito, Ecuador: Consejo Nacional para la Igualdad de Género, 2018), at: https://www.igualdadgenero.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Agenda_ANI.pdf

[111] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Política de Defensa Nacional del Ecuador “Libro Blanco,, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio de Defensa, December 2018) at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Pol%C3%ADtica-de-Defensa-Nacional-Libro-Blanco-2018-web.pdf; Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Plan del Sector de 2017-2021, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio de Defensa, July 2019),  at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/plan-sectorial-web.pdf

[112] Ministerio del Interior, Plan Nacional de Seguridad Ciudadana y Convivencia Social Pacífica, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio del Interior, 2019), at: https://www.ministeriodegobierno.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/PLAN-NACIONAL-DE-SEGURIDAD-CIUDADANA-Y-CONVIVENCIA-SOCIAL-PACI%CC%81FICA-2019-2030-1_compressed.pdf 

[113] Ministerio de Defensa, Política de Género de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ecuador, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio de Defensa, March 2013), at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2013/03/politicas-texto-final.pdf

[114] Comando Conjunto de las Fuerzas Armadas, Plan Estratégico Institucional de las Fuerzas Armadas, (Quito, Ecuador: Comando Conjunto, January 2012), at  https://www.ccffaa.mil.ec/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2019/04/k-anexo-1-PLAN-ESTRATEGICO-FF.AA_.-2010-2021.pdf

[115] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Estatuto Orgánico de Gestión Institucional, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio de Defensa, November 2017), at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2017/11/oct_ESTATUTO-ORGANICO-DE-GESTION-ORGANIZACIONAL_nov2017.pdf

[116] Ministerio del Interior, Doctrina Policial de la Repúbica del Ecuador, (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio del Interior, December 2012), at: https://www.ministeriodegobierno.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2012/12/Doctrina-Policial-de-la-Repu%CC%81blica-del-Ecuador.pdf

[117] Unless stated otherwise, this data was obtained through different public sources collected by contributors to this report and is updated until 2019.

[118] Ministerio del Interior, 2019, op. Cit.

[119] This figure is for Ecuador’s participation in UN Missions. See: Peace Keeping United Nations, “Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020,” at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[120] Ministerio de Defensa, Cartilla de Género: Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador,  (Quito, Ecuador: Ministerio de Defensa, March 2017), at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2017/03/cartilla-genero-2017-marzo.pdf

[121] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, “Fuerzas Armadas Fortalecen sus Filas con Mujeres en la Carrera Militar”, (December 2019), at: https://www.defensa.gob.ec/fuerzas-armadas-fortalecen-sus-filas-con-mujeres-en-la-carrera-militar/

[122] Consejo Nacional para la Igualdad de Género, 2019, op. Cit.

[123] Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos, Ficha Metodológica: Indicador ODS, Porcentaje de Mujeres Oficiales de Policía, (Quito, Ecuador: CEEG, 2019), at: https://www.ecuadorencifras.gob.ec/documentos/web-inec/Sistema_Estadistico_Nacional/Objetivos_Desarrollo_Sostenible_ODS/Objetivo_5/Meta_5.5/Indicador_5.5.2/4_FM_Porcentaje_mujeres_oficiales_policia.pdf

[124] PeaceWomen, “National Action Plan: Guatemala”, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, at https://www.peacewomen.org/action-plan/national-action-plan-guatemala

[125] http://extwprlegs1.fao.org/docs/pdf/gua134317.pdf

[126] Secretaría Presidencial de la Mujer (SEPREM), Política Nacional de Promoción y Desarrollo Integral de las Mujeres y Plan de Equidad de Oportunidades, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: SEPREM, Nov 2009), at  http://www.segeplan.gob.gt/downloads/clearinghouse/politicas_publicas/Derechos%20Humanos/Politica%20Promoci%C3%B3n%20%20y%20desarrollo%20Mujeres%202008-2023.pdf

[127] UN Women, Sepur Zarco case: The Guatemalan women who rose for justice in a war-torn nation (UN Women, October 19, 2019), at: https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2018/10/feature-sepur-zarco-case

[128] UN Women, 2019, op. Cit.

[129] Secretaría Técnica del Consejo Nacional de Seguridad (STCNS), Ley Marco del Sistema de Seguridad Nacional, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: STCNS, February 2018), at https://stcns.gob.gt/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/06_Ley_Marco_SNS_.pdf

[130] Ministerio de Gobernación (MinGob), Pacto por la Seguridad, la Justicia y la Paz, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: MinGob, May 2012) https://www.plazapublica.com.gt/sites/default/files/pacto_por_la_paz_la_seguridad_y_la_justicia.pdf

[131] Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional, Libro de la Defensa Nacional de la República de Guatemala, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: MinDef, 2015), at  https://www.mindef.mil.gt/datos_abiertos/pdf/Libro%20de%20la%20Defensa.pdf

[132] MIMPAZ, National Action Plan for the Implementation of Resolution 1325 of the United Nations Security Council and Related Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: MIMPAZ, 2017), at https://gnwp.org/wp-content/uploads/Guatemala-NAP-2017_DP160100212.pdf

[133] Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional, ACUERDO GUBERNATIVO NÚMERO 130-2016, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: MINDEF, June 2016), at http://www.dgam.gob.gt/ACUERDO%20130-2016.pdf

[134] Dirección General de la Policía Nacional Civil, Modelo Policial de la Seguridad Integral Comunitaria, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: PNC, August 2014), at https://pnc.edu.gt/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Manual-MOPSIC1.pdf

[135] UNFPA Guatemala, Manual Policial Didáctico para Prevención de Casos de Violencia Contra la Mujer para niños, niñas y padres de familia, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala: UNFPA, February 2020), at: https://guatemala.unfpa.org/es/publications/manual-policial-did%C3%A1ctico-para-prevenci%C3%B3n-de-casos-de-violencia-contra-la-mujer-para

[136] This figure is for Guatemala’s participation in UN missions. See: Peace Keeping United Nations, Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020, (Peace Keeping United Nations, 2020) at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[137] Alicia Álvarez, “Un país sin generalas: las mujeres en el Ejército de los hombres,” Plaza Pública (April 23, 2019), at https://www.plazapublica.com.gt/content/un-pais-sin-generalas-las-mujeres-en-el-ejercito-de-los-hombres

[138] Redacción Diario La Hora, “Mujeres fortalecen a la PNC con su capacidad e inteligencia; hay 5 mil 451”, Diario La Hora (August 9, 2017), at https://lahora.gt/mujeres-fortalecen-a-la-pnc-con-su-capacidad-e-inteligencia-hay-5-mil-451/

[139] Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional, Comando Regional de Entrenamiento de

Operaciones de Mantenimiento de Paz (CREOMPAZ), (Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional), at: https://www.mindef.mil.gt/Organizacion/4misiones_paz/2creompaz/creompaz.html

[140] Secretaría Presidencial de la Mujer (SEPREM), Cuarta reunión ordinaria de la Mesa Interinstitucional sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad -Mimpaz, (Guatemala: SEPREM, August 13, 2020), at: https://seprem.gob.gt/cuarta-reunion-ordinaria-de-la-mesa-interinstitucional-sobre-mujeres-paz-y-seguridad-mimpaz/

[141] Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (aka AMLO) assumed the Mexican Presidency on December 1, 2018.

[142] The military is indeed heavily involved in public security. Unlike many other countries in Latin America, Mexico has no territorial disputes, and the AMLO administration considers the threat of external aggression low to non-existent. See also Maureen Meyer, One Year after National Guard’s Creation, Mexico is Far From Demilitarizing Public Security, Commentary (Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, May 26, 2020). See Also Mark Stevenson, “Mexico puts Military in Charge of Customs Operations,” Associated Press (July 18, 2020).

[143] Red Nacional de Organismos Civiles de Derechos Humanos, Impunidad Feminicida, (Ciudad de México, March 2020) at: https://redtdt.org.mx/mujeres/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2020/03/131019-informe-de-mujeres-6.pdf ; National Federal Journal of the Federation, Development Plan 2019-2024, (Mexico City, 2019), at: https://www.dof.gob.mx/nota_detalle.php?codigo=5565599&fecha=12/07/2019 and National Institute for Women, Qué Hacemos, (Ciudad de México 2020) at: https://www.gob.mx/inmujeres/que-hacemos

[144] The only information available was the announcement of the development of a NAP (page 112) in the Second Annual report of the Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection. Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection, Second Annual Report: Security 2019-2020, (Mexico City, 2020), at: https://www.gob.mx/cms/uploads/attachment/file/574793/2019-2020_Segundo_Informe_de_Labores_SSPC__1_.pdf

[145] Secretariat of Foreign Relations, México anuncia la adopción de su Política Exterior Feminista, (Mexico City, January 9, 2020), at https://www.gob.mx/sre/prensa/mexico-anuncia-la-adopcion-de-su-politica-exterior-feminista?state=published#:~:text=La%20Pol%C3%ADtica%20Exterior%20Feminista%20de%20M%C3%A9xico%20est%C3%A1%20fundada%20en%20un,sociedad%20m%C3%A1

[146] Andres Manuel López Obrador, National Peace and Security, (Mexico City, November 2018) Plan, at: https://lopezobrador.org.mx/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/PLAN-DE-PAZ-Y-SEGURIDAD_ANEXO.pdf and Mexican Congress, National Strategy of Public Security, (Mexico City, May 16, 2019), at: https://www.gob.mx/cms/uploads/attachment/file/434517/Estrategia_Seguridad-ilovepdf-compressed-ilovepdf-compressed-ilovepdf-compressed__1_.pdf . Mexican feminists have become increasingly critical of the actions of the AMLO administration, particularly its lack of response to the violence against women. See, for example, Denise Dresser, “Mexican Women Are Furious. AMLO Should Start Listening,” Americas Quarterly (October 6, 2020)

[147] Secretariat of National Defense, National Defense Sector Program, (Mexico City, June 2020), at https://dof.gob.mx/nota_detalle.php?codigo=5595529&fecha=25/06/2020

[148] Navy Secretariat, Navy Sector Program 2020-2024, (Mexico City, 2020), at  https://transparencia.semar.gob.mx/rendicion%20de%20cuentas/Programa-Sectorial-de-Marina-2020-2024.pdf

[149] Data for this report was provided through interviews with personnel at the Secretariat of Defense.

[150] The Army and Air Force are part of the same organization.

[151] Estimated number of women in senior ranks, obtained by adding those reported on 2018 see: Fernanda Nava, “En el Ejército 5 mujeres logran grado de general”, La Razón, (November 5, 2018), at https://www.razon.com.mx/mexico/ejercito-5-mujeres-logran-grado-de-general-sedena-escalafon-militar-mexico/ and Jorge Medellín, “Ascensos en el Ejército Mexicano. Defensa” (November 18, 2020), at: https://www.defensa.com/mexico/ascensos-ejercito-marina-mexico-siete-nuevos-generales-division; SEDENA, “Relación del Personal que asciende en la promoción general del 18 nov.2020”, (México: SEDENA, November 18, 2020), at: https://www.gob.mx/cms/uploads/attachment/file/592807/BOLETIN_DE_ASCENSOS_2020.pdf

[152] This number refers to the number of women in senior ranks accounted up to 2013. See SEMAR, “Entorno de las Mujeres en la Armada de México”, (Mexico City: SEMAR, 2013), at: http://www.semar.gob.mx/redes/igualdad/1.pdf

[153] Most of the deployments of the Mexican armed forces occur inside the Mexican territory as part of the efforts against organized crime.

[154] These figures correspond to Mexico’s participation in UN Missions only. See Peace Keeping United Nations, Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020, at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[155] National Institute for Women (INAMU) Memoria Institucional 2019 (Panama, 2019), at: https://inamu.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/INAMU-Memoria-2019-comprimido.pdf

[156] ONU Mujeres, Gobierno de Panamá y ONU Mujeres firman acuerdo de cooperación (May 11, 2020), at: https://lac.unwomen.org/es/noticias-y-eventos/articulos/2020/05/onu-mujeres-y-gobierno-de-panama-firman-acuerdo-de-cooperacion

[157] Official Gazette Constitución Política de la República (November 15, 2004), at: https://pdba.georgetown.edu/Constitutions/Panama/vigente.pdf

[158] All the mentioned laws and its respective links can be found at the National Institute for Women (INAMU), Normativa. (Panama, 2020), at: https://inamu.gob.pa/normativa/ additional information for the budget can be found here https://inamu.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/PROYECTOS-INVERSIÓN-SEPTIEMBRE.pdf

[159] See page 18-19, Official Gazette, Ley N.54 (Panama: Government of Panama, July 11, 2017), at: https://www.gacetaoficial.gob.pa/pdfTemp/28320/GacetaNo_28320_20170712.pdf

[160] See Ley N°71 Official Gazette, Ley N.71 (Panama: Government of Panama, December 30, 2008), at: https://docs.panama.justia.com/federales/leyes/71-de-2008-dec-30-2008.pdf

[161] See page 62, National Institute for Women (INAMU) Memoria Institucional 2019 (Panama, 2019), at: https://inamu.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/MEMORIA-INAMU-LISTA-PARA-IMPRIMIR.pdf

[162] National Institute for Women, Activity Report 2020 (Panama, 2020) https://inamu.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/POA-2020-SECRETARIA-GENERAL-fusionado.pdf

[163] See Oficina de Equidad de Género y Equiparacion de Oportunidades, Manual of the Gender Equality Office, (Panama, 2019), athttps://www.minseg.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/MANUAL_OEGEO.pdf

[164] See page 46, Office of Institutional Development, Manual de Organización del Ministerio de Seguridad Pública (Panama: Ministry of Public Security, 2015), at: https://www.minseg.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Manual-de-Organizacion-y-Funciones.pdf

[165] See page 2, Ministry of Public Security, Estrategia País De Seguridad Ciudadana, (June, 2015), at: https://www.minseg.gob.pa/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Resumen-Estrategia-Pais-de-Seg-Ciudadana.pdf

[166] Information provided by the human resources office of each institution.

