Integrating Gender Perspectives in the U.S. Global Fragility Act: Innovation and Implementation

On March 8, 2024, Women In International Security (WIIS) and the Embassy of Liechtenstein held an in-person discussion with State Department Assistant Secretary of State Anne Witkowsky, Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations, and an expert panel on the U.S. Global Fragility Act (GFA) and approaches to integrating a gender perspective in the 10-year country implementation plans to stabilize conflict-affected states and prevent the escalation of violence in fragile contexts. In line with the GFA, the Biden administration presented the 10-year plans for advancing U.S. government efforts for conflict prevention and stabilization in four countries (Haiti, Libya, Mozambique, and Papua New Guinea) and the region of Coastal West Africa (Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, and Togo). To be effective, however, the GFA’s Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability (SPCPS) and country implementation plans must integrate a gender perspective in advancing gender equality and the principles enshrined in the Women, Peace, and Security agenda. The WIIS event discussion will focus on the GFA, and the detailed implementation plans released by the U.S. government to highlight how gender perspectives have been integrated into the detailed 10-year plans for the four partner countries and one region under the SPCPS.

Marvin Dee Mathelier and Tahina Montoya

The Global Fragility Act (GFA) and its subsequent Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability (SPCPS) constitute a fundamental shift in the way the U.S. government will act to address the root causes of violence in fragile states and stabilize conflict-affected areas. Given bipartisan support and congressionally mandated funding, the GFA is designed to produce a coordinated strategy that builds on lessons learned and prioritizes building partnerships with local communities and civil society actors. In terms of implementation, the GFA requires a whole-of-government approach and interagency process with regular reporting mechanisms applied to five high-priority countries over a ten-year period.

In Spring 2023, four years after the passing of the GFA, the U.S. State Department released a 10-Year Strategic Plan for four priority countries and one priority region. Haiti is one of the SPCPS-designated priority states, along with Libya, Mozambique, and Papua New Guinea, as is the region of Coastal Western Africa (which includes Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, and Togo). The SPCPS specifically links the U.S. Strategy on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) to its work, recognizing that the root causes of violent extremism are gendered and thus intimately linked to structural inequalities and discriminations that must be addressed to reduce state fragility. Haiti’s own 10-Year Strategic Plan identifies severe gender inequality and Gender-Based Violence (GBV) as elements that undermine Haiti’s stability. 

With the SPCPS specifically calling attention to drivers of conflict that are deeply gendered, this policy brief argues that country implementation plans must consider a whole-of-government (WOG) approach that integrates a gender perspective. Haiti’s implementation plan must also recognize Haiti’s complex history and how it has contributed to the gendered dimensions of Haiti’s current violence—political, economic, cultural, and structural—and integrate these factors into the tailored approach emphasized in the GFA’s strategic documents. 

The policy brief begins with an assessment of current conditions in Haiti and then turns to the question of why current conditions are so intractable. Using Haiti as a case study, the policy brief shows how consideration of a country’s history and gender-specific issues are factors that must be considered when developing tangible solutions, as doing so is necessary to promote long-term stability. The policy brief then presents a set of recommendations that can strengthen the Haiti implementation plan and programmatic objectives in critical areas: formalize the informal sector workforce to empower women, reform education policy, increase support to the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, and mobilize the Haitian diaspora in support of U.S. assistance to Haiti.

Haiti: The Current Situation

In addition to the 2020 COVID pandemic, 2021 was a devastating year for Haiti. Multiple protests and demonstrations have since occurred in response to high inflation and rising food and gas prices. The poverty-stricken country also saw an alarming increase in criminal and gang activity, a sign of the weakening authority and the incapacity of the Haitian National Police to control the gangs. Tensions escalated when, on July 7, 2021, a group of 28 foreign mercenaries broke into the home of President Jovenel Moïse and assassinated him. Only five weeks later, on August 14, 2021, a 7.2 magnitude earthquake hit the southern claw of Haiti, causing billions of dollars worth of infrastructure damage and affecting the lives of over 1.2 million people.  

In the wake of these political, economic, and social crises, human rights violations over the past two years have escalated and accelerated. Women and children are particularly vulnerable. The number of kidnappings and abductions has tripled since 2021 as gangs use women and children for financial gain or tactical advantage. Of the 5.2 million Haitians requiring humanitarian aid (nearly half the population), three million are children. Severe malnutrition and cholera outbreaks are overtaxing a failing healthcare system, and gender-based violence is rampant.

It is estimated that gangs control 90% of the capital, Port Au Prince, instilling fear through the use of violent tactics such as kidnapping, rape, and murder to control areas. Occasionally, to further aggravate the populace, and in an attempt to oust Prime Minister Ariel Henry from power, these gangs block off access to fuel and goods, preventing access to other parts of the country. This further exacerbates food shortages that, if left unchecked, can lead to a man-made famine. The international community’s hesitancy to get involved has left citizens with few choices, leaving many to combat gangs on their own. Some citizens have retaliated by taking extreme actions of their own, such as burning gang members in the road as a deterrent.

On October 23, 2023, after intense pressure from both the Haitian government and human rights organizations, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) approved a Kenyan-led security mission to help the Haitian National Police combat gang violence. However, on October 24, 2023, Kenya’s High Court blocked the deployment of Kenyan police to Haiti after a petition was filed challenging the government’s deployment decision, and Kenya’s parliament has yet to schedule a debate on the issue, a ruling the High Court is expected to make on November 9.

Roots of Systemic Failure          

For Haiti, the current violence that handicaps efforts to stabilize the country and protect at-risk groups has roots in Haiti’s tumultuous history, which has been shaped by foreign intervention and occupation, crippling debts, weak governance structures, and devastating natural disasters.

Independence and Struggle: 1800-1900. Haiti became the first free Black republic on January 1, 1804, when a band of slaves raised an army to defeat France. To recoup and compensate for its economic losses, the French demanded reparations totaling 150 million francs ($20-30 billion in today’s currency). Debt payments consumed over 80% of Haiti’s revenues for the subsequent 122 years. The fear of political contagion from Haiti’s successful slave rebellion led countries, including the United States, to withhold recognition of Haiti’s sovereignty or offer any support for the young country.

U.S. Occupation: 1915-1934. The U.S. occupation of Haiti was designed to quell the political and economic turmoil plaguing Haiti and, through a campaign known as the Banana Wars, to protect U.S. financial assets and economic growth in the Western Hemisphere. Many atrocities and human rights violations, including torture, forced labor, and religious persecution against voodoo practitioners occurred during the U.S. occupation of Haiti. Additionally, under the guise of protecting Haiti’s financial assets, the U.S. took custody of over $500,000 from Haiti’s national bank, roughly equivalent to $15,351,300 billion in current dollars. The loss of these funds had significant impacts on the country’s economic development and stabilization, and especially on Haiti’s social fabric and education system.