[167] Ministry of Labor and Laboral Development (MITRADEL), Código de Trabajo (December 31, 1971), at: https://www.mitradel.gob.pa/trabajadores/codigo-detrabajo/

[168] MITRADEL, Ejecutivo sancionó ley de Licencia de Paternidad (May 25, 2017), at: https://www.mitradel.gob.pa/ejecutivo-sanciono-ley-licencia-paternidad/

[169]National Assembly, Prupuesta de Ley que Modifica el artículo 178 del Código Penal (Panama, September 10, 2020), athttps://www.laestrella.com.pa/nacional/180216/ley-acoso-sexual-vigencia

[170]Legislative Assembly, Ley Orgánica de la Policía Nacional (Panama, Jun 3, 1997), at: https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CAT/Shared%20Documents/PAN/INT_CAT_ADR_PAN_25554_S.PDF

[171] Ministry of Public Security, Memorias 2019 (Panama, 2019), at: https://www.minseg.gob.pa/descargas/Memoria2019.pdf

[172]Alejandro Marin Leiva, “Violence against women and the COVID-19 pandemic in Panama” (Panama: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, August 12, 2020), at: https://www.kas.de/en/web/panama/event-reports/detail/-/content/violencia-contra-la-mujer-y-la-pandemia-en-panama-1

[173] Gobierno Nacional, Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2030, (Asunción, Paraguay: Gobierno Nacional, December 2014), at: https://www.stp.gov.py/pnd/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/pnd2030.pdf

[174] See: Organization of the United Nations (UN), Sustainable Development Goals, (New York: UN, November 2020), at: https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/gender-equality/

[175] Ibid, p. 42.

[176] Consejo de Defensa Nacional (CODENA), Política Nacional de Defensa 2019-2030, (Asunción, Paraguay: CODENA, 2019), at: http://www.mdn.gov.py/application/files/7415/6415/4362/Politica_de_Defensa_Nacional_2019-2030.pdf

[177] Ministerio del Interior (MDI), Tranversalización del Enfoque de Género en la Estrategia Nacional de Seguridad Ciudadana (ENSC), (Asunción, Paraguay: MDI, February 2014), at: http://www.mdi.gov.py/images/pdf_mdi/informe_enfoque_genero_24feb.pdf

[178] Ministerio de la Mujer (MINMUJER), IV Plan Nacional de Igualdad 2018-2024, (Asunción, Paraguay: MINMUJER, December 2018), at: https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/paraguay_2018-2024_plan_de_igualdad.pdf

[179] Figures excerpted and adaptaded from: Seminario Internacional ”Experiencias exitosas y lecciones aprendidas de la inclusión de la mujer en operaciones militares y acciones de seguridad” with the Directorate of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law – Gender Unit from the MoD in June 2020.

[180] This figure is for Paraguay’s participation in UN missions only. See: Peace Keeping United Nations, Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020 (Peace Keeping United Nations, 2020) at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[181] Ministerio del Interior (MDI), Mujeres policía tienen nuevo “Reglamento de Plan de Carrera” (Asunción, Paraguay: MDI, Novermber 20, 2018), at: http://www.mdi.gov.py/index.php/component/k2/item/10978-mujeres-polic%C3%ADa-tienen-nuevo-%E2%80%9Creglamento-de-plan-de-carrera%E2%80%9D

[182] See Law No. 5508/2015 Art.13 “Promotion, Protection of Maternity and Support for Breastfeeding,” at https://www.bacn.gov.py/leyes-paraguayas/4428/promocion-proteccion-de-la-maternidad-y-apoyo-a-la-lactancia-materna

[183] Ministerio del Interior (MDI), Mujeres policía tienen nuevo “Reglamento de Plan de Carrera” (Asunción, Paraguay: MDI, Novermber 20, 2018), at: http://www.mdi.gov.py/index.php/component/k2/item/10978-mujeres-polic%C3%ADa-tienen-nuevo-%E2%80%9Creglamento-de-plan-de-carrera%E2%80%9D

[184] Secretaría Técnica de Planificación para el Desarrollo Económico y Social (STP), Cuarto Plan Nacional de Gobierno Abierto de Paraguay 2018-2020, (Asunción, Paraguay: STP, August 2018), at: https://observatorioplanificacion.cepal.org/es/planes/cuarto-plan-de-accion-nacional-de-gobierno-abierto-de-paraguay-2018-2020

[185] For further reference see: subsection 2 of article 2 of the Political Constitution of Peru that establishes the right of every person to equality before the law, providing that no one should be discriminated against on the basis of origin, race, sex, language, religion, opinion, economic condition or of any other nature; see also Law 26628.

[186] Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables (MIMP), Plan Nacional para la Equidad de Género 2012-2017, (Lima, Perú: MIMP, 2012), at: https://www.mimp.gob.pe/files/direcciones/dgignd/banner/planig_2012_2017.pdf

[187] See: Congreso de la República, Políticas de Estado del Acuerdo Nacional, (Lima, Perú: Congreso, 2020), at http://www.congreso.gob.pe/DIDP/objetivos_acuerdo_nacional/#:~:text=El%20Acuerdo%20Nacional%20es%20el,y%20afirmar%20su%20gobernabilidad%20democr%C3%A1tica.

[188] Gobierno del Perú, Informe de los Avances en el Cumplimiento de la Ley Nº 28983 de Igualdad de Oportunidades entre Mujeres y Hombres, (Lima, Perú: CDN, 2007), at: https://cdn.www.gob.pe/uploads/document/file/199106/2007-Informe_LIO.pdf

[189] See Law 29131 and legislative Decree N ° 1145 Law, both related to the disciplinary regime of the Armed Forces. Also see Legislative Decree that establishes rules of employment and use of force by the Armed Forces in the national territory: El Peruano, Reglamento del Decreto Legislativo N° 1095, Decreto Legislativo que establece reglas de empleo y uso de la fuerza por parte de las Fuerzas Armadas en el territorio nacional, (Lima, Perú: El Peruano, March 2020), at https://busquedas.elperuano.pe/normaslegales/reglamento-del-decreto-legislativo-n-1095-decreto-legisla-decreto-supremo-n-003-2020-de-1864943-1/

[190] Redacción Andina Agencia Peruana de Noticias, “Ministerio de Defensa crea Comité para la Igualdad de Género”, Andina, (August 23rd 2017), at: https://andina.pe/agencia/noticia-ministerio-defensa-crea-comite-para-igualdad-genero-679585.aspx#:~:text=El%20Ministerio%20de%20Defensa%20(Mindef,las%20pol%C3%ADticas%20y%20gesti%C3%B3n%20institucional.&text=La%20norma%20lleva%20la%20r%C3%BAbrica%20del%20ministro%20de%20Defensa%2C%20Jorge%20Nieto

[191] Ministerio del Interior (MININTER), Plan Estratégico Nacional 2020-2024, (Lima, Perú: MININTER, June 27th 2020), at: https://cdn.www.gob.pe/uploads/document/file/925453/550-2020-IN__Aprobar_el_Plan_Estrat%C3%A9gico_Institucional_PEI_2020_-_2024_del_Ministerio_del_Interior_.pdf

[192] 27

[193] Redacción Andina Agencia Peruana de Noticias, “Mininter presenta a comisionado de la lucha contra la violencia hacia la mujer,” Andina (December 20, 2018), at: https://andina.pe/agencia/noticia-mininter-presenta-a-comisionado-de-lucha-contra-violencia-hacia-mujer-736703.aspx

[194] Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops (2020), at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[195] See: Congreso de la República, Ley Nº 26628 de acceso de las mujeres a las escuelas de oficiales y suboficiales de las Fuerzas Armadas, (Lima, Perú: Congreso de la República, June 19th, 1996), at: https://docs.peru.justia.com/federales/leyes/26628-jun-19-1996.pdf

[196] Redacción Andina Agencia Peruana de Noticias, “Policía: más de 25,000 mujeres trabajan con valor y arrojo en el Perú”, Andina (March 7, 2018), at: https://andina.pe/agencia/noticia-policia-mas-25000-mujeres-trabajan-valor-y-arrojo-el-peru-702343.aspx

[197] Redacción Actualidad Laboral, “Se publica ley que regula el uso de descanso pre y postnatal del personal femenino de las Fuerzas Armadas y Policía Nacional del Perú”, Actualidad Laboral (October 10, 2019), at: https://actualidadlaboral.com/se-publica-ley-que-regula-el-uso-de-descanso-pre-y-postnatal-del-personal-femenino-de-las-fuerzas-armadas-y-policia-nacional-del-peru/#:~:text=El%20d%C3%ADa%20de%20hoy%2C%2010,y%20Polic%C3%ADa%20Nacional%20del%20Per%C3%BA

[198] Ministerio de Defensa (MINDEF), Reglamento de Uniformes del Ejército, (Lima, Perú:MINDEF, 2004), at: https://es.scribd.com/doc/131125940/RE-670-10-Reglamento-de-Uniformes

[199] See Laws of Trinidad and Tobago, Trinidad and Tobago Constitution (Trinidad and Tobago) at: http://laws.gov.tt/pdf/Constitution.pdf

[200] See Gender and Child Affairs, Office of Gender and Child Affairs, (Trinidad and Tobago: Office of the Prime Minister,  2020) at: http://opm-gca.gov.tt/Gender/WhatWeDoatGender

[201]See Gender and Child Affairs, National Policy on Gender and Development, (Trinidad and Tobago: Office of the Prime Minister 2020) at: http://www.opm-gca.gov.tt/Gender/Gender-Initiatives/NationalGenderPolicy

[202] See the Section II of Constitution of Uruguay. Government of Uruguay, Constitución de la República, (1967), at: https://www.impo.com.uy/bases/constitucion/1967-1967/8

[203]https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CCPR/Shared%20Documents/URY/INT_CCPR_ADR_URY_14906_S.pdf

[204] See relevant foreign policy related documents: Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Plan Estratégico 2015-2020: Bases para la Política Exterior de Uruguay, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores), at: https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-relaciones-exteriores/sites/ministerio-relaciones-exteriores/files/2018-10/bases%2Bpara%2Bla%2Bpolitica%2Bexterior%2Bdel%2Buruguay.pdf; Instituto Nacional de las Mujeres (InMujeres), Informe de Uruguay sobre la implementación de la Declaración y Plataforma de Acción de Beijing, (Montevideo, Uruguay: InMujeres), at: https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/13220Uruguay_review_Beijing20.pdf

[205] Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, “Comunicado de Prensa No. 63/20: Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad: Diálogo Intergeneracional de Alto Nivel para celebrar aniversario de la Resolución 1325 (2000)”, (July 15, 2020), at : https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-relaciones-exteriores/comunicacion/noticias/mujeres-paz-seguridad-dialogo-intergeneracional-alto-nivel-para-celebrar

[206] Ministerio de Desarrollo Social, Estrategia Nacional para la Igualdad de Género 2030, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, 2017), at: www.gub.uy/ministerio-desarrollo-social/sites/ministerio-desarrollo-social/files/2019-08/estrategia-nacional-para-la-igualdad-de-genero_web.pdf;

[207] Instituto Nacional de Impresiones y Publicaciones Digitales (IMPO), Ley N° 18650, Ley Marco de Defensa Nacional, (Montevideo: IMPO, 2010) at: https://www.impo.com.uy/bases/leyes/18650-2010/16; also from IMPO see Decreto N° 129/016 (Montevideo: IMPO, 2016), at:

https://www.impo.com.uy/bases/decretos-originales/129-2016/2; Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Plan Estratégico del Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Ministerio de Defensa) at: https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-defensa-nacional/institucional/plan-estrategico/plan-estrategico

[208] In its art. 8, the 18.650 law, defines the integration of the National Council of Gender: The National Council is created within the orbit of the Ministry of Social Development Coordinator of Public Policies for Gender Equality, chaired by a representative of the National Institute of Women, which will also be composed of a representative of each Ministry designated by the respective Minister. See: Ministerio de Desarrollo Social, Consejo Nacional de Género, Documento Base de Trabajo 2015-2020, (Montevideo, Uruguay: InMujeres, 2015), at: https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-desarrollo-social/sites/ministerio-desarrollo-social/files/2020-08/documento-base-cng-2015-2020.pdf

[209] Ministerio del Interior, Guía de Procedimiento Policial, Actuaciones en Violencia Doméstica y de Género, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Minterior, July 2011), at: https://www.minterior.gub.uy/genero/images/stories/guia_de_procedimiento_policial.pdf

[210] See Uruguay’s participation in UN Missions. Peace Keeping United Nations, Summary of Troops Contributing Countries by Ranking Police, UN Military Experts on Mission, Staff Officers and Troops 2020), at: https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/2_country_ranking_13.pdf

[211] Diálogo, “Uruguay women make great strides in military”, Diálogo Revista Militar Digital (October 8, 2013), at https://dialogo-americas.com/es/articles/uruguay-women-make-great-strides-in-military/

[212] National Peace Operations Training Institute of Paraguay, Courses (Uruguay, 2020), at: http://www.enopu.edu.uy/en/educacion/cursos/

[213] Presidencia de Uruguay, El presidente Tabaré Vázquez enumeró medidas para combatir abuso sexual en misiones de paz, (September 18, 2017), at: https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/vazquez-naciones+unidas-explotacion-sexual-onu

[214] Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Naciones Unidas distingue a Uruguay como Referente en Políticas de Protección a la Niñez en Misiones de Paz, (June 23, 2020), at: https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-defensa-nacional/comunicacion/noticias/naciones-unidas-distingue-uruguay-referente-politicas-proteccion-ninez

[215] Ministerio del Interior, Protocolo de actuación ante situaciones de acoso sexual en funcionarios y personal, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Minterior and UNFPA, December 2012), at https://www.minterior.gub.uy/genero/images/stories/protocolo_acoso_sexual.pdf. For the military, see: Ministerio de Defensa, Gobierno aprobó protocolo de actuación ante situaciones de acoso sexual en el Ministerio de Defensa, (February 14, 2020), at https://presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/decreto-prevencion-acoso-sexual-ministerio-defensa

[216] Redacción El Observador, “General sancionado por violencia doméstica aceptó el pase a retiro ofrecido por el Ejército”, El Observador (October 13, 2020), at: https://www.elobservador.com.uy/nota/general-sancionado-acepto-el-pase-a-retiro-ofrecido-por-el-ejercito-20201013115448

[217] Presidencia de Uruguay, 4to Plan de Acción Nacional de Gobierno Abierto 2018-2020, (Montevideo, Uruguay: Presidencia, November 2018), at: www.gub.uy/agencia-gobierno-electronico-sociedad-informacion-conocimiento/sites/agencia-gobierno-electronico-sociedad-informacion-conocimiento/files/2019-02/4to_plan_accion_gobierno_abierto_vf_26_11_2018_0.pdf

By Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, Kayla McGill and Zi Xue

UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) called for greater participation of women in peace and security decision-making processes and underscored the importance of incorporating a gender perspective when addressing international peace and security challenges. In November 2017, the US Congress adopted the Women, Peace and Security Act, which posited that “the United States should be a global leader in promoting the meaningful participation of women in conflict prevention, management and resolution, and post-conflict relief and recovery efforts.”1 While much progress has been made since 2000, the roles and numbers of women in foreign policy and security establishments remain underdeveloped, including in the United States. 

In 2018, Women In International Security (WIIS)—as part  of an effort to measure the gender disparities in the US foreign policy and security communities—surveyed 22 US foreign policy and international security think tanks.2 This scorecard provides an update to that survey. This scorecard also spotlights the nuclear security community—both as a subset  of the foreign policy and security community and as its  own community.3

Foreign policy and international security experts in the United States have taken renewed interest in issues related to greatpower competition, including nuclear security, arms control and disarmament issues. In addition, at both international and national levels, policymakers and non-governmental actors have recognized the lack of women in nuclear security, arms control and disarmament issues. For example,  the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution in 2010 that urged UN member states to promote the equitable representation of women in the field of disarmament and to strengthen women’s effective participation.4 In 2018, the UN Secretary-General’s agenda for disarmament called for the full and equal participation of women in all decision-making processes related to disarmament and international security. The UN Secretary General also committed to gender parity on all panels, boards, expert groups and other bodies established under his auspices in the field of disarmament.5 These efforts are all part of the national and international commitments made under the  WPS agenda.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have also undertaken a range of initiatives to raise awareness about the lack of women in the nuclear security, arms control and disarmament communities. For example, Article 36 (a UKbased NGO created in 2011) and the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) have tracked women’s scant representation in multilateral disarmament fora.6 In November 2018, Laura Holgate, the former US ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), launched the Gender Champions in Nuclear Policy (GCNP) initiative  to address gender imbalances in the field.7 As of July 2020, heads of 58 US and non-US organizations had committed to “breaking down barriers and making gender equity a working reality in their spheres of influence.”8 The International Gender Champions Disarmament Impact Group published a Gender and Disarmament Resource Pack in 2018 outlining what a gender perspective in arms control, nonproliferation and disarmament might look like.9 In 2019, New America examined the role of women in nuclear policy, including

how women navigated the nuclear security field and how gender diversity (or rather the lack thereof) affected US policymaking.10 The Ploughshares Fund committed $1 million to a Women’s Initiative Campaign in April 2019 to create greater gender diversity within the nuclear establishment.11

There is thus progress in the advancement of the role of women in nuclear security. That said, there is very little data with respect to the representation of women in the nuclear security arena.

This WIIS Gender Scorecard seeks to fill this void.

To assess how well women are integrated into this community, we examined the number of women experts working on nuclear security issues in US think tanks. We also examined the number of women writing on arms control and nuclear security issues and being published in academic and specialized journals. Think tanks and journals play an important role in shaping foreign and defense policies, including nuclear security policies. Indeed, in the United States members of think tanks frequently move in and out of many critical positions in government. Together with their colleagues in academia, they also participate in policy debates in the media and in writing for specialized academic journals.

In sum, this scorecard does three main things:

  • Scoring the Tanks. We assess the gender distribution in 32 think tanks in the United States—22 foreign policy and international security think tanks and 10 think tanks and programs that are more specifically focused on arms control and nuclear security policy. We also examine the extent to which gender has been integrated into programming.12
Table 1: Washington, DC Think Tanks with Women at the Helm 
Center for American Progress (CAP)Ms. Neera Tanden, President and CEO2011
German Marshall Fund (GMF)Dr. Karen Donfried, President2014
Heritage FoundationMs. Kay Coles James, President2017
New AmericaDr. Anne-Marie Slaugther, CEO2013
Wilson Center for International ScholarsMs. Jane Harman, President and CEO2011
Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms ControlMs. Valerie Lincy, Executive Director2012
  • Scoring the Journals. We review the gender distribution in 11 major international security journals and five major arms control and nuclear security journals. In addition, we examine to what extent gender perspectives are represented in the journals.
  • Bringing into Focus the Nuclear Security Community. We examine the gender distribution of nuclear security experts in 32 think tanks. In addition, we consider the gender distribution of articles on arms control and nuclear security issues in 11 major international security journals and  5 major arms control and nuclear security journals. We also examine to what extent gender perspectives are represented in arms control and nuclear security articles.

The Headlines

Despite some progress, the national and international security field, including the nuclear security field, remains a maledominated field.

  • The percentage of women leading think tanks has declined, from 32 percent in 2018 to 19 percent in 2020. 

(See Table 1)

  • The percentage of women on think tank governing boards has increased slightly, from 22 percent in 2018 to 

25 percent in 2020. (See Figure 1)

  • The percentage of women experts working on foreign policy, national and international security issues has increased, from 27 percent in 2018 to 35 percent in 2020.13

(See Figure 2)

The nuclear security community is small. The majority of arms control and nuclear experts work in specialized think tanks and publish in specialized journals.

  • Of the foreign policy and international security think tanks surveyed, only 10 percent of experts (3 percent women and 7 percent men) focus entirely or in part on nuclear issues.14

(See Figure 3)

  • There are 162 nuclear experts working in the specialized arms control and nuclear security think tanks and programs—49 (30 percent) are women.15

Despite renewed interest in nuclear security issues, the percentage of articles devoted to these issues remains small, and few have women authors.

  • In the international security journals only 9 percent of articles published between 2015 and 2019 were devoted to nuclear security. Only 15 percent of those articles were written by women. (See Figure 6.)
  • In the arms control and nuclear security journals, women wrote 17 percent of the articles on nuclear security issues.

Gender perspectives remain largely ignored in the national and international security, including the nuclear security, community.

  • Only one out of 32 think tanks has integrated gender into its programming.
  • In the academic and specialized literature, most articles with a “gender” perspective focused on women in the field—very few articles examined how gender (and notions of masculinity and femininity) shapes thinking about national and international security, including about  nuclear security.16

This scorecard shows that women in the international security field, including in the nuclear security field, remain severely underrepresented. The percentage of women experts and women authors remain well below the 60 percent of women enrolled for over a decade in graduate programs (master’s and doctoral programs) in the social and behavioral science (including political science and international relations); the over 55 percent of women students in the professional schools of international affairs; the 43 percent of women members of the International Studies Association (ISA); and the 38 percent of women members of the ISA’s  International Security Studies Section (ISSS).17

While this scorecard does not incorporate any qualitative interviews in the community, there have been a number of studies that examine how women experience the international security and nuclear security field. A 2019 survey of the members of the International Security Studies Section (ISSS) of the International Studies Association (ISA) showed considerable problems within the international security community, of which the nuclear security community is a subset. The survey showed that women were more likely to report hostility and exclusion and to describe the section as “insular,” “clubby” and an “old boys’ network.”18 In her 2019 study of women in the nuclear arms control and nonproliferation field, Heather Hurlburt talked about the “gender tax” that women in nuclear policy face. She shows “how experiences of sexism, harassment, and gendered expectations translate into constant mental and emotional weight.”19 A 2019 report about the nuclear security field, even though not focused on gender, showed that early and midcareer women professionals found the field rife with

The lack of gender diversity (including ethnic and racial diversity) and the small number of women experts have serious implications not only for the field itself, but also  for policy.21

One such implication is that a small group of mostly likeminded people monopolizes influence and shapes policies. The fact that the nuclear security field seems to live very much in its own bubble or ecosystem of think tanks and journals reinforces its insular nature. Only 10 percent of experts  (7 percent men and 3 percent women) in the think tanks focus on nuclear security issues. Most of the knowledge production and action on nuclear security happens in the specialized institutes and journals. Carol Cohn has written about how language, particularly in the nuclear sphere, kept women and different perspectives out.22 Michèle Flournoy has talked about how women had to fit into a “consensual straitjacket” in the nuclear policy sphere.23 Many early and midcareer professionals in this community defined the field as “old (in terms of both age and ideas) and static.” 24  “Most of the people who work in this field have been doing the same thing for  30 years, and their thinking has not evolved at all, especially in arms control. It’s the dogma. This community … hasn’t evolved with changes in the security environment.”25

Scoring the Tanks

The scorecard reviews think tanks along five main axes:

  • Gender distribution of those who lead think tanks;
  • Gender distribution of governing boards of the think tanks;
  • Gender distribution of experts in the tanks’ foreign policy and international security programs;
  • Gender distribution of experts focusing on nuclear security issues;
  • Level of commitment to gender and/or women’s programming.

Heads of Think Tanks

Of the 32 think tanks surveyed, women lead only six  (19 percent). (See Table 1)

Of the 22 foreign policy and international security think tanks, women lead only five (23 percent): The Center for American Progress (CAP), the German Marshall Fund (GMF), the

Heritage Foundation, New America, and the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars. Compared with 2018, this is a decrease.26

Of the 10 arms control and nuclear security think tanks and programs, a woman heads one: the Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control.

sexism and gender discrimination.20

Figure 1: Gender Ratio – Think Tank Governing Boards                    Governing Boards

2018 and 2020  

The gender gap remains stark at the level of the governing 2018   boards. The James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies

• MENWOMEN            is the only institution that has achieved parity on its governing board. It is followed by the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS),

which has 44 percent women on its governing board.

On average, the percentage of women members of the board  of directors or trustees is 25 percent, compared with 23 percent in 2018. (See Figure 1) The specialized arms control and

nuclear institutes do a little better, with 31 percent of women

                                     2020                                                                on their boards.

• MEN

                                 • WOMEN                                                    Experts

Compared with 2018, the overall gender balance in the think tanks has improved, from 27 percent of women experts in  2018 to 35 percent in 2020. (See Figure 2)27 That said, very few think tanks have achieved parity. There is also great variation among the think tanks. (See Table 2 and Figure 4. See also the

Appendix)

Figure 2: Gender Ratio – Foreign Policy and National and International Security Experts in Think Tanks 2018 and 2020  Nuclear Experts

2018

                           ••  MENWOMEN                                     Of the 20 foreign policy and international security think tanks 28

surveyed, only 10 percent of experts (3 percent women and 

7 percent men) focus entirely or in part on nuclear issues. (See Figure 3)

The gender distribution within this group of nuclear experts is slightly lower than the overall gender balance of these institutes. Of the 185 nuclear experts, 55 (30 percent) are

2020      women and 130 (70 percent) are men. (See Figure 5)  MENWOMEN         That said, many arms control and nuclear experts work in

specialized think tanks. We surveyed 10 major think tanks and programs that focus exclusively on arms control and nuclear security issues. Together they comprise 175 experts—162 of which focus on nuclear security issues as defined in this scorecard.29 The percentage of women experts working on nuclear security issues in these 10 think tanks  and programs is 30 percent.