Despite promoting the goal of creating 1,074 schools in Haiti, the U.S. built only 306, much lower in comparison to schools constructed by the U.S. in Cuba (2,600) and the Philippines (1,000). For children in those countries, this support resulted in a significant increase in access to both schools and education. Rather than develop schools to promote education for all Haitians, the U.S. provided agricultural training for predominantly black Haitians, while their mixed-race peers continued their education at the limited and exclusive French-based curriculum schools in Haiti. This specifically limited black Haitians’ ability to acquire critical skills and knowledge, further widening the education and socio-economic gaps for black Haitian children.

The Duvalier Regime: 1957-1986. The 30-year reign of terror of François and Jean-Claude Duvalier that led to the killing of over 50,000 men, women, and children contributed to a massive exodus of Haitian citizens. This “brain drain” of highly educated and skilled Haitians had a devastating effect on the country’s social and economic development and placed the country in a perpetual cycle of poverty. Haitian citizens continue to struggle while members of the Haitian diaspora secure more economic growth and send remittances back to Haiti, often the only income many families have. Women, in particular, were severely affected by the impacts of emigration and economic crises, as most were forced to work almost exclusively within the informal sector. Statistics show the staggering cost: in 2021, the World Bank reported that “vulnerable employment” among Haitian women had reached 83.5%. 

2004 and Beyond: 2004 ushered in a crushing series of humanitarian, political, and economic crises that continued to disproportionately impact women and children in Haiti. This began with the second coup of Haitian President Bertrand Aristide on February 29, 2004, which in the wake of Aristide’s ouster led to the establishment of the UN peacekeeping mission Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti (MINUSTAH). Peacekeeping forces worked with the Haitian National Police to support police efforts to reduce violence. Unfortunately, trust in MINUSTAH evaporated as tensions grew. Corruption and GBV were endemic; serious incidents of sexual abuse by UN peacekeepers against local citizens occurred, but few were held accountable for their actions. A severe cholera outbreak traced back to a sewage leak from a MINUSTAH base resulted in the loss of over 10,000 lives, and the UN was slow to accept responsibility. The withdrawal of MINUSTAH troops in 2019 left much destruction, loss of life, and a glaring security gap, creating an opening for gangs to take control of the country.

Finally, with more than 96% of its population exposed to hurricanes, floods, and earthquakes, Haiti has become even more vulnerable to natural disasters. A 2010 earthquake killed 222,570 people, injured over 300,000, and displaced 3.5 million Haitians. In 2016, Hurricane Matthew killed around 250,000 people and wiped out 120% of its GDP. The destructive earthquake that hit Haiti on August 14, 2021, was followed two days later by Tropical Storm Grace, causing massive flooding and landslides and worsening the already desperate conditions on the ground. 

All these systemic issues and intractable problems, combined with a lack of faith in the government, have forced Haitians to fend for themselves. For women, this meant relying increasingly on the informal sector, primarily selling goods on the street and making the hard decision to use their financial resources to feed their children, pay for medical bills, or decide which of their children was most eligible to go to private school. This overwhelming conundrum created a practice with serious repercussions for poorer Haitians. With little money to send their children to school, a legalized form of child labor or slavery called Restavèk developed. With the creation of this system, limited resources drove many families to send their children to other, presumably wealthier, families who had the relative means to provide education, shelter, and food in exchange for their children’s service.

Current Impact on Women and Children

Gender-Based Violence (GBV)

With the ongoing turmoil in Haiti, marginalized groups such as women and children continue to be disproportionally impacted. GBV and violence against women and children are used as a deterrent to control a community. A Health Policy Watch study that evaluated the use of rape as a weapon of war in Haiti stated that “80% of the women and girls who participated in this research had been victims of one or multiple forms of sexual violence by one or more perpetrators. In 33% of the cases, the assailants were described as bandits, gang members, or kidnappers. 14% of the victims were only 10 to 18 years old.”  

Unemployment Rate & Informal Work Sector

Haiti’s unemployment rate is currently 15.73%. Women make up 62% of the labor force, and nearly half of the Haitian women are heads of households, but they do not work in the formal sector. Women constitute more than 75% of the informal economy in Haiti, where they sell produce and other items on roadsides to support their families with no benefits, health insurance, or other job protections.  

Lack of Representation in Politics

Unsurprisingly, women’s political representation in Haiti is negligent. In 2019, women constituted only 2.54% of the Haitian parliament, though as of January 2023, there is no functioning parliament at all in the country. Haiti established a Gender Equality Policy in 2014 and the Haitian Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights (MCFDF) in 1994. Nevertheless, the plan has not been effectively implemented, and the MCFDF faces chronic underfunding (0.01—0.05% of the national budget), government and parliamentary hostility, and little political will to change the status quo. 

Restavèk System

As noted, a modern version of child slavery known as Restavèk remains prevalent in Haiti. Studies have shown that male and female children who have been “restavèks” (more than half of whom are girls) likely never attended school and are more prone to experience sexual, physical, and emotional violence in childhood than non-restavèk children (See Figure 1). Some children do return home, but with few options available to them, many turn to prostitution, join gangs, or become beggars, which only continues the poverty-stricken cycle in Haiti. The Haitian government has attempted to crack down on this practice, but many families continue to resort to the only means they can afford to feed their children and families. 

                     Figure 1: Restavèk vs Non-Restavèk Children

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Access to Education

Education in Haiti is valued but not accessible to all since 85% of schools in Haiti are private schools. Families understand the power and opportunities an education can bring and, if they have the means, are willing to pay more than 40% of their income to send their children to school. In families with multiple children, children may skip a year to let their siblings go to school or, as is often the case, preference is given to boys under the assumption that it will be easier for them to find jobs. Parents often have no money to pay for their daughter’s education, and it has been known that some girls ask their male counterparts for money in exchange for sex in hopes they will make enough money to afford an education. Additionally, while the global average for “mean years of schooling” is 8.7 years, Haiti’s is a mere 5.6 years, placing it 124th out of 150 countries.

An Opportunity for Change: The Global Fragility Act

The U.S. 10-year Strategic Plan for Haiti identifies key factors that contribute to Haiti’s fragility (including the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse and increased criminal gang activity) and delves into gender-specific issues that continue to contribute to the countries’ instability, namely, GBV and gender inequality that disproportionately impacts women and girls. It specifically highlights the creation of a working group that consulted 230 individuals from different facets of the Haitian government and civil society. But gaps remain. 

It is particularly important that a detailed implementation plan arising from interagency discussions successfully integrate a gender perspective. However, a growing list of documents referenced for GFA implementation (see Figure 3) has made an already complicated effort more onerous. 