Figure 3: Percentage and Gender Ratio of Nuclear Experts 

in Think Tanks                                                                                                  There is, of course, great variation among the think tanks.

Out of the 10 think tanks, only one has achieved parity—the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI). (See Table 3 and Figure 5. 

See also the Appendix)

•••   MEN NUCLEAR EXPERTS

WOMEN NUCLEAR EXPERTS

NON-NUCLEAR EXPERTS

Table 2: Percentage of Women Experts in Foreign Policy and International Security Think Tanks 
RankThink Tank% of Women 
1Aspen Institute50%
2US Institute of Peace (USIP)49%
3Third Way47%
RAND Corporation42%
Stimson Center
6New America41%
7Institute for Policy Studies (IPS)36%
8  Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)31%
Atlantic Council
10  The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars30%
Center for a New American Security (CNAS)
12Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)27%
  13  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP)26%
American Enterprise Institute (AEI)
Brookings Institution
16Heritage Foundation22%
17Center for American Progress (CAP)19%
18Cato Institute11%
19Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA)10%
20Lexington Institute0%
Table 3: Percentage of Women Experts in Arms Control and Nuclear Security Think Tanks 
RankThink Tank% of Women 
1Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI)55%
 2Arms Control Association 43%
Global Zero
4Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control40%
5James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies38%
6Physicians for Social Responsibility33%
7Pugwash Council28%
 8Managing the Atom Project, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs,  Harvard Kennedy School27%
9Federation of American Scientists17%
10Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation11%

Substantive Focus

We also examined the substantive focus of those working on nuclear security issues to explore whether gender has an impact on the types of issues people study.30 Our survey found that the majority of nuclear experts focus on issues related to deterrence, followed by arms control. From their bios, we found no notable differences in terms of substantive focus between men and women.

Gender and Women’s Programming

Programming on gender within the institutes has seen little change since 2018.31 Most DC think tanks do not consider the role of gender in national and international security. For many in the traditional security think tank community— men and women—gender is often equated with women or a “woman’s point of view.” This lack of understanding of gender as a multilevel social construct that governs relations between men and women within societal structures and institutions is widespread within the DC foreign policy and security, including in the nuclear security, think tank community.

Figure 4: Gender Ratio – Foreign Policy and International Security Experts in all Think Tanks                                        Measure Names

Figure 5: Gender Ratio – Nuclear Security Experts in all Think Tanks

Measure Names

Of the think tanks surveyed only one—the US Institute of Peace (USIP)—has recognized gender as an important component of its programming. Since 2016, USIP has had a director for gender policy and strategy that oversees and advises all programs on gender. The director sits in the Policy, Learning and Strategy Center, which reports directly to USIP’s president. In addition, USIP functions as the Secretariat for the US Civil Society Working Group on Women, Peace and Security (WPS).32

Other think tanks have notable gender or women programs:

The Center for New America Security (CNAS) has a Women in National Security program.

The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has a Smart Women, Smart Power Program and a Women’s Global Leadership Program.

The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) has a Women and Foreign Policy Program and a Women and Foreign Policy Program Advisory Council.

The German Marshall Fund (GMF) since 2017 has organized an annual Women of Color in Transatlantic Leadership Forum. In June 2020, it surveyed the gender balance of European thinks tanks.33

New America has a Gender and Security program housed in its Political Reform Program.

The RAND Corporation has a web page called “RAND Women to Watch,” on which it addresses “Gender Equity in the Workplace” and “Gender Integration in the Military,” including issues related to women and transgender military personnel. In its work on female populations, RAND addresses issues faced by women and girls, including women refugees, migrants and gender-based and intimate partner violence.

In 2020, the Woodrow Wilson Center appointed a gender advisor. In addition, the center has a Middle East Women’s initiative, a Maternal Health Initiative and a Global Women’s Leadership initiative.

The other think tanks have occasional events and publications on gender and security and the WPS agenda. They may  also have one or two individuals working on gender and security issues.34

The Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) houses the Gender Champions in Nuclear Policy initiative. All the heads of  the 10 specialized arms control and nuclear security think tanks have signed on as Gender Champions. The heads of  the Carnegie Endowment, Third Way and the Stimson

Center have also signed onto the Gender Champion in

Nuclear Policy Pledge.35

Scoring the Journals

The influence of women in the national and international security field, including in the nuclear security field, can also be measured by how well they are represented in academic and professional journals.36

We examined articles in 11 major peer reviewed international security journals, as well as articles in 5 major journals exclusively focused on arms control and nuclear security  issues.

Women wrote 23 percent of the articles in the international security journals versus 64 percent written by men and  13 percent written by mixed gender teams.

That said, there is great variation amongst the journals. Critical Studies on Security is close to parity, with 45 percent of articles written by women versus 48 percent of articles written by men and 8 percent of articles written by mixed gender teams. Security Dialogue has 42 percent of articles written by women versus 47 percent written by men and 11 percent written by mixed gender teams. The Journal of Conflict Resolution is an outlier in the sense that it has the highest percentage of articles written by mixed gender teams—namely, 30 percent versus a 13 percent average. The Journal of Strategic Studies and Survival have the least amount of articles written by women. (See Table 4 and the Appendix.)

Articles on Arms Control and 

Nuclear Security Issues

Our survey found that the majority of articles on nuclear security are published in specialized journals.37  In the  11 international security studies journals surveyed, the percentage of articles that focused on nuclear security issues was only 9 percent. (See Figure 6 and Table 4. See also the Appendix) Of those articles, 15 percent were written by women.38 When we broaden our category and include other weapon and arms control issues, the percentage of articles rises to 16 percent, of which women wrote less than a quarter (21 percent).39 

In the arms control–specific journals, the percentage of articles on nuclear security issues written by women was even lower—17 percent.40 If we broaden our category and include other weapon and arms control issues, the percentage

increased slightly, to 19 percent.41 (See Table 5 and the

Appendix)

That said, there is quite a bit of variation amongst the  arms control journals. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists scores above the average, with 22 percent of articles written  by women. At the other end, the Journal for Peace and  Nuclear Disarmament had only 11 percent of articles written by women.

Our analysis also confirms earlier studies that found that women coauthor less than men, and when they do coauthor, they are more likely to coauthor with men than with other women.42

Figure 6: Percentage of Nuclear Security Articles in International

Security Journals – 2015-2019 

Gender Perspectives

Of the 3,068 articles surveyed in the 16 journals, we found a mere 91 articles (3 percent) with a gender perspective. This number dropped to 2 percent when we considered only articles that focus on arms control and nuclear issues.

Table 4: Percentage of Articles written by Women in International Security Journals – January 2014-December 2019
Rank  Journal  % of Articles  by Women  
1Critical Studies on Security45%
2Security Dialogue42%
3Cooperation and Conflict30%
4European Journal of International Security27%
5Journal of Global Security Studies26%
6International Security23%
7Security Studies22%
8Contemporary Security Policy16%
9Journal of Conflict Resolution15%
10Survival14%
11Journal of Strategic Studies11%

The majority (71 percent) of the gender articles were penned by women. In the general security studies journals, women wrote 73 percent of those articles. In the arms control and nuclear security journals, they wrote 65 percent of genderfocused articles.

However, most of the articles with a gender perspective focused on the gender balance within the international security and arms control community and how to increase the number of women in the field. Very few examined how gender (and notions of masculinity and femininity) affects thinking about international security, including nuclear security issues.

Lastly, we examined whether men and women wrote about the same topics in the nuclear and arms control field. While we did not see a marked difference in our think tank analysis between the topics men and women studied, in the journals we did see some differences. Women were more likely to write about drones and unmanned aerial vehicles, chemical and biological weapons and nuclear energy and climate. Men were more likely to write about outer space, proliferation (including nonproliferation) and nuclear deterrence issues.

Concluding Thoughts

The nuclear security community is a subset of the national  and international security community.  Both communities  are deeply entrenched male-dominated communities, in  which “old-boy networks” continue to thrive. While we have seen the number of women experts in the think tanks increase from 27 percent to 35 percent, no progress was made in terms of governing boards, and the number of women heading  think tanks has regressed. Both communities continue to struggle with the integration of women. It is also striking that while it is recognized by many in the international security, including the nuclear security, community that new approaches and new thinking are necessary, gender as a lens through which to analyze international, including nuclear, security challenges is not on think tank agendas. Too little thought is given in either the think tanks or the journals to how gender and notions of masculinity and femininity influence understanding of international and national  security challenges, including challenges related to nuclear security policies.

  Table 5: Percentage of Articles written by Women in Arms Control Journals – January 2014-December 2019 Rank Journal % of Women  1 Bulletin of Atomic Scientists 22% 2 International Journal of Nuclear Studies 20% 3 Arms Control Today 19% 4 Nonproliferation Review 17% 5 Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament 11%

While patriarchal structures are difficult to take down, in recent years we have seen some progress in the amount of efforts to break down these structures.

First, the number of women interested in international security issues is increasing. Their enrollment in international affairs schools continues to surpass that of men. Second, a number of people and organizations, including funding organizations, have realized that the changed strategic landscape requires new approaches and new people. This need is apparent for the international security community and particularly for the small, somewhat atrophied nuclear security community. The Nsquare initiative, the Gender Champions in Nuclear Policy, and the Ploughshares Fund’s women initiative are explicitly geared toward creating a more diverse and open community. These efforts have also been supported by major funders of this community such as Carnegie Corporation New York and the MacArthur Foundation. Third, after the killing of George Floyd in the summer of 2020, organizations including foreign policy and international security think tanks expressed renewed commitment to building a more diverse workforce. Many think tanks in the international security and nuclear security have signed on to the Organizations in Solidarity initiative of WCAPS.43

It is important to hold organizations accountable and to make sure that progress is measured not just in declaratory statements but also in actions. This scorecard provides numerical baselines.

Our analysis of the journals, even though it encompasses a broader group of experts, reinforces conclusions from the think tank analysis. Women authors remain grossly underrepresented. Journals, like think tanks, suffer from gender gaps.

Many of our 2018 recommendations still hold. Four stand out:

  • Thinks tanks should periodically carry out a gender analysis of their institutions. An inward gender analysis should be intersectional and must include collection and analysis of data related to gender, race, ethnic background, sexual orientation, age and disability. It must focus on knowledge production as well as recruitment, retention and promotion processes. It must also examine policies and practices related to issues such as remuneration, remote work, family leave and sexual harassment. Finally, the think tanks should make deliberate efforts to diversify their governing boards.
  • Think tanks should carry out an analysis of their partnerships and knowledge dissemination. Such an outward gender analysis should focus on whom they partner with and how content is disseminated. Among the questions one should ask: What type of publications are produced, what type of events are organized, who participates and attends these events, who is tapped for media appearances?
  • Think tanks should consider appointing a gender advisor and locate these advisors not in the human resource office but in the front offices with direct access to the leadership.
  • Journals continue to have gender gaps. One is expressed in terms of women authors published in the journals; the other is represented in the lack of gender perspectives. Editors and editorial boards should resort to periodic gender audits of their journals. Such audits would include issues related to the gender balances and substantive background of editorial staff, editorial boards and outside reviewers. It should also include an analysis of the readership—many of whom are also potential authors.

References

  1. US Congress, Women, Peace and Security Act of 2017, Public Law No. 115-68 (10/06/2017). In accordance with the law, the White House published its WPS Strategy in June 2019. See White House, United States Strategy on Women, Peace, and Security (Washington, DC: White House, June 2019).
  2. See Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Soraya Kamali-Nafar, The WIIS Gender Scorecard: Washington, DC Think Tanks – 2018, WIIS Policy Brief (Washington, DC: WIIS, September 2018-1).
  3. This scorecard was supported by a grant from the Ploughshares Fund.
  4. See UN General Assembly A/Res/65/69 (2010). See also UN General

Assembly resolutions A/Res/67/48 (2012); A/Res/68/33 (2013); A/ Res/69/61 (2014); and A/Res/71/56 (2016). In addition, the Genevabased Conference on Disarmament held its first informal meeting  on gender and disarmament in August 2015. In May 2016, it held a second informal plenary on Women and Disarmament, in which delegations restated their support to increase the role of women in the disarmament field.