Figure 3: U.S. Government Documents: WPS and GFA

December 2017The United States Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017
June 2019The United States Strategy on Women, Peace, and Security
December 2019Global Fragility Act
December 2020The U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability
December 20202020-2024 The USAID Strategic Framework: Haiti
April 2022Announcement of GFA Priority Countries and Regions
March 2023U.S. Department of State Integrated Country Strategy
March 2023Publication of Country and Regional Plan Summaries

Despite multiple failed attempts by Haiti and the international community to address existing complex conflict dynamics, the Global Fragility Act and its 10-Year Strategic Plan for Haiti offers an opportunity to course-correct if implemented with a gender-sensitive lens alongside the people of Haiti. We offer four tangible recommendations that help codify how gender-conscious GFA implementation could look like in Haiti. They provide a unique and crucial approach to stabilizing Haiti’s fragile situation through the lens of gender-centric solutions.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Recommendation 1:  Increase Women’s Economic Agency in the Workforce

Through the support of the DoS, DoD, and USAID under the GFA, the Haitian government should create a joint coalition with the Haitian Ministry of the Economy, local government officials, and local NGOs to develop a pilot project for supporting the women-led informal sector. While most plans would center their efforts in the capital, specifically in Port-au-Prince, this plan is better suited for development and implementation in Cap Haitian, the second-largest city in the country.  With over 190,000 people, Cap Haitian is in the northern tip of Haiti and has thus far been shielded from the violence currently engulfing key cities in Haiti. Through monitoring mechanisms and data collection, a pilot case will provide lessons learned for implementing programs tailored to support women’s agency in more fragile and conflict-ridden environments. This approach has positive multiple effects, and it will address the persistent insecurity women face socially and economically and help ensure they are in a space that enables economic growth for their families and encourages career development.               

Recommendation 2:  Enhance the Ministry of Women’s Affairs

While the Haitian government has established laws addressing gender equality, policymakers are noncompliant with the laws. Enhancing the capability of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs is needed to oversee and enforce these laws, though it is doubtful the Haitian government will extend the resources and staff to support the Ministry’s work. International assistance can provide financial support for the Ministry’s activities, such as developing education and gender awareness programs for men, women, and children or building women’s economic empowerment. Collaboration among diverse international stakeholders that provide training, business advice, and increased access to financial resources or that work to build women’s business leadership and ownership in emerging markets will strengthen the Ministry’s capacity to empower more women.

Recommendation 3:  Education for Children

Education is the key driver to economic growth within a country. A highly educated and skilled labor force will increase the quality of work in all sectors and will contribute to increased income, tax revenue, and better-quality public education. To get there, with the help of GFA entities, Haiti should establish an education initiative similar to the approach conducted in the High Performing Asian Economies (HPAE) that includes Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and China. Although different in culture, government structure, and region, these countries were able to shift from developing countries to leading economies within half a decade. With high rates of investment in education, the governments were able to reallocate funds towards human capital such as schools and other necessary training, which helped each respective economy grow. This is a challenge for Haiti–not just because of government instability and scarce resources for education, but because of structural inequalities in the education system itself that must be eliminated to spur greater economic growth in the country. Nevertheless, making progress towards quality universal education must be a political priority.

Recommendation 4: Mobilizing the Haitian Diaspora

Despite significant international assistance to Haiti–$13 billion between 2011 and 2022 alone–Haiti remains an impoverished failed state. Earlier efforts have failed for many reasons, among them, poorly managed projects, local capacity limitations, corruption, and a political and economic elite complicit in gang violence and unwilling to implement structural changes to address state instability. An approach that has not been optimized is leveraging the Haitian diaspora to advance develop-driven, long-term solutions for Haiti, with the diaspora working hand in hand with the U.S. government and Haitians on the ground. Outside of the Haitians on the ground, there is no other group that understands the complexity and issues within the island nation or that contributes more to Haiti’s GDP: around two-thirds of Haiti’s GDP comes from remittances, showing that the Haitian diaspora not only influences but drives and deeply cares about Haiti’s success.

The Global Fragility Act and the 10-year strategic plan for Haiti can lead to novel implementation approaches by incorporating members of the diaspora while engaging with Haitian civil society organizations, and do so with the intent to leverage Haitian diaspora expertise. This includes engaging with organizations like the U.S. National Haitian Elected Officials Network (NHEON), a U.S.-based organization of Haitian-American politicians who can be an additional voice and liaison between Haitian citizens and U.S. organizations working towards implementing the GFA. We also recommend exploring the opportunity to grant voting rights to Haitians living abroad. While Haitians living abroad are eligible for dual citizenship, they cannot currently vote in Haitian elections. Doing so would insert a diversity of views and weaken the ability of corrupt politicians to manipulate voters, in the hope that diaspora voters would help to push the Haitian government to be more accountable to its citizens.

Conclusion

While Haiti’s history has contributed greatly to its current situation, and prior policies (with the best of intentions) have failed to alter Haiti’s current state, the Global Fragility Act is, undoubtedly, currently the best option to address fragility in Haiti. Though a challenge, cooperation between U.S. government agencies working with Haiti’s citizens and the diaspora to develop and implement the above-listed recommendations would contribute to addressing key concerns of GBV, employment, education, and safety, all of which are discussed in the guiding frameworks that have been identified as key documents for GFA implementation in Haiti. Despite the delay in implementation, the GFA is a policy that provides a significant opportunity for change. If implemented alongside the people of Haiti in a gender-sensitive way, the GFA can address fragility in innovative ways that will work for Haiti and its people.

Antigua and Barbuda – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Antigua and Barbuda does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Antigua and Barbuda have yet to adopt a NAP but have made concrete progress in addressing the security of women and girls through other avenues. The country is working toward gender mainstreaming and integrating gender perspectives into a wide range of policies, programs, and initiatives related to peace and security—notably in climate change policies and gender-based violence (GBV) programs. The government shows a commitment to integrating gender equality and WPS principles in the national police and defense forces and mainstreaming gender in other parts of its administration, such as the Department of the Environment. Still, more can be done to provide more and sustained funding for gender mainstreaming and greater participation of women in its security forces. The government should augment its efforts by appointing trained Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points in its security forces and implement a data-driven and results-based monitoring and evaluation mechanism to ensure efficient and effective implementation of its gender equality plans.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Antigua and Barbuda is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Optional Protocol to CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, Antigua and Barbuda have adopted a national policy framework on gender equality, enacted relevant and progressive legislation, and worked towards increasing women’s participation in decision-making positions. Like other Caribbean nations, Antigua and Barbuda identifies climate change as a primary security concern and has developed national plans and policies to address the impacts of natural disasters and climate emergencies.[1] Recognizing the disproportionate effects of climate change on women and girls, the government acted to develop gender-responsive plans and programs to address these effects.  

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Antigua and Barbuda does not have a WPS NAP. However, over the past two decades, the government successfully implemented the following gender-responsive policies and national gender action plans:

  • National Policy Framework: Antigua and Barbuda adopted “The National Gender Policy (2013-2018),” which provides a strong foundation for addressing women’s rights and gender equality, recognizes the importance of women’s participation in peacebuilding, and emphasizes the importance of protecting women and girls during armed conflict;[2]
  • Gender Responsive Implementation: During the process of updating the “National Determined Contributions 2021,” Antigua and Barbuda made sex-disaggregated data for gender analysis more accessible and developed a series of national surveys to create an evidence base “of the differentiated impacts of climate change on men and women and the role of women as agents of change and on opportunities for women;”[3]
  • Legal Measures: Antigua and Barbuda took steps to align its legal framework with the principles of the WPS agenda. The Domestic Violence Act (2015) criminalizes domestic violence and provides legal remedies for survivors.[4] The Sexual Offences Act (1995) was amended to strengthen protections against sexual violence and harassment;[5]
  • Gender-Based Violence: Antigua and Barbuda recognizes the urgency of addressing gender-based violence (GBV) and has taken steps to combat it. A series of national strategic plans were developed and updated in the past decade, outlining the government’s approach to addressing GBV, setting out strategies for prevention, support services for survivors, and measures to strengthen the legal and institutional response to GBV.[6]

Antigua and Barbuda increased its efforts to advance gender mainstreaming to fight climate emergencies and its effects on women and girls. The Department of the Environment took the lead in several initiatives:

  • Developed creative gender-responsive frameworks, including climate financing for women and girls, recruited young women professionals as M&E consultants, and established a fund through which vulnerable communities, including women, can access support;[7]
  • Adopted a Gender Action Plan focusing on building women’s capacity to access the scientific and technical fields;[8]
  • Developed a Gender Manual to guide the Department’s National Gender Focal Points and other local agencies on how to mainstream gender into their daily activities.[9]

The government of Antigua and Barbuda partnered with the Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency (CDEMA), the regional inter-governmental entity for disaster management, to launch a gender-responsive early warning system in the country.[10]

Military and Police

The Royal Police Force of Antigua and Barbuda (RPF) planning documents and operational planning processes reference WPS principles. National policies and documents include legal protection of vulnerable persons (women, girls, and boys) from domestic violence and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). Information specific to the Antigua and Barbuda Defence Force (ABDF) was unavailable.

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

Data were unavailable to confirm whether the military and national police forces have appointed Gender Advisors or Gender Focal Points.

Gender in the Ranks

The ABDF is a small military force. Out of an estimated 245 members, 50 are women (20%).[11] Its main priorities include internal security, prevention of drug smuggling and trafficking, protection from marine pollution, and relief services during natural disasters. Since the ABDF’s founding, all positions are open to men and women.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Training of government officials, law enforcement agencies, and civil society organizations addresses gender issues in the context of peace and security. Gender-sensitive training programs and workshops have been conducted to sensitize stakeholders, including police, judges, magistrates, and court personnel, on “the basic concepts of gender and GBSV, victim-blaming and other forms of re-victimization, and the relevant support services available to both survivors and perpetrators.”[12]

The Directorate of Gender Affairs has trained over 300 police officers on domestic violence legislation and gender-based violence, among other related topics.[13] Authorities also reported that several domestic violence programs include law enforcement and army officers training.[14]

The ABDF and RPF have also received training on conducting gender-sensitive firearms investigations. The United Nations Office of Disarmament Affairs partnered with both forces to teach participants how to apply gender perspectives to criminal firearms investigations. By adopting this approach, investigators have identified evidence of gender-based violence and equipped security personnel with the necessary skills to conduct a gender-sensitive and rights-based approach.[15]

Work Environment

The RPF has promoted gender mainstreaming in its policies. The RPF does not publicly provide official guidelines or policies. However, the government has partnered with academic institutions and international organizations like the UN to strengthen its commitment to gender mainstreaming. On March 4, 2023, the RPF partnered with the American University of Antigua-AUA Campus, convening over 200 policewomen to present on topics aimed at empowering female police officers.”[16] While the RPF does not publish current sex-disaggregated employment rates, women comprise more than 200 of the estimated 750 staff members of the RPF—over 26% of the total force.[17] All positions and ranks are open to women and men in the RPF.  

Family Policies

No publicly available documents outline family leave policies specifically for the ABDF or RPF. Labor laws in Antigua and Barbuda provide 13 weeks of maternity leave but no statutory paternity leave.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

As in many countries, women in Antigua and Barbuda are adversely affected by gender-based violence. Acknowledging this, the RPF launched the Special Victims Support Unit (SVSU) in 2017, handling all cases of domestic and intimate partner violence, sexual assault, and other gender-based related crimes.[18] The SVSU comprises officers who have received specialized sensitization training to meet the needs of survivors of gender-based and sexual violence. There is no publicly available information on workplace harassment, abuse policies, or training for the ABDF and RPF personnel.

Equipment and facilities

No information on gender-specific equipment or facilities is publicly available.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

The government of Antigua and Barbuda monitors and evaluates the implementation of gender mainstreaming within various government agencies and ministries. It works closely with several UN agencies, including the UNDP, UNEP, and UN Women, to promote gender-inclusive initiatives. Antigua and Barbuda also regularly submit voluntary reports to international organizations on its efforts to promote gender equality and women’s rights. These reports update the country’s progress and challenges in implementing gender-related policies and initiatives.

However, the ABDF and the RPF appear disconnected from the gender mainstreaming initiatives by the government and do not monitor, evaluate, or report gender-responsive programming. More publicly available information regarding monitoring and evaluation requirements from these security organizations would provide more transparency. The government acknowledges that advancing in gender integration requires the collection of sex-disaggregated data; more needs to be done both in the collection and public distribution of such data.[19] Information on whether the RPF and ABDF have appointed gender advisors or gender focal points was not available.

Recommendations

Overall, Antigua and Barbuda have advanced gender equality and gender mainstreaming considerably. The government has implemented policies and programs to promote and advance women’s rights at all levels of society and made political and financial commitments to promote gender equality and the security of women and girls. Yet, more can be done to achieve the goals set forth by UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions.

For the Government of Antigua and Barbuda:

  • Adopt a WPS NAP, drawing inspiration from existing gender-responsive laws, frameworks, and policies and engaging with key stakeholders, including government agencies and the security sector, civil society organizations, and women’s groups in its development.
  • Conduct monitoring and evaluation to ensure gender mainstreaming within security forces, gathering sex-disaggregated data to support the process.
  • Commit to gender-responsive budgeting to track progress in training, programming, and institutional capacity building related to gender mainstreaming goals in the security forces.

For the ABDF:

  • Ensure all ranks receive anti-harassment and abuse training and make ABDF policies publicly available.
  • Work with government agencies to collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on female participation in the force.
  • Develop a monitoring and evaluation mechanism to assess progress in implementing gender equality and WPS principles over time.
  • Recruit Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points to support ABDF leadership.

For the RPF:

  • Commit to a monitoring and evaluation mechanism that engages civil society and utilizes sex-disaggregated data to guide future planning, programming, and policy decisions.
  • Promote gender-sensitivity and sexual harassment prevention training to ensure all police officers and law enforcement personnel have access to such training.
  • Recruit Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points to ensure the integration of gender perspectives in RPF policies and programs.