  • See UN Secretary-General, Securing Our Common Future: An Agenda for Disarmament (New York: United Nations, October 2018).
  • See Renata Hessmann Dalaqua, Kjolv Egeland and Torbjorn Graff Hugo, Still Behind the Curve: Gender Balance in Arms Control, NonProliferation and Disarmament Diplomacy (Geneva: UNIDIR, 2019).
  • See GCNP website at gcnuclearpolicy.org. See also Pamela Hamamoto and Laura Holgate, “Gender Champions,” in Tom Z. Collina and Cara Marie Wagner, eds., A New Vision: Gender, Justice, National Security (Washington, DC: Ploughshares Fund, April 2019), pp. 40-45.
  • See GCNP website and GCNP, Gender Champions in Nuclear Policy, Impact Report 2019 (Washington, DC: NTI, May 2020), p. 2.
  • International Gender Champions Disarmament, Gender and Disarmament Resource Pack (Geneva: UNIDIR, 2018 and updated in January 2020).
  • See Heather Hurlburt et al., The Consensual Straitjacket: Four Decades of Women in Nuclear Security (Washington, DC: New America, March 2019).
  • SeeTom Z. Colinna and Cara Marie Wagner, eds., A New Vision: Gender, Justice, National Security (Washington, DC: Ploughshares Fund, April 2019).
  • While gender is generally defined and discussed as meaning more than just whether one is a man or a woman, this scorecard takes the binary approach. We identified experts and authors as either women or men by examining their bios, photographs and use of pronouns.
  • This scorecard tallies national and international security experts, including foreign policy and international affairs experts. Definitions of national and international security differ from institution to institution, some use an expanded definition of security, including human security, others have a narrow definition of security. For more on who is included within each of the think tanks see the methodology section on p.15.
  • This corresponds to 185 experts (55 women and 130 men) out of a total of 1,931 experts.
  • These institutes employ a total of 175 experts, but only 162 (113 men and 49 women) work on nuclear security issues.
  • For more on gender and security, see Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, eds., The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020).
  • See Hironao Okahana and Enyu Zhou, Graduate Enrollment and Degrees: 2006-2016 (Washington, DC: Council of Graduate Schools,

2017); website of the Association of Professional Schools of International Affairs (APSIA); and the website of the International Studies  Association (ISA).

  1. Maria Rost Rublee et al., “Do You Feel Welcome? Gendered Experiences in International Security Studies,” Journal of Global Security Studies, Vol. 5, No. 1 (2020), pp. 216-226.
  2. Hurlburt et al., Consensual Straitjacket, pp. 6 and 18-28.
  3. See Nsquare, Greater Than: Nuclear Threat Professionals Reimagine Their Field (Washington, DC: NSquare, December 2019). See also Bonnie Jenkins, “Diversity Makes Better Policy,” in Tom Z. Collina and Cara Marie Wagner, eds., A New Vision: Gender, Justice, National Security (Washington, DC: Ploughshares Fund, April 2019), pp. 34-39.
  4. This scorecard focuses on gender. That said, the lack of gender diversity often goes hand in hand with discrimination on other  identity markers, such as race, ethnic background, sexual orientation and age. After the killing of George Floyd in summer 2020, Women  of Color Advancing Peace, Security and Conflict Transformation (WCAPS) launched the Organizations in Solidarity project to root out institutional racism. Many organizations and think tanks, including in the nuclear security arena, (and those surveyed in this scorecard)  signed on to the project.
  5. Carol Cohn, “Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense

Intellectuals,” Signs, Vol. 12, No. 4 (1987), pp. 687-718; Carol Cohn and

Sara Ruddick, “ A Feminist Ethical Perspective on Weapons of Mass Destruction,” in Steven Lee and Sohail Hashmi, eds., Ethics and Weapons of Mass Destruction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 405-435; Carol Cohn, “The Perils of Mixing Masculinity and Missiles,” The New York Times (January 5, 2018).

  • Cited in Hurlburt et al., Consensual Straitjacket.
  • See Nsquare, Greater Than, p. 14.
  • Ibid., p. 15. See also note 17.
  • In 2018, 32 percent of think tanks were headed by women. The reins of the Center for a New American Security passed from a woman to a man, and leadership position of the US Institute of Peace is vacant as of the summer of 2020 with the departure in August 2020 of Nancy Lindborg, who had been president and CEO since 2015.
  • This number also does not include information with regard to the German Marshall Fund (GMF). At the time of our survey no data was available on the website regarding experts at GMF. In addition, at the time of our survey the Bipartisan Policy Centre had no longer a foreign policy international security program.
  • Amongst the nuclear programs in the Foreign Policy and

International Security think tanks mention should be made of the Project on Nuclear Issues (PONI), a program, housed at CSIS, that is geared towards the next generation of professionals in the nuclear security field. In addition, the Carnegie Endowment hosts every two years an international non-proliferation conference attracting hundreds of experts, officials and journalists from around the world.

  • Nuclear experts are defined as experts and analysts who study topics related to nuclear deterrence, weapons of mass destruction, nuclear policy, general nuclear issues, nuclear security (nuclear materials, fuel cycle, nuclear energy, radiological security), arms control and disarmament, nuclear technologies, defense strategy with a nuclear focus, regional studies with nuclear focus (North Korea, China, Iran, Asia-Pacific, Korea, Middle East). See also the methodology section in this scorecard.
  • Within our overall nuclear security category, we defined nine subtopics: nuclear deterrence, weapons of mass destruction, nuclear policy, nuclear security (nuclear materials, fuel cycle, nuclear energy, radiological security), arms control and disarmament, nuclear technologies, defense strategy with a nuclear focus, regional studies  with nuclear focus (North Korea, China, Iran, Asia-Pacific, Korea, Middle East) and miscellaneous nuclear issues.
  • See de Jonge Oudraat and Kamali-Nafar, WIIS Gender  Scorecard 2018.
  • TheU.S. Civil Society Working Group on Women, Peace and Security (U.S. CSWG)brings together over 40 organizations and civil society groups working on women’s issues, gender and the WPS agenda. While many of these groups are active in advocacy and operational work, many will also conduct research and produce policy papers. See https://www.usip.org/programs/advancing-women-peace-and-security.
  • See Rosa Balfour, Corinna Hörst, Pia Hüsch, Sofia Shevchuk and Eleonora del Vecchio, Absent Influencers? Women in European Think Tanks, Policy Paper No. 5 (Brussels, Paris, Washington, DC: GMF,  June 2020).
  • For example, Lisa Aronsson at the Atlantic Council, Saskia Brechenmacher at the Carnegie Endowment or Mackenzie Eaglen at the American Enterprise Institute.
  • All gender champions adopt a panel parity pledge. See GCNP website.
  • For more on the representation of women in journals, see Nadia

Crevecoeur, Kayla McGill and Maya Whitney, The Gender Balance in 11 Security Journals, A review of the literature and PowerPoint analysis of women authors in security journals, draft manuscript (Washington, DC:

WIIS, 2020).

  • Nuclear security issues were determined by title keyword searches. The following keywords were used: weapons—nuclear, hypersonic, missiles (ICBMs, etc.), missile defense, nuclear technology in weapons, cleanup from nuclear accidents, nuclear energy, IAEA, nuclear terrorism, deterrence, nonproliferation. Treaties: disarmament and arms control, nuclear disarmament, NPT, CTBT, INF, nuclear export control, fissile materials negotiations. We also added a country level: USA, China, Russia, France, UK, NATO/Europe, Iran, India/Pakistan, Middle East, North Korea. Arms control issues were broadly defined and determined by the following title keyword searches: weapons—nuclear, hypersonic, missiles (ICBMs, etc.), drones, biological weapons, chemical weapons, missile defense, technology in weapons (very specific, not just technological advances in general but focused on weapons), cybersecurity/cyber war. General themes: geoengineering and climate change, medical/radio isotopes, cleanup from nuclear accidents, nuclear energy, IAEA, nuclear terrorism, space, materials. Treaties: disarmament and arms control, nuclear disarmament, NPT, CTBT, INF, export control, biological and chemical weapons control, fissile materials negotiations, arms trade, general. We also added a country level: USA, China, Russia, France, UK, NATO/Europe, Iran, India/Pakistan, Middle East, North Korea.
  • The overall number of articles in the 11 security journals was 

2,147, of which 194 were devoted to nuclear security issues. There were 29 (15%) written by women, 149 (77%) by men, and 16 (8%) by mixed gender teams. When we expand our focus and include other weapons and arms control issues, the total number of articles was 338. 