Barbados – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status 

Barbados does not have a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Barbados has demonstrated a moderate amount of political will and has taken several steps in recent years toward implementing the WPS agenda. Women remain underrepresented in the military but do not face sex-based restrictions on promotion. In the police force, women are more proportionally represented, and the force has a strong orientation toward the prevention of gender-based violence (GBV). Future actions taken by the government of Barbados toward achieving WPS principles depend on committing funding and staff to transform institutional policies and culture to advance gender equality and WPS principles in security sector forces.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Barbados is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, the current National Strategic Plan (2005-2025) mentions gender equity and equality as areas of strategic note.[20] Barbados established a Bureau of Gender Affairs whose mandate is the integration of a gender perspective in all national development plans to achieve gender equality.[21] Barbados also adopted the Domestic Violence Protections Order Amendment Act 2016, which empowers the Royal Barbados Police Force (RBPF) with robust emergency protection orders in cases of gender-based violence.[22]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policies

The principles of WPS and gender-based violence are mentioned in police strategic documents and operational policy processes. The RBPF has created an action plan for addressing domestic violence and GBV.[23]

Gender in the Ranks (Military and Police)

ServiceMenWomen% Women
Military[24]5406010
Barbados Police Force1,18717216.3

Women in the Barbadian military have achieved the highest level of enlistment distinction for a soldier.[25] All positions in the military and police forces are open to women.

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

There are no Gender Advisors (GENADs) or Gender Focal Points (GFPs) in the Barbados Defence Force (BDF) or the RBPF, though the country has gender equality offices and units.

Training, Education, and Exercises

Barbados provides updates to the Organization of American States MESECVI, which examines adherence to the Belém do Pará Convention. The MESECVI 2019 reported that the Barbados police conducts training “in relation to women’s Human rights[sic].”[26] Barbados has hosted intervention programs focused on encouraging nonviolent lifestyles for men.[27] In 2022, Barbados was one of six country police forces in the Caribbean to form a community of practice to improve responses and mitigation measures against gender-based violence.[28]

The 2005-2025 National Strategic Plan signaled an intention to conduct gender sensitivity training “at all levels of the public services, private sector, and the community.”[29] Police officers receive training from the Family Conflict Intervention Unit (FCIU) on domestic violence, as do new recruits.[30] Information pertaining to training for military personnel was unavailable.

Work Environment

Women in Barbados are entitled to at least 12 weeks of maternity leave.[31] The Barbados government announced on July 29, 2023, that paternity leave will be available in 2024.[32] No data were available regarding uniforms and equipment. Police stations in Barbados cite inadequate facilities as a notable constraint in integrating women into the force.[33]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

Police strategic action plans highlight the responsibility to protect civilians from GBV and domestic violence. Toll-free domestic violence reporting lines are maintained at each station.[34]Data on anti-harassment and abuse policies in the RBPF and BDF were unavailable.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

Information on the monitoring and evaluation mechanisms for the military and police forces was unavailable. While the Barbados national police publish police statistics, the data collected are not sex-disaggregated.[35] The Bureau of Gender Affairs collects data, but the Bureau’s limited resources make data collection difficult.[36]

Recommendations

For the Barbados government:

  • Adopt a WPS NAP, engaging with key stakeholders, including government agencies, civil society organizations, women’s groups, and local communities throughout the process;
  • Provide necessary resources to maintain a monitoring and evaluation mechanism to ensure the effective implementation of gender integration policies;
  • Secure better funding and staff for the Bureau of Gender Affairs and for collecting sex-disaggregated data and data analysis to assess progress in gender integration.

For Barbados Defence Force:

  • Appoint fully trained Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points to implement gender mainstreaming in military policy, planning, and operational documents;
  • Evaluate sexual harassment and sexual exploitation and abuse policies for personnel and provide sexual harassment and abuse prevention programming and training in all ranks;
  • Evaluate institutional policies and practices (e.g. family leave, childcare, sexual harassment and abuse policies, promotion opportunities, hostile work environment) that work to recruit, promote, and thus retain women in the force.

For the Royal Barbados Police Force:

  • Appoint a Gender Advisor or Gender Focal Point to promote gender mainstreaming and gender-responsive policies in the force;
  • Collect sex-disaggregated data to ensure better analysis and evaluation of measures needed to improve police services;
  • Ensure that sexual harassment and abuse prevention policies for police personnel are in place and training in sexual harassment/abuse and GBV programs are mandatory for all police and law enforcement officers.

Belize – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Belize does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

The government of Belize has made a significant commitment to gender equality and gender mainstreaming. Belize’s 2020 WPS agenda for its security forces is a big step towards achieving gender equality and inclusion in the Ministry of National Security of Belize. The Belize Police Force (BPF) performs better in terms of women in the ranks—over 25% as opposed to 6% of women represented in the Belize Defense Force, signaling the need for the defense force leadership to review recruitment policies as well as existing institutional policies and practices that are often hurdles to women’s participation in security forces. As the Belize government steps up its efforts to address growing gender-based violence, it must also act to decrease gender-based violence in its security forces through prevention training and the enforcement of existing zero-tolerance policies.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Belize is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, Belize’s interest in the WPS agenda has grown over the past decade. In 2020, the Ministry of National Security launched the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda for the security forces in Belize to “empower women as equal partners in the development of a prosperous and stable Belize, especially in achieving our national security goals.”[37] In the Belize National Security and Defense Strategy 2018-2021, Goal 3 aimed to “provide the necessary environment for a prosperous and stable Belize.” The Strategy further includes an objective to “[i]mprove investment in gender equality and youth development.”[38]

As in many countries, gender-based violence incidents in Belize have increased. The rise in gender-based violence prompted the government to pass a National-Gender Based Violence Plan of Action (2010-2that led to legislative reform and the establishment of a domestic violence unit in the Belize National Police, among other actions.[39] However, the Belize Ministry of Human Development acknowledged that the impact of these changes was limited, and it is still unclear whether the plan will be renewed in the current decade.[40]

The creation of the Ministry of National Security’s WPS agenda demonstrates the political will to advance gender equality and the rights of women in Belize. Other efforts to improve the conditions of women are the regular publication of “Gender-Based Violence Statistics” through the Belize Crime Observatory and the Women and Family Support Department of the Ministry of Human Development, which works to “promote gender equality and equity” among its citizens.[41]

The National Women’s Commission acts as “a strategic advisory body to the Government of Belize on issues of gender.”[42] The Commission addresses threats and mistreatment a person may suffer when reporting gender violence. It has opened a virtual space for the person submitting the complaint to report any unprofessional behavior while filing the report.

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

As mentioned earlier, Belize’s National Security and Defense Strategy 2018-2021 states that gender equality is a strategic objective. In January 2022, the Government of Belize announced the beginning of stakeholder consultations for the National Security Strategy 2022-2027, which included the participation of members from the security forces, government, private sector, and civil society.[43] However, no further information about the 2022-2027 Strategy is publicly available online.

The Ministry of National Security’s WPS agenda (2020) aims to set the framework “to increase women’s participation in efforts to promote security, maintain peace, and prevent conflict.”[44] The Ministry has focused on recruiting and promoting more women, education, and training in sexual- and gender-based violence in security forces and implementing the WPS agenda.

The Women’s Department of Belize released a handbook in 2012 on sexual violence, which presented definitions, response protocols, risk reduction actions, and other relevant information regarding sexual violence.[45]

Gender in the Ranks

The Belize Police Force has over 500 female police officers. Currently, 25% of police officers serving are women.[46] In March 2023, the BPF held a ceremony celebrating the promotion of 62 female police officers to positions ranging from constable to senior superintendent.[47]

In contrast, just over 90 female officers in the Belize Defence Force (BDF) are women and constitute only 6% of the total number of BDF officers.[48] There have been allegations of assault in the military, though the BDF maintains a zero-tolerance policy towards sexual harassment and assault. Progress is evident in the 2023 officer selection board decisions, where five of the ten recruits are women. Five women recruits are in officer training programs in the United States and will be commissioned as second lieutenants in the BDF.[49] All positions in the Belize military and police forces are open to women.

No data were available on the appointment and training of Gender Advisor and Gender Focal Points in the military or police forces.

Training and Education

Members of the BPF and BDF have access to training and education opportunities on gender mainstreaming and GBV. Members of the BDF also participate in region-wide WPS training to encourage more effective gender integration in the military.[50]

Work Environment

According to the Belize Labour Act, women receive fourteen weeks of maternity leave in any public or private industrial or commercial undertaking and every branch of government.[51] The law does not provide for paternity leave or parental leave.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

In February 2022, the Ministry of National Defence and Border Security and the Ministry of Home Affairs and New Growth Industries established the Joint Sexual Violence Prevention and Response (JSVPR) Programme for the security forces that will provide response services when sexual assault occurs within the Belize security forces.[52]

In 2019, the Belize organization Our Circle, a national organization that supports family units formed by LGBTQ+ persons, received funding to address gender and diversity issues in the Belize Defence Force and to conduct “a review of welfare policies which already exist not only from a gender equality perspective but also a sexual orientation and gender identity approach.”[53] Part of the initiative involved training a cohort of peer educators to provide training in the ranks and work to ensure the BDF has the guidance and data to ensure a safe environment for all service members. Although there is no more information on the advancement of this project, it shows the collaboration between civil society organizations, a regional non-governmental organization, and the security forces in Belize.

Monitoring and Evaluation

The Belize Crime Observatory collects sex-disaggregated data on gender-based violence.[54] This information is publicly available online, making it possible to observe the trends of gender violence in Belize and assist policymakers in creating more effective policies and strategies against this phenomenon.

Recommendations

For the Belize Government:

  • Adopt a WPS National Action Plan (NAP) based on the new Women, Peace, and Security Agenda and following the National-Gender Based Violence Plan of Action;
  • Update the National Gender-based Violence Plan of Action of 2010 to meet current and updated goals and strategies to achieve them;
  • Update the Revised National Gender Policy of 2013, upload it on their official publications, and give maintenance to the webpage to access information. 

For the Belize Defense Force:

  • Evaluate strategies to increase the number of female recruits and address gaps in institutional policies and practices (e.g., family leave, childcare, sexual harassment policies, promotion opportunities) that often impact the recruitment of women and their decision to remain in the force;
  • Evaluate sexual harassment and sexual exploitation and abuse programming for protecting military personnel within the ranks and make the data publicly available;
  • Deploy trained Gender Advisors or Gender Focal Point officers;
  • Ensure sex-disaggregated data is collected, analyzed, and made publicly available;
  • Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation.

For the Belize Police Force:

  • Consider appointing a Gender Advisor and Gender Focal Point officer;
  • Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the ranks are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for all law enforcement officers;
  • Collect sex-disaggregated data and make the data publicly available;
  • Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation.

Bolivia – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Bolivia does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

While Bolivia does not have an official NAP, it has made significant strides to advance the WPS agenda and develop comprehensive strategies to address the challenges faced by women in the country. The government’s commitment to gender equality and gender mainstreaming is reflected in its declaration of  2022 as the “Year of the Cultural Revolution to Dismantle Patriarchy for a Life Free from Violence Against Women.” National institutions and mechanisms have been established to support women in the ranks and counter discrimination, gender harassment, and gender-based violence (GBV). More attention is needed in establishing work-life integration policies for security institutions, such as maternity and paternity leave and family leave. The military and national police forces have comprehensive monitoring and evaluation tools to assess progress in gender equality initiatives and programs. Nevertheless, developing an official WPS NAP could solidify Bolivia’s standing as a progressive regional leader, driving positive change and fostering greater gender equality and security.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Bolivia is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Bolivia signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment and is a signatory of the American Convention on Human Rights “Pact of San José, Costa Rica.”

At the national level, Bolivia’s constitution, adopted in 2009, recognizes women’s rights and promotes gender equality. Article 8, Section 15 obligates the state to take all necessary measures to prevent and eliminate GBV and designates power to the president to create ministries and enact laws that promote gender equality.[55] In January 2022, after conducting years of analysis on the factors contributing to gender inequality, the Bolivian government announced that 2022 would be the “Year of the Cultural Revolution to Dismantle Patriarchy for a Life Free from Violence Against Women.”[56] The government followed up with comprehensive laws to criminalize various forms of GBV and the provision of services for women and girls who are victims of domestic and intimate partner violence, rape and sexual assault, sexual harassment, and femicide.”[57][58]

Foreign policy documents, including the Bolivia Foreign Policy Plan and the Plan for Economic and Social Development 2021-2025, also support the government’s policy of dismantling patriarchy and call for strengthening regulatory frameworks to address and dismantle the structural causes of violence against women.[59] 

Finally, the country has established institutions and mechanisms to promote gender equality and women’s rights:

  • The Ministry of Justice and Institutional Transparency has a Directorate of Gender Equality (Dirección de Igualdad de Género) that is responsible for coordinating and implementing policies and programs related to gender equality, the promotion of women’s rights, and the elimination of gender-based discrimination;
  • The National Council of Women is under the Ministry of Justice and Institutional Transparency. It advises the government on policies and strategies to promote gender equality and women’s rights. The Council brings together representatives from government agencies, civil society organizations, and women’s rights advocates to ensure cohesion and proper implementation;[60]
  • The “Multisectoral Plan to Dismantle Patriarchy and Promote Women’s Right to Practice the Right Way of Living” also advocates for women’s rights by implementing policies and coordinating initiatives.[61]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Several policies are in place that testify to the political commitment of the military to implement WPS principles. TheStrategic Plan to Dismantle Patriarchy and the Prevention of Violence Against Women” identifies the military and police as principal actors in preventing violence against women and advancing gender equality.[62]

Gender in the Ranks

The most recent Institutional Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Defense 2016-2020 cited goals and quotas to increase the participation of women in all ranks of the Bolivian armed forces. The government has worked closely with UN Women and the Bolivian Ministry of Justice to recruit more women.[63] The government set a goal of increasing the number of women in the armed forces to 8.65% by 2020.[64] This goal was surpassed; as of 2021, women accounted for an estimated 10% of the armed forces.[65]Current projections estimate that by 2025, women will make up 11.7% of the total military force, though that number will likely be higher due to these efforts.[66] Women in Bolivian security forces face other challenges as well, including corruption, abuse of power, and mistreatment of women officers by their male counterparts.[67]

In terms of the Bolivian Police Corps (PNB), women comprise 16.25% of officers. The PNB likewise does not have official policies linked to the WPS agenda. However, as part of the government’s plan to dismantle patriarchy, the PNB was identified as a leading actor in combatting GBV and violence against women. According to the Strategic Institutional Plan for Bolivian Police 2016-2020, a strategic objective is to equip police with training, equipment, and infrastructure to protect women from violence.[68]

For the armed forces and the police, all positions of all ranks are open to women, and the principles of WPS, though not specified as such, are integrated into military programming, strategy, and planning.