  • Of those 338 articles, 72 (21%) were written by women, 232 (69%) by men and 34 (10%) by mixed gender teams. The overall percentage of articles written by women is 23 percent.
  • Of the 921 articles, 683 focused on nuclear security issues. There were 115 (17%) written by women, 512 (75%) by men; and 56 (8%) by mixed gender teams.
  • Of the 921 articles in the five arms control and nuclear security journals, 178 (19%) were written by women, 661 (72%) by men, and  82 (9%) by mixed gender teams.
  • See Crevecoeur, McGill and Whitney, Gender Balance in  11 Security Journals.
  • See the WCAPS website.
Appendix: Think Tanks  
Foreign Policy and International Security Think Tanks American Enterprise Institute (AEI) Head: Robert Doar (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 29 – 6 (F) + 23 (M) 21% female 2020 Total: 31 – 8 (F) + 23 (M) 26% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total:  2 – 0(F) + 2 (M) 0% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 27 – 0 (F) + 27 (M) – 0% female 2020 Total: 27 – 1 (F) + 26 (M) – 4% female Atlantic Council Head: Frederick Kempe (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 227 – 66 (F) + 161 (M) – 29% female 2020 Total: 327 – 102(F) + 225 (M) – 31% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 12 – 1 (F) + 11 (M) – 8% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 200 – 39 (F) + 161 (M) – 20% female 2020 Total: 199 – 41 (F) + 158 (M) – 21% female Aspen Institute Head: Dan Porterfield (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 10 – 2 (F) + 8 (M) – 20% female 2020 Total: 8 – 4 (F) + 4 (M) – 50% female Nuclear Experts: None Governing Board: 2018 Total: 77 – 26 (F) + 51 (M) – 34% female 2020 Total: 81 – 28 (F) + 53 (M) – 35% female Bipartisan Policy Center (BPC) Head: Jason Grumet (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 17 – 4 (F) + 13 (M) – 24% female 2020 Not Available Governing Board: 2018 Total: 17 – 5 (F) + 12 (M) – 29% female 2020 Total: 14 – 5 (F) + 9 (M) – 36% female Brookings Institution Head: John R. Allen (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 109 – 28 (F) + 81 (M) – 26% female 2020 Total: 117 – 30 (F) + 87 (M) – 26% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 13 – 3 (F) + 10 (M) – 23% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 89 – 19 (F) + 70 (M) – 21% female 2020 Total: 86 – 19 (F) + 67 (M) – 22% female Cato Institute Head: Peter N. Goettler (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 11 – 3 (F) + 8 (M) – 27% female 2020 Total: 9 – 1 (F) + 8 (M) – 11% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 1 – 0 (F) + 1(M) – 0% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 19 – 2 (F) + 17 (M) – 11% female 2020 Total: 18 – 2 (F) + 16 (M) – 11% femaleCarnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) Head: William J. Burns (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 32 – 10 (F) + 22 (M) – 31% female 2020 Total: 27 – 7 (F) + 20 (M) – 26% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 5 – 1 (F) + 4 (M) – 20% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 31 – 7 (F) + 24 (M) – 23% female 2020 Total: 31 – 8 (F) + 23 (M) – 26% female Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA) Head: Thomas G. Mahnken (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 32 – 4 (F) + 28 (M) – 13% female 2020 Total: 30 – 3 (F) + 27 (M) – 10% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 15 – 6 (F) + 9 (M) – 40% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 8 – 2 (F) + 6 (M) – 25% female 2020 Total: 9 – 3 (F) + 6 (M) – 33% female Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) Head: John J. Hamre (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 108 – 32 (F) + 76 (M) – 30% female 2020 Total: 118 – 37 (F) + 81 (M) – 31% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 12 – 6 (F) + 6 (M) – 50%  Governing Board: 2018 Total: 44 – 5 (F) + 39 (M) – 11% female 2020 Total: 44 – 5 (F) + 39 (M) – 11% female Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) Head: Richard N. Haass (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 75 – 22 (F) + 53 (M) – 29% female 2020 Total: 85 – 23 (F) + 62 (M) – 27% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 3 (F) + 4 (M) – 43% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 36 – 11 (F) + 25 (M) – 31% female 2020 Total: 36 – 11 (F) + 25 (M) – 31% female Center for a New American Security (CNAS) Head: Richard Fontaine (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 78 – 29 (F) + 49 (M) – 37% female 2020 Total: 73 – 22 (F) + 51 (M) – 30 % female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 9 – 2 (F) + 7 (M) – 22% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 21 – 2 (F) + 19 (M) – 10% female 2020 Total: 25 – 3 (F) + 22 (M) – 12% female Center for American Progress (CAP) Head: Neera Tanden (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 19 – 3 (F) + 16 (M) – 16% female 2020 Total: 16 – 3 (F) + 13 (M) – 19% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 3 – 0 (F) + 3 (M) – 0% Governing Board: 2018 Total: 9 – 2 (F) + 7 (M) – 22% female 2020 Total: 10 – 3 (F) + 7 (M) – 30% femaleGerman Marshall Fund (GMF) Head: Karen Donfried (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 44 – 12 (F) + 32 (M) – 27% female 2020 Not Available Governing Board: 2018 Total: 19 – 5 (F) + 14 (M) – 26% female 2020 Total: 21 – 8 (F) + 13 (M) – 38% female Heritage Foundation Head: Kay Coles James (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 32 – 7 (F) + 25 (M) – 22% female 2020 Total: 46 – 10 (F) + 36 (M) – 22% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 14 – 2 (F) + 12 (M) – 14% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 25 – 6 (F) + 19 (M) – 24% female 2020 Total: 27 – 5 (F) + 22 (M) – 19% female Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) Head: Robert L. Borosage (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 16 – 7 (F) + 9 (M) – 44% female 2020 Total: 36 – 13 (F) + 23 (M) – 36% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 1 – 1 (M) + 0 (F) – 0% Governing Board: 2018 Total: 18 – 8 (F) + 10 (M) – 44% female 2020 Total: 18 – 8 (F) + 10 (M) – 44% female Lexington Institute Head: Merrick “Mac” Carey (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 6 – 1 (F) + 5 (M) – 17% female 2020 Total: 6 – 0 (F) + 6 (M) – 0% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 1 – 0 (F) + 1 (M) – 0% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 7 – 0 (F) + 7 (M) – 0% female 2020 Total: 6 – 0 (F) + 6 (M) – 0% female New America Head: Anne-Marie Slaughter (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 104 – 34 (F) + 70 (M) – 33% female 2020 Total 103 – 42 (F) + 61 (M) – 41% female Nuclear Experts: None Governing Board: 2018 Total: 22 – 6 (F) + 16 (M) – 27% female 2020 Total: 20 – 6 (F) + 14 (M) – 30% female RAND Corporation Head: Michael D. Rich (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 613 – 245 (F) + 368 (M) – 40% female 2020 Total 541 – 229 (F) + 312 (M) – 42% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total 47 – 12 (F) + 31 (M) – 28% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 26 – 7 (F) + 19 (M) – 27% female 2020 Total 24 – 7 (F) + 17 (M) – 30% female
Appendix: Think Tanks  
Stimson Center Head: Brian Finlay (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 72 – 37 (F) + 35 (M) – 51% female 2020 Total: 106 – 45 (F) + 61 (M) – 42% female * Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 40 – 18 (F) + 22 (M) – 45% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 27 – 7 (F) + 20 (M) – 26% female 2020 Total: 30 – 9 (F) + 21 (M) – 30% female Third Way Head: Jonathan Cowan (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 17 – 8 (F) + 9 (M) – 47% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 8 – 4 (F) + 4 (M) – 50% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 30 – 6 (F) + 24 (M) – 20% female US Institute of Peace (USIP) Head: … Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 72 – 35 (F) + 37 (M) – 49% female 2020 Total: 84 – 41 (F) + 43 (M) – 49% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 2 (F) + 5 (M) – 29% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 15 – 3 (F) + 12 (M) – 20% female 2020 Total: 15 – 3 (F) + 12 (M) – 20% female The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Head: Jane Harman (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 187 – 64 (F) + 123 (M) – 34% female 2020 Total: 151 – 46 (F) + 105 (M) – 30% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 4 – 1 (F) + 3 (M) – 25% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 16 – 5 (F) + 11 (M) – 31% female 2020 Total: 17 – 5 (F) + 12 (M) – 29% femaleArms Control and Nuclear Security  Think Tanks Arms Control Association Head: Daryl G. Kimball (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 3 (F) + 4 (M) – 43% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 3 (F) + 4 (M) – 43% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 35 – 12 (F) + 23 (M) – 34% female Center for Arms Control and NonProliferation Head: Edward Levine (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 19 – 2 (F) + 17 (M) – 11 % female Nuclear Experts 2020 Total: 19 – 2 (F) + 17 (M) – 11% female Governing Board: (Does not include the Szilard Advisory Board) 2020 Total: 24 – 5 (F) + 19 (M) – 21% female Federation of American Scientists Head: Ali Nouri (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 18 – 3 (F) + 15 (M) – 17% female Nuclear Experts 2020 Total: 12 – 3 (F) + 9 (M) – 25% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 17 – 6 (F) + 11 (M) – 35% female Global Zero Head: Derek Johnson (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 3 (F) + 4 (M) – 43% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 7 – 3 (F) + 4 (M) – 43% female Governing Board: Not Available James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies Head: William Potter (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 13 – 5 (F) + 8 (M) – 38% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 13 – 5 (F) + 8 (M) – 38% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 4 – 2 (F) + 2 (M) – 50% female Managing the Atom Project, Belfer Center, Harvard Kennedy School Head: Matthew Bunn (M), Steven Miller (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 30 – 8 (F) + 22 (M) – 27% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 30 – 8 (F) + 22 (M) – 27% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 45 – 15 (F) + 30 (M) – 33% femaleNuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) Head: Ernest J. Moniz (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2018 Total: 18 – 9 (F) + 9 (M) – 50% female 2020 Total: 22 – 12 (F) + 10 (M) – 55% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 19 – 9 (F) + 10 (M) – 47% female Governing Board: 2018 Total: 34 – 7 (F) + 27 (M) – 21% female 2020 Total: 35 – 8 (F) + 27 (M) – 23% female Physicians for Social Responsibility Head: Jeff Carter (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 6 – 2 (F) + 4 (M) – 33% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 2 – 0 (F) + 2 (M) – 0% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 27 – 11 (F) + 16 (M) – 41% female Pugwash Council Head: Sergio Duarte (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 43 – 12 (F) + 31 (M) – 28% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 43 – 12 (F) + 31 (M) – 28% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 8 – 2 (F) + 6 (M) – 25% female Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control Head: Valerie Lincy (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 2020 Total: 10 – 4 (F) + 6 (M) – 40% female Nuclear Experts: 2020 Total: 10 – 4 (F) + 6 (M) – 40% female Governing Board: 2020 Total: 9 – 3 (F) + 6 (M) – 33% female
Notes: Absolute Numbers and Gender Ratio of Articles in International Security Journals – January 2014-December 2019
            Contemporary Security Policy   152         25           16%        109           72%          18           12% Nuclear Security Articles 47 8 17% 32 68% 7 15% Cooperation and Conflict 168 51 30% 94 56% 23 14% Nuclear Security Articles 5 2  40% 3 60%   – Critical Studies on Security 200 90 45% 95 48% 15 8% Nuclear Security Articles 28 13 46% 14 50% 1 4% European Journal of International Security 63 17 27% 40 63% 6 10% Nuclear Security Articles 14 2 14% 10 72% 2 14% International Security 114 26 23% 77 67% 11 10% Nuclear Security Articles 32 6 19% 20 62% 6 19% Journal of Conflict Resolution 403 60 15% 224 56% 119 29% Nuclear Security Articles 18 4 22% 11 61% 3 17% Journal of Global Security Studies 117 30 26% 68 58% 19 16% Nuclear Security Articles 16 3 19% 10 62% 3 19% Journal of Strategic Studies 233 26 11% 192 82% 15 7% Nuclear Security Articles 56 9 16% 41 73% 6 11% Security Dialogue 191 80 42% 89 47% 22 11% Nuclear Security Articles 17 8 47% 7 41% 2 12% Security Studies 159 34 22% 107 67% 18 11% Nuclear Security Articles 21 4 19% 15 71% 2 10% Survival 347 48 14% 280 81% 19 5% Nuclear Security Articles 84 12 14% 70 83% 2 3% Journal                                                                                      Total No                            Women*                                       Men*                               Mixed Gender Teams
Notes: Absolute Numbers and Gender Ratio of Articles in Arms Control Journals – January 2014-December 2019
            Arms Control Today   251         47           19%        191           76%           13            5% Bulletin of Atomic Scientist 392 85 22% 271 69% 36 9% International Journal of Nuclear Studies 54 11 20% 32 60% 11 20% Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament 63 7 11% 52 83% 4 6% Nonproliferation Review 161 28 17% 115 72% 18 11% Journal                                                                                      Total No                            Women*                                       Men*                                 Mixed Gender Teams *Includes articles by single authors and by same sex coauthors
Methodology  
Think Tanks All data come from the think tanks’ own websites. Data for the think tanks were collected between September 2019 and January 2020, except for Third Way. Data for Third Way were collected in July 2020. Data for the governing boards of all think tanks were collected in July 2020. We were not able to retrieve data for experts from the German Marshall Fund’s (GMF) website. The Bipartisan Policy Center (BPC) no longer features a national or international security program on its website. Hence, data for GMF and BPC are incomplete. While gender is generally defined and discussed as meaning more than just whether one is a man or a woman, this scorecard takes the binary approach. We identified experts and authors as either women or men by examining their bios, photographs and use of pronouns. This scorecard tallies experts, analysts and fellows. We did not include people whose main responsibilities are in the administrative, operational, personnel, development, communication, and editorial sectors. Experts in foreign policy, defense and national and international security were selected based on the identification of such experts by the think tanks themselves. Nuclear security experts were identified by searching the think tank websites and expert bios for any the following terms: nuclear deterrence, weapons of mass destruction, nuclear policy, general nuclear issues, nuclear security (nuclear materials, fuel cycle, nuclear energy, radiological security), arms control and disarmament, nuclear technologies, defense strategy with a nuclear focus, regional studies with nuclear focus (North Korea, China, Iran, Asia-Pacific, Korea, Middle East). We did not analyze experts’ seniority. Some think tanks include junior staff; others identify only mid-level and senior staff. We did not distinguish between nonresident and resident experts. Again, for each think tank, we followed the think tank’s own identification of its experts. In the case of RAND we excluded all adjunct experts. Adjuncts at RAND are the equivalent of non-residential fellows in other institutions. RAND will feature some adjunct experts, but not all adjuncts on its website. Upon request and in consultation with RAND we decided to leave all adjuncts off this tally. The following experts, analysts, fellows, scholars and staff have been included for: AEI: All Foreign and Defense Policy Scholars; Atlantic Council: All Fellows and Non-Resident Fellows mentioned under Experts; Aspen Institute: All Security & Global Affairs, including the Aspen Strategy Group, the Cybersecurity & Technology Program, and the Homeland Security Program; Bipartisan Policy Center: No Information; Brookings Institution: All Experts in theForeign Policy Program; Cato Institute: All Nat./ Int. Security Experts; Carnegie Endowment: All Experts in the Washington, DC office; CSBA: All All Nat./Int. Security Experts; CAP: Foreign Policy and Security Program; CSIS: All Experts; CFR: All Experts; CNAS: All Experts; GMF: Not Available; Heritage Foundation: Heritage Foundation: All Experts in the International, National Security, and Nuclear Energy Issue Areas; IPS: All Experts; Lexington Institute: All Experts; New America: All Analysts and Fellows in the Cybersecurity Initiative, the International Security Program and the Gender and Security Program; RAND: All experts in the Homeland Security and Public Safety, the International Affairs, and the National Security Programs. Our tally does not do not include Adjuncts, Operational Staff and Legislative Assistants. It may also be noted that some experts in the Homeland Security and Public Safety program are more focused on public safety and domestic issues. Similarly, some experts in the International Affairs Program are focused on non-security international affairs issues; Stimson Center: Senior Research Team & Distinguished Fellows; Third Way: Experts in Climate and Energy and National Security; USIP: All Experts; The Wilson Center: All Experts; Arms Control Association: All Expert Staff; Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation: All Experts; FAS: All Expert Staff; Global Zero: All Expert Staff;  James Martin Center for Non-Proliferation Studies: All Expert Staff; Managing the Atom Project, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs: All Experts; NTI: All Expert Staff;  Physicians for Social Responsibility: All Expert Staff; Pugwash Council: All Expert Staff;  Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control: All Expert Staff.  The Full Think Tank Data Set is available from WIIS. Journals Sixteen journals were examined over the period January 2014–December 2019: 11 security studies journals and 5 journals focused exclusively on arms control and nuclear security issues. 11 – International Security Journals: Contemporary Security Policy; Cooperation &Conflict; Critical Studies on Security; European Journal of International Security; International Security; Journal of Conflict Resolution; Journal of Global Security Studies; Journal of Strategic Studies; Security Dialogue; Security Studies; Survival. 5 – Arms Control and Nuclear Security Journals: Arms Control Today; Bulletin of Atomic Scientists; International Journal of Nuclear Studies; Journal for Peace &Nuclear Disarmament; Nonproliferation Review. The survey covered all articles published in these journals. We excluded editorial comments, reviews of any kind (i.e., book reviews) external news articles or blogs, letters to the editor, addendums and other nonrelevant sections. We established 6 datasets. Data set 1: All 16 journals. Comprises all articles from the 11 international security and 5 arms control and nuclear security journals from January 2014 to December 2019. Does not include letters to the editor, book reviews, or external blogs. Total articles: 3,068 by women (individual and coauthor): 665 by men (individual and coauthor): 2,036 by mixed gender teams: 367 articles with a gender perspective: 91 Data set 2: All international security journals  (11 journals). January 2014-December 2019 Total articles: 2,147 by women (individual and coauthor): 487 by men (individual and coauthor): 1,375 by mixed gender teams: 285 gender articles: 71 arms control/nuclear articles: 338 Data set 3: All arms control and nuclear security journals (5 journals). January 2014-December 2019 Total articles: 921 by women (individual and coauthor): 178 by men (individual and coauthor): 661 by mixed gender teams: 82 articles with a gender perspective: 20 Data set 4: All arms control and nuclear security articles (16 journals). Comprises all articles  from the 5 nuclear journals and 338 arms control/nuclear security issues articles from  the 11 security journals. Total articles: 1,259 by women (individual and coauthor): 250 by men (individual and coauthor): 893 by mixed gender teams: 116 articles with a gender perspective: 21 Data set 5: All nuclear security articles in all journals (16 journals). Total articles: 877 by women (individual and coauthor): 144 by men (individual and coauthor): 661 by mixed gender teams: 72 Data set 6: All nuclear security articles in internationals security journals (11 journals). Total articles: 194 by women (individual and coauthor): 29 by men (individual and coauthor): 149 by mixed gender teams: 16 All data is available from WIIS. Contact: info@ wiisglobal.org, Subject: Scorecard data

By Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Soraya Kamali-Nafar

For over 30 years, Women In International Security (WIIS) has worked to advance the role of women in national and international security. While much progress has been made, the number of women occupying prominent positions in foreign and defense policy remains limited. As a result, the role of women in decisionmaking in foreign and defense policies is under-developed.