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

According to publicly available documents, GENADs are currently serving in the PNB. They are fully trained and serve at senior levels. Information on whether the Bolivian armed forces retain GENADs or Gender Focal Points (GFPs) was unavailable.

Training, Education, and Exercises

In adhering to the government’s overall strategy of decolonization and dismantling patriarchy, the armed forces and national police receive specialized training and education on these principles. According to government sources, 4,240 armed service members received specialized training with “a focus on decolonization, dismantling patriarchy, and the fight against racism and discrimination.”[69] Various police units received specialized training on best practices for addressing gender-based violence and crimes against women and combatting human trafficking, which disproportionately affects women and girls.[70]   

Work Environment

The Ministry of Defense instituted a Gender Equity program to prevent GBV, raise awareness of the issue, and encourage more women to consider careers in the military and defense institutions. This program allows for the gradual increase of women in military service and has created a more equitable work environment for women.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

In 2016, the Ministry of Defense established several mechanisms, measures, and policies to ensure the recruitment and retention of women in the armed forces. These included a series of anti-harassment protocols in the workplace, manuals for gender units, and an inspection guide to ensure proper implementation.

Despite progress, there are documented cases of gender violence and discrimination in the military. Between 2019 and 2021, the General Directorate of Human Rights and Intercultural Affairs in the Armed Forces received 340 cases of violations of human rights and gender violence and discrimination. According to the most recent publicly available information, 168 patients were registered in 2019, 91 in 2020, and 81 in 2021. The reduction by year in the number of complaints by women is likely attributable to the implementation of Law 348 (called “the law that grants women a life free of violence”)[71] and various gender initiatives by the armed forces, which establishes four ways to report harassment: complainants can report directly to the Ministry of Defense, Force Commanders, the supervisor in their unit, or a designated person in their larger military unit. Under these initiatives, victims receive psychological, legal, medical, and social work support and are encouraged to report their complaints to the Public Ministry and Special Force to Combat Violence.[72] 

Women police officers in Bolivia likewise face sexism, harassment, and abuse by male colleagues. Women make up an estimated 16.25%, or 6,500, of the 40,000-person police force and have, historically, been undervalued. Recognizing this problem, the Ministry of Government launched the “Mujer Policia y FELCV Digna” program in 2021, spearheaded by Lt. Colonel Jannet Montecinos.[73] The program aims to investigate complaints of sexism and verbal or physical harassment against women police officers by their colleagues.[74]

Family Policies

Bolivia has maternity and family leave policies for women and men. Women are entitled to 90 days of maternity leave, broken down into 45 days before the expected due date and 45 days after the child’s birth. Men receive three days of paid paternity leave. There are no provisions for parental leave.[75]

Equipment and Facilities

Information about equipment and facilities for women in security forces is not publicly available.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

Despite the absence of a WPS NAP, the Bolivian armed forces and the national police have developed comprehensive tools for monitoring the success of various gender equality initiatives and programs. The Gender Council, established by the Ministry of Defense, developed measures and mechanisms to evaluate gender equality progress, both in the rate of women graduating from Bolivia’s Military College and in the recruitment and promotion of women in the military. GENADs serve in the police force under Lt Colonel Montecinos to monitor and evaluate the “Mujer Policia y FELCV Digna” program and identify gaps in implementing gender equality principles.[76]

Recommendations

For the Government of Bolivia:

  • Adopt a robust WPS NAP that aligns with national gender plans and policies and engage with civil society actors, women’s rights groups, and other key stakeholders throughout the NAP development process;
  • Adequately fund sexual and gender-based violence training in security forces;
  • Incorporate gender-responsive budgeting to track progress in training, programming, and institutional capacity building related to gender mainstreaming goals in the security forces;
  • Evaluate institutional policies and practices (e.g., family leave, childcare, promotion opportunities, hostile work environment) that work to recruit, promote, and thus retain women in the military and police forces.

For the Armed Forces of Bolivia:

  • Clarify and adequately resource maternity, paternity, and family leave policies specific to the armed forces and police;
  • Appoint GENADs and GFPs to support leadership and staff, provide technical expertise, and ensure effective implementation of gender mainstreaming in security institutions;
  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data and integrate it into the monitoring and evaluation process to encourage goals of increasing women’s participation in security fields;
  • Mandate gender-sensitive, GBV, and anti-harassment training for service members in all ranks.

For the Bolivian Police Corps:

  • Provide adequate support and resources to conduct gender-sensitive, GBV, and anti-harassment training for police officers in all grades;
  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data and goals and integrate them into the monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation;
  • Revise institutional policies and practices that will improve the recruitment, promotion, and thus retention of women in the police force.

Dominica – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Dominica does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Despite electing the first woman Prime Minister in the Caribbean in 1980, Dominica faces challenges in direction and transparency to implementing gender mainstreaming initiatives in its government and the Commonwealth of Dominica Police Force (CDPF). Dominica has no military forces, though it is a member of the Regional Security System (RSS), a regional security alliance in the Caribbean. Given the scarcity of publicly available information and data in regional and international bodies before 2022, it is unclear whether the Dominican government is committed to adopting a NAP.

Regarding gender equality at the civil society level, Dominica established the Bureau of Gender Affairs to build partnerships for gender-related programming. Dominica has adopted a National Gender Policy, but little public information is available to evaluate programmatic initiatives and their effectiveness, including whether such programming extends into the CDPF. Dominica’s commitment to adopting the WPS agenda and its principles is thus an open question, but there is much room for improvement. The government should be encouraged to commit the political will and the necessary resources to adopt legal measures and policies to advance gender equality and the WPS principles in the security forces.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Dominica is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) though not the Optional Protocol to CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, gender equality is mentioned twice in the national constitution of Dominica, which was revised and updated in 2014.[77] Few domestic or foreign policy documents are made publicly available. There is no mention of WPS or women’s security more broadly in official national or foreign policy documents made publicly available.