Indeed, while women constitute 40 percent of the Foreign Service officer corps, they hold only one-third of the chief of mission positions.1 Women make up 33 percent of the Department of Defense civilian staff and 18 percent of the DOD active duty officer corps, and they remain grossly under-represented at the highest ranks—less than 8 percent have the rank of general or flag officer.2

Women also remain under-represented as expert commentators in the media. Women accounted for just  24 percent of foreign affairs and national security experts invited to speak on major political talk shows.3 Manels— that is, event panels with only men—remain common in  the United States, including in Washington, DC.4

The lack of women in prominent positions in the foreign policy and national and international security establishments In 2000, the UN Security Council adopted resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, which recognized the importance of the role of women in matters related to international peace and security.7 In 2011, the US rolled out a US National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, and in November 2017, the US Congress adopted the Women, Peace and Security Act, which posited that “the United States should be a global leader in promoting the meaningful participation of women in conflict prevention, management and resolution, and post-conflict relief and recovery efforts.”8

Think tanks play an important role in shaping foreign and defense policy agendas. Think tank experts shape these agendas by moving in and out of many critical positions in the US government and by participating in policy debates  in the media.

Many think tanks have recognized the importance of diversifying their staff and recruiting and retaining more women.9 Many have in recent years added programs highlighting women in the field (see below). Unfortunately, many think tanks continue to suffer from significant gender gaps. First, only 32 percent of the national and international security think tanks are headed by a woman.

is surprising since for over a decade more than 60 percent of those enrolled in graduate programs (masters and doctoral programs) in the social and behavorial sciences (including political science and international relations) have been women.5 The 7,000-member International Studies Association (ISA), the professional association for scholars, practitioners, and graduate students in the field of international studies, has 43 percent female membership. Amongst its graduate student members, women are in the majority.6

Figure 1: Heads of Washington, DC Think Tanks

Figure 2: Average % of Experts in Washington, DC 

Think Tanks by Gender

Figure 3: Average % of Governing Board Members of

Washington, DC Think Tanks by Gender

Second, on average only 27 percent of expert staff are women. Only 3 out of 22 think tanks (14 percent) have achieved gender parity within their expert staff. Third, only 22 percent of think tank governing boards are women. Finally, only one think tank has integrated gender in its programs.

Since 2007, the Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTCSP) of the University of Pennsylvania has published an annual Global Go To Think Tank Index Report. The report measures the roles think tanks play in governments and civil societies around the world. It does so by ranking think tanks in a variety of categories, including top think tanks by region and areas of research.10

Table 1: Washnigton, DC Think Tanks with Women at the Helm 
Center for American Progress (CAP)Ms. Neera Tanden, President and CEO2011
Center for a New American Security (CNAS)Ms. Victoria Nuland, CEO 2018
German Marshall Fund (GMF)Dr. Karen Donfried, President2014
Heritage FoundationMs. Kay Coles James, President2017
New America Dr. Anne-Marie Slaugther, President and CEO2013
US Institute of Peace (USIP)Ms. Nancy Lindborg, President and CEO2015
Wilson Center for International ScholarsMs. Jane Harman, President and CEO2011

Unfortunately, the Global Go To Think Tank Index Report does not consider how gender balances or gender programming influence these roles. In sum, up until now there has not been a systematic effort to collect data on the gender balances within the major thinks tanks active in national and international security arena.11 Nor has there been a systematic effort to survey the programs of think tanks to see how gender is integrated into them.

The WIIS Gender Scorecard: Washington, DC Think Tanks fills this gap by presenting data with regard to the gender balance of 22 major think tanks that work on foreign policy and national and international security issues and are based in the Washington, DC area. We also present information about the gender and women’s programs within these think tanks.

This scorecard is part of a broader WIIS initiative to promote the integration of gender perspectives into national and international security agendas.12 Indeed, we believe that gender perspectives are insufficiently integrated into analyses of national and international security challenges.13 An important step in the right direction is to achieve gender parity at the level of the expert staffs. In addition, we believe that it is important to achieve gender parity at the level of the governing boards of thinks tanks. Indeed, boards of directors and trustees have judiciary responsibilities for the governance of thinks tanks, they oversee think tank activities, and help set the strategic direction. Without leadership from the top, gender gaps will remain.14

By publishing this scorecard, we hope to stimulate discussions within the think tanks on how to close the gender gaps on their expert staffs and governing boards. We also hope to stimulate a broader discussion about the importance of gender when examining important international security challenges. We believe that a more diverse staff within think tanks, as well as more diverse governing boards, will stimulate innovative and better approaches to critical national and international security challenges and help to make the world a better place.

Scoring the Tanks

The scorecard reviews think tanks along four main axes:

percentage of women that lead the think tanks;

percentage of women experts in the think tank’s foreign policy and national and international security programs;

percentage of women in the governing bodies of the  think tanks.

number of think tanks with significant commitment to gender and/or women’s programming.

Heads of Think Tanks

Of the 22 institutions surveyed, only seven (32 percent) are led by women – the Center for American Progress, the Center for a New American Security (CNAS), the German

Marshall Fund (GMF), the Heritage Foundation, New America, the US Institute of Peace (USIP), and the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars.

Experts

Only three think tanks—the Stimson Center, the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI), and the US Institute of Peace (USIP) —have reached gender parity at the level of their expert staff.

On average, only 27 percent of the expert staff of Washington, DC thinks tanks surveyed are women.

Figure 4: % of Women Experts in Washington, DC Think Tanks


51 50 49

Governing Boards

The gender gap is particularly stark at the level of the governing boards. No think tank has achieved gender parity. The Institute for Policy Studies and the Aspen Institute come closest, with 44 percent and 43 percent women, respectively.

On average, only 22 percent of the Board of Directors or Trustees are composed of women.

Gender or Women’s Programming

Most Washington, DC think tanks do not consider the role of gender in national and international security. For many in the traditional security think tank community—men and women—gender is often equated with “women” or a “woman’s point of view.” A 2016 survey by the New America

Foundation found that the majority of US policymakers and elites had little knowledge and understanding of gender. Most equated gender with women. If at all open to the idea of a gender

Figure 5: % of Women on Governing Boards of Washington, DC Think Tanks widespread within the DC foreign policy and security think tank

Table 2: % of Women Experts in Washington, DC Think Tanks
RankThink Tank% of Women 
  1Stimson Center51%
  2Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI)50%
  3US Institute of Peace (USIP) 49%
  4Institute for Policy Studies (IPS)44%
  5RAND Corporation40%
  6Center for a New American Security (CNAS)37%
  7Wilson Center for International Scholars34%
  8New America33%
  9Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS)30%
10    Atlantic Council  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)29%  
13  CATO Institute German Marshall Fund (GMF)27%  
15Brookings Institution26%
16Bipartisan Policy Center (BPC)24%
17Heritage Foundation22%
18American Enterprise Institute (AEI)21%
19Aspen Institute20%
20Lexington Institute17%
21Center for American Progress (CAP)16%
22Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA)13%

the programming center on gender to the front office and began mainstreaming gender throughout its work in 2015, most notably in its field projects and programs. Since 2016, USIP has had a director for gender policy and strategy that oversees and advises all programs on gender. The director sits in the Policy, Learning and Strategy Center, which reports directly to USIP’s president.

None of the other think tanks have integrated gender into their national and international security programming. Most other think tanks have separate programs that have a focus on women, rather than gender. A few think tanks work on the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, but most of that work is not integrated into their other national or international security programs.16

Think tanks with notable programs on women and/or the WPS agenda include the following:17

The Center for a New American Security (CNAS) launched a Women In National Security program in 2014.

The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) launched a Smart Women, Smart Power Program in December 2014 and a Women’s Global Leadership Program in 2015.

The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) has a Women and Foreign Policy Program and a Women and Foreign Policy Program Advisory Council founded in 2002.

New America started work on the WPS agenda in its Better Life Lab and Political Reform Program.

The RAND Corporation has a webpage called Rand Women

To Watch. It also has programs on Gender Equity in the Workplace and Gender Integration in the Military, which addresses issues related to women and transgender military personnel. In its work on Female Populations RAND addresses issues faced by women and girls, including women refugees, migrants, and gender-based and intimate partner violence.

The Woodrow Wilson Center has a Global Women’s Leadership Initiative (GWLI) (since 2012) and a Women In Public Service Project.

Most research on the WPS agenda and the intersections of women, gender, and national and international security issues is carried out outside of the foreign policy and national and international security think tank establishment by nongovernmental organizations and civil society groups. While many of these groups are active in advocacy and operational work, many also conduct research and produce policy papers. Most of these organizations are members of the US Civil Society Working Group on Women, Peace and Security  (US CSWG). (see box page 6).

Table 3: % of Women on Governing Boards of Washington, DC Think Tanks

Rank     Think Tank         % of Women  

Institute for Policy Studies (IPS)     44%

Aspen Institute    34%

Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)           31%

            Wilson Center for International Scholars

Bipartisan Policy Center (BPC)      29%

New America      27%

            RAND Corporation

  8         German Marshall Fund (GMF)       26%

            Stimson Center

Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA)        25%

Heritage Foundation         24% 12 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) 23%

Center for American Progress (CAP)           22%

Brookings Institution        21%

            Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI)

16         Atlantic Council 20%

            US Institute of Peace (USIP)

18         CATO Institute    11%      Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS)     

20         Center for a New American Security (CNAS)           10%

21-22    American Enterprise Institute (AEI)            0%

            Lexington Institute

Concluding Thoughts

The main security policy establishments, including think tanks, continue to be staffed and managed mostly by men.

The top 10 think tanks in the United States, as ranked by the Go To Think Tank Index Report—Brookings, CSIS, CEIP, Heritage Foundation, Wilson Center, RAND, CAP, CFR, Cato, Atlantic Council—are often not those who do best in terms of gender balance or gender programming, the Wilson Center being the exception.

While we see an increasing number of women entering the field of national and international security, their influence remains limited. Only 3 out of 22 think tanks have achieved  gender parity at the level of their expert staff.

We hope that the publication of this scorecard will stimulate discussions and encourage thinks tanks to conduct a gender analysis of their organizations.18

Such an analysis should include a more fine-grained examination of the gender balance within their institutions. For example, what positions do men and women occupy within the foreign and national and international security expert positions available at the organization? How are hiring and retention policies affecting the gender imbalances? Are there gender pay gaps? Do men and women get interviewed and quoted equally? If not, why not? These discussions should include not just the human resources department, but also and most important the staff of the policy programs in question.

In addition, think tanks should examine the gender balance at their governing boards and how they can increase efforts to attract more women to the boards. Organizations, like WIIS can help think tanks identify women with the necessary expertise and experience.

A think tank gender analysis would also include an examination of how gender is integrated into the analysis of national and international security issues. Program directors should be encouraged to examine how research on women and gender can become a more integral part of their foreign policy and national security programs, instead of standalone, siloed, programs.

Change within institutions require leadership from the top. They also require that programs and program staff are held accountable. Collecting gendered data on such things as new hires, panels, and media outreach is often a first step.19

Lastly, think tanks may consider appointing a Gender Advisor (GENAD). Such advisors have been particularly useful in government settings (USAID, State and DoD) and international organizations (United Nations, NATO). When appointing GENADs, it is important to locate them in policy positions or in the think tank’s front office so that they have direct access to the leadership.

Members of the USCSWG
4Girls GLocal Leadership Alliance for Peacebuilding American Red Cross Amnesty International USA Asia Foundation Baha’is of the United States Equality Now Fuller Project for International Reporting Futures Without Violence George Washington University Center for Gender Equality in International Affairs Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace & Security Human Rights Watch Inclusive Security Institute for State Effectiveness (ISE) International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN) International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) International Republican Institute (IRI) International Research and Exchanges Board (IREX) Mina’s List / Peace is Loud National Democratic Institute Our Secure Future: Women Make the Difference PAI Peace X Peace Promundo – U.S. Protect the People Saferworld Strategy for Humanity The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) United Nations Association of the USA U.S. National Committee of UN Women Vital Voices Global Partnership WomanStats Project Women Enabled International Women for Afghan Women Women In International Security (WIIS) Women of Color Advancing Peace and Security (WCAPS) Women’s Action for New Directions (WAND) Women’s Refugee Commission Secretariat: USIP Fiscal Sponsor/Agent: WIIS

Much progress has been made with regard to gender equality. In the last two decades the number of women studying national and international affairs has grown enormously. Students (women and men) are also increasingly interested in analyzing the role of gender and gender inequalities on national and international security. Think tanks no longer have many excuses for the persisting gender gaps and the neglect of gender perspectives. In a world with increasingly complex national and international security challenges, think tanks need to appeal to broad expertise in order to advance peace and security in the 21st century.

Methodology

The WIIS Gender Scorecard: Washington, DC Think Tanks surveys 22 think tanks with a strong presence in the Washington, DC area. They all work on a broad range of international affairs and national and international security issues. Most are mentioned in the 2017 Global Go To Think Tank Index Report and/or get regular mention in the media.20

This scorecard does not include university-based research institutes (e.g., the McCain Institute or the Center for Transatlantic Relations). The scorecard also excludes those think tanks focused on a specific region (e.g., the Middle East) or one functional area (e.g., migration or international economic development).

While gender can be defined and discussed as more than just women and men, this survey takes a binary approach and conducted its evaluation using women and men and based its evaluation on the names and photographs found on organizations’ websites.

Data on each of the think tanks were collected in August 2018 from the think tanks’ own websites. Experts in foreign policy, defense, and national and international security were selected based on the identification of such experts by the think tanks themselves. We did not analyze the positions of the experts. Some think tanks include junior staff; others will identify only more senior staff. Similarly, we did not distinguish between non-resident and resident experts. For each think tank, we followed the think tanks’ own identification of its experts. For the full data set, see the WIIS Gender Scorecard: Washington, DC Think Tanks Data Set – 2018 at wiisglobal.org.

Table 4: WIIS Gender Scorecard: Washington, DC Think Tanks in alphabetical order. 
American Enterprise Institute (AEI) head: Arthur Brooks (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 21% women total: 29                    6 (F) + 23 (M) Governing Board: 0% women total: 27          0 (F) +27 (M) Atlantic Council head: Fred Kempe (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 29% women total: 227                     66 (F) + 161 (M) Governing Board: 20% women total: 200                  39 (F) +161 (M) Aspen Institute head: Dan Porterfield (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 20% women total: 10                    2 (F) + 8 (M) Governing Board: 34% women total: 77          26 (F) + 51 (M) Bipartisan Policy Center (BPC) head: Jason Grumet (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 24% women total: 17                    4 (F) + 13 (M) Governing Board: 29% women total: 17          5 (F) + 12 (M) Brookings Institution head: John R. Allen (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 26% women total: 109                    28 (F) + 81 (M) Governing Board: 21% women total: 89          19 (F) +70 (M) Cato Institute head: Peter Goettler (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 27% women total: 11                    3 (F) + 8 (M) Governing Board: 11% women total: 19          2 (F) + 17 (M) Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) head: William J. Burns (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 29% women total: 31                    9 (F) + 22 (M) Governing Board: 23% women total: 31          7 (F) + 24 (M) Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA) head: Thomas G. Mahnken Nat./Int. Security Experts: 13% women total: 32                    4 (F) + 28 (M) Governing Board: 25% women total: 8            2 (F) + 6 (M) Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) head: John J. Hamre (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 30% women total: 108                    32 (F) + 76 (M) Governing Board: 11% women total: 44          5 (F) + 39 (M) Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) head: Richard N. Haass (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 29% women total: 75                    22 (F) + 53 (M) Governing Board: 31% women total: 36          11 (F) + 25 (M)Center for a New American Security (CNAS) head: Victoria Nuland (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 37% women total: 78                    29 (F) + 49 (M) Governing Board: 10% women total: 21                    2 (F) + 19 (M) Center for American Progress (CAP) head: Neera Tanden (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 16% women total: 19                    3 (F) + 16 (M) Governing Board: 22% women total: 9    2 (F) + 7 (M) German Marshall Fund (GMF) head: Karen Donfried (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 27% women total: 44                    12 (F) + 32 (M) Governing Board: 26% women total: 19                    5 (F) + 14 (M) Heritage Foundation head: Kay Coles James (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 22% women total: 32                    7 (F) + 25 (M) Governing Board: 24% women total: 25                    6 (F)+19 (M) Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) head: John Cavanagh (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 44% women total: 16                    7 (F) + 9 (M) Governing Board: 44% women total: 18          8 (F) + 10 (M) Lexington Institute head: Merrick “Mac” Carey (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 17% women total: 6       1 (F) + 5 (M) Governing Board: 0% women total: 7            0 (F) + 7 (M) New America head: Anne-Marie Slaughter (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 33% women total: 104       34 (F) + 70 (M) Governing Board: 27% women total: 22     6 (F) + 16 (M) Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) head: Ernest J. Moniz (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 50% women total: 18                    9 (F) + 9 (M) Governing Board: 21% women total: 34          7 (F) + 27 (M) RAND Corporation head: Michael D. Rich (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 40% women total: 613            245 (F) + 368 (M) Governing Board: 27% women total: 26                    7 (F) + 19 (M) Stimson Center head: Brian Finlay (M) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 51% women total: 72                    37 (F) + 35 (M) Governing Board: 26% women total: 27                    7 (F) + 20 (M)US Institute of Peace (USIP) head: Nancy Lindborg (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 49% women total: 72     35 (F) + 37 (M) Governing Board: 20% women total: 15         3 (F) + 12 (M) Wilson Center for International Scholars head: Jane Harman (F) Nat./Int. Security Experts: 34% women total: 187  64 (F)+123 (M) Governing Board: 31% women total: 16         5 (F) + 11 (M) NOTE: The following experts, fellows, scholars, and staff have been included for: AEI: All Foreign and Defense Policy Scholars; Atlantic Council: All fellows and non-resident fellows mentioned under experts; Aspen Institute: All staff and experts from the following programs: Security & Global Affairs, including the Aspen Strategy Group, the Cybersecurity & Technology Program, and the Homeland Security Program; Bipartisan Policy Center: All experts mentioned under the National Security Project; Brookings Institution: All experts mentioned under the Foreign Policy Program; CATO: All experts mentioned under Foreign Policy and National Security; Carnegie Endowment: All experts in the Washington, DC office; CSBA: all national and international security analysts and fellows; CSIS: All experts; CFR: All experts; CNAS: All experts (staff and adjunct fellows); CAP: All experts mentioned under the Foreign Policy and Security Program; GMF: All experts; Heritage Foundation: All experts staff identified as working on national and international security issues; IPS: all experts identified as working on foreign policy and national and international security; Lexington Institute: All experts; New America: All current staff and fellows mentioned in the following programs: Cybersecurity Initiative and International Security. NTI: All experts: Rand Corporation: All experts mentioned under Homeland Security & Public Safety, International Affairs, and National Security & Terrorism programs; Stimson Center: All national & international security experts mentioned under “Staff”, note: we did not include development staff, finance officers, or other administrative staff members; USIP: All experts; Wilson Center: All experts. For a full list of experts go to the WIIS  Gender Scorecard: Washington, DC Think Tanks Data Set – 2018 at wiisglobal.org

References

See Andrea Strano, “Foreign Service Women Today: The Palmer Case and Beyond,” The Foreign Service Journal, March 2016. On the lack of women in leadership positions, see also Katherine Kidder, Amy Schafer, Phillip Carter, and Andrew Swick, From College to Cabinet: Women In

National Security, (Washington, DC: CNAS, 2017); Women In Public Service Project, Wilson Center, Roadmap to 50×50, Power and Parity in Women’s Leadership, (Washington, DC: Wilson Center, May 2018); Joan Johnson-Freese, “Half of Heaven: Why More Women are Needed in National Security,” TedxTalks, August 17, 2018; and Adrianna Pita, Tamara Cofman Wittes and Sarah Yerkes, “Presence and Voice: Women In Foreign Policy,” A Brookings Podcast, June 8, 2016.

See DOD, Office of Diversity Management and Equal Opportunity, DoD Diversity and Inclusion 2013 Summary Report (Alexandria, VA: DOD, 2013), pp. B3-B6; and Defense Advisory Committee on Women in the Services, 2017 Annual Report, (Alexandria, VA: DOD-Dacowits, 2017). See also Kidder et al. From College to Cabinet.

See Foreign Policy Interrupted, “Women’s Voices Marginalized in

2016 News Coverage of Foreign Affairs and National Security,” Media Matters, March 8, 2017. Foreign Policy Interrupted reports similar numbers with respect to the number of women who have seen their Opeds published. See website: www.fpinterrupted.com. See also: Amanda Taub, “The #ManPanel problem: Why are female experts still so widely ignored?,” Vox, March 16, 2016.

Several initiatives to combat manels and gender discrimination were launched in 2015. In Australia, the Panel Pledge was launched—i.e., a commitment not to appear on male only panels. In Geneva, the International Gender Champion network was launched, committing heads of organizations to no longer sit on single-sex panels.  See also, Daniel Drezner, “A Few Thoughts on Manels,” Washington Post Blog, June 7, 2018; and Tamara Wittes and Marc Lynch, “The mysterious absence of women from Middle East policy debates,” Washington Post, January 20, 2015.

See Hironao Okahana and Enyu Zhou, Graduate Enrollment and

Degrees: 2006-2016 (Washington, DC: Council of Graduate Schools, 2017). For example, in the Fall of 2016, first-time graduate enrollment in the social and behavorial sciences (including anthropology, economics, political science and international relations) saw 38 percent men and 62 percent women enrolled in doctoral programs and 35.5 percent men and 64.5 percent women enrolled in Masters programs. A separate study should examine what happens with these graduates.

See “Gender Distribution of ISA Membership” at https://www.isanet.org/ISA/About-ISA/Data/Gender. In the international security thematic group of ISA women make up 37 percent; in foreign policy analysis women 34 percent; in peace studies 53 percent. Women outnumber men in 8 of the 29 thematic groups: interdisciplinary studies, environmental studies, feminist theory and gender studies, global development, global health, human rights, international law, and peace studies. Women also outnumber men in three of its four caucuses: Global South Caucus LGBTQ and allies caucus; and the Women Caucus. The Online Media Caucus has 48 percent women members.

See, for example, Kathleen Kuehnast, Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Helga Hernes, eds., Women and War: Power and Protection in the 21st Century (Washington, DC: USIP, 2011), and Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, “WPS+GPS: Adding Gender to the Peace and Security Equation,” WIIS Policybrief, November 2017

The US NAP on WPS was updated in June 2016. See also Women, Peace and Security Act of 2017, Public Law No:115-68, 10/06/2017.

See for example Vestige Strategies, Advancing Diversity and Inclusion in the Foreign Policy Sector, (Washington, DC: Vestige Strategies, July 2018). See also the activities of The Think Tank Diversity Consortium (TTDC).

James McGann, 2017 Global Go To Think Tank Index Report, (Philadelphia, PA: TTCSP, the Lauder Institute, The University of Pennsylvania, 2018).

Micah Zenko has been one of the few foreign policy experts paying attention to this issue. See for example, Micah Zenko, “Where are the Women in Foreign Policy Today,” Foreign Policy Blog Post (September

26, 2015). In the past, WIIS has surveyed women in the State Department, staff in the US Congress and women in Peacekeeping, but never did a survey of women in think tanks. See wiisglobal.org

This scorecard is also part of a broader initiative of the Leadership Council for Women In National Security (LC-WINS) that seeks greater diversity within think tanks. LC-WINS is an informal group of foreign policy and national security professionals created in 2017. 13.  See de Jonge Oudraat and Brown, “WPS+GPS”

Leadership should also encourage men and women to integrate gendered perspectives into their analysis of international security problems.

See Heather Hurlburt, Elizabeth Weingarten and Carolina Marques de Mesquita, A Guide to Talking Women, Peace, and Security Inside the U.S. Security Establishment (Washington, DC: New America Foundation, 2017)

In 2015, the Compton Foundation launched a $5 million special peace and national security initiative with a focus on the Women, Peace and Security agenda and the integration of a gendered perspective in US Foreign Policy. Thanks to these grants The Council on Foreign Relations, CNAS, and New America greatly expanded their programs on women and the WPS agenda.

We do not include those think tanks that view women and gender mostly through a domestic lens (Brookings and CAP) or those that might have an occasional publication related to women and gender and national or international security.

An increasing number of companies in the corporate sector seek EDGE (Economic Dividends for Gender Equality) workplace gender equality certification. WIIS has also a growing portfolio of gender evaluation and analysis and gender trainings.

The collection of data and the setting of benchmarks and objectives has proven to be very effective within the Scandinavian academic and think tank community. In August 2018, a consortium of seven European universities launched a new Charter that seeks to build a stronger commitment to gender equality in higher education and research institutions. The Charter is part of an EU Horizon 2020 initiative entitled the SAGE (Systematic Action for Gender Equality) project. It outlines 12 principles that support structural, cultural and political

change to eradicate sexism, bias, and other forms of discrimination

in research and higher education, and advance an intersectional and inclusive concept of gender. See “New European Charter to Promote Gender Equality in the University Sector,” Press Release, Trinity College

Dublin, August 22, 2018; see also http://sage-growingequality.eu. The Irish Minister of State for Higher Education, Mary Mitchell O’Connor, announced that University funding would in future be linked to how well universities are tackling gender inequality, including gender inequalities among staff. See Catherine Sanz, “University funding will  be linked to gender equality,” The Times, August 21, 2018.

20.  McGann, 2017 Global Go To Think Tank Index Report. We also consulted https://thebestschools.org/features/most-influential-think-

tanks/