The primary government ministry that works on issues of gender is the Bureau of Gender Affairs, which develops partnerships for gender-related programming within civil society.[78] No documents made publicly available by the Bureau identify the national police as actors or collaborators in gender equality initiatives or in gender-based violence (GBV) prevention programs. The Bureau is the primary governmental partner executing Dominica’s 2006 National Policy and Action Plan for Gender Equity and Equality in the Commonwealth of Dominica (NPAP).This plan signaled the government’s shift in focus from “women’s empowerment” to “gender equality.”[79] The document further outlines that the Bureau has the responsibility to institutionalize gender mainstreaming, develop gender-responsive policies, and ensure policy implementation at various government agencies.[80]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Following the NPAP adoption, Dominica’s government adopted the National Gender Policy in 2006, which promotes gender equality, sustainable development, and social justice.[81] Little information about recent initiatives or programming is made publicly available, though this does not necessarily indicate the absence of efforts to fulfill the National Gender Policy. There is some indication that the Bureau of Gender Affairs is active though struggles to implement gender mainstreaming across ministries and government agencies because of a lack of resources.[82] 

Nevertheless, recent data that would aid in understanding strategies, plans, or practices related to gender equality in civil society and in institutions such as the national police are unavailable, as Dominica does not regularly report on gender-related data to the same degree as other countries in the Latin American and Caribbean region.

Gender in the Ranks

The Commonwealth of Dominica Police Force (CDPF) website states that the force has 444 active personnel.[83] The Dominica police force is recruiting women and expects to increase its forces above 500 police officers. In 2021, it recruited 14 females out of 53 recruits (26%), and in 2022, the Dominican police inducted 51 new trainees, 25% of whom (13) were women.[84] Dominica has no military forces.

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

No current data were available.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The Bureau of Gender Affairs conducted police training on gender sensitization and analysis and gender violence and human rights training.[85]

Work Environment

Women in the Dominican police force continue to struggle on many fronts. Despite progress over the past decades—by 2016, women constituted 12% of the police force and served in every police department—promotional opportunities are limited and tend to favor men, women have less managerial support and little to no female mentors, and institutional sexism remains an ongoing concern.[86]

Success will depend on the leadership’s capacity to change policy and practice—by integrating gender mainstreaming and WPS principles in central directives and guidance documents, promotions to leadership ranks, training and education opportunities, and creating a positive climate and environment of trust and respect for all officers.

Family Policies

In Dominica, women  are entitled to receive 14 weeks of paid maternity leave. Men receive two days paternity leave. There is no legal requirement for parental leave.

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

Dominica has not adopted legal protections against sexual harassment. Incidents of sexual harassment are addressed–though not adequately–via the Sexual Offences Act. The Act is currently under review and will reportedly be revised to respond to sexual harassment cases fully.[87] No information is publicly available to identify whether the national police force has or enforces anti-harassment or abuse policies. Domestic laws that criminalize rape (including spousal rape) of men and women exist.[88] However, no sexual harassment legislation allows for civil remedies or criminal penalties for harassment in the workplace, schools, or public spaces.[89]

Equipment and Facilities

No information is publicly available.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

No information is publicly available.

Recommendations:

The Dominican government should act to build a comprehensive strategy to integrate gender equality and the principles outlined in the WPS agenda across government and society and commit the political and financial resources to sustain it.

For the Government of Dominica:

  • Develop a WPS NAP to identify priorities, responsibilities, and resources to advance gender equality and women’s full participation and advancement in the security sector;
  • Ensure adequate budgeting and staffing for the country’s Bureau of Gender Affairs to allow for effective gender mainstreaming in government institutions, policies, and practices;
  • Collect gender-disaggregated data relating to gender equality indicators, including violence against women and girls, and regularly publish the results;
  • Implement a monitoring and evaluation mechanism that is independent, transparent, and includes civil society in every stage of the process;
  • Regularly participate in voluntary national reviews as part of UN conventions on women’s rights and work with UN committees to promote gender equality programming. 

For the Commonwealth Dominica Police Force:

  • Develop strategies and policies to recruit, train, and promote increased women’s participation within the police force;
  • Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the force are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for all law enforcement officers;
  • Ensure sex-disaggregated data is collected, analyzed, and made publicly available;
  • Engage with government agencies, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders to ensure transparency and adequate monitoring, evaluation, and reporting in gender mainstreaming initiatives to meet local community concerns.

El Salvador – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

El Salvador adopted its first WPS NAP in 2017 (2017-2022), developed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Salvadoran Institute for the Development of Women, and the Implementation Committee and Technical Monitoring Committee.[90] In March 2022, El Salvador presented its biannual National Action Plan: Women, Peace, and Security 2022-2024 (Mujeres, paz y seguridad 2022-2024)to strengthen further the implementation of the WPS agenda in the country.[91] 

Overall Assessment

El Salvador’s 2017-2022 NAP outlined a series of indicators and objectives and has established a biannual WPS National Action Plan (NAP) for 2022-2024. Alongside several other documents related to gender, El Salvador shows strong signs of prioritizing the implementation of WPS principles, which speaks to the political will demonstrated by the country. Institutionally, the security sector leadership signaled its commitment to gender mainstreaming and implementing WPS principles by appointing Gender Advisors (GENADs) to serve in the El Salvadoran military and police forces.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, El Salvador is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) though not the Optional Protocol to CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, El Salvador’s foreign policy includes gender equalityas one of its main pillars, and the government has developed policies that support actionable programs.[92] The Salvadoran Institute for the Development of Women (Instituto Salvadoreño para el Desarrollo de la Mujer, or ISDEMU) is the most important national gender institution. It is a significant actor responsible for formulating, executing, and monitoring compliance with the National Policy for Women, promoting legislative initiatives on women’s issues, and championing the participation of civil society, women’s organizations, and local communities in their work.[93]

In 2017, the National Civil Police of El Salvador (PNC) adopted an implementation plan that engages all government agencies in meeting WPS objectives.[94] Documentation indicates that the government is prepared to allocate resources and personnel towards WPS implementation, supported by a GENAD and an additional budget allotment.[95] El Salvador’s government website, where most information about its policies is publicly available, reflects the government’s commitment to transparency.

For the Armed Forces of El Salvador, the National Action Plan 2017-2022 supports the active participation of women in the armed forces and calls on the government to increase the number of women serving and integrate a gender perspective in institutional structures. It also obliges the government to educate and contribute to gender training in the national police and the armed forces.[96]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The principles of WPS are mentioned in key security documents. The Institutional Policy for Gender Equality in the Justice and Public Security Sector 2018-2027 establishes lines of action to increase gender equality.[97] The Operation Manual of the Armed Forces contains sections on gender violence and gender equality.[98] These documents also note the responsibility to protect vulnerable persons (women and children). Before adopting its first WPS NAP, the El Salvadoran government passed the “2011 Special Comprehensive Law for a Life Free of Violence for Women,” guaranteeing institutional responsibility to protect.[99]

Gender in the Ranks

In July of 2021, the El Salvadoran government announced the addition of 1046 new members  (857 men and 189 women) to the military forces.[100] With the 2021 addition, the army now stands at 20,100 members. The government aims for a goal of 40,000 members by 2026.[101]  It is unclear whether the government has set a goal for the gender composition of this force.[102]

The gender distribution in the National Police is as follows:[103]

 WomenMen% Women
Administration1,6024,25627.35
Operative3,16919,24114.14

The gender distribution in rank within the National Police is as follows:

 WomenMen% Women
Commissioner2011614.71
Sub Commissioner1611612.12
Inspector Chief5935.10
Inspectors141618.00
Sub Inspector525448.72
Sergeant10414976.50

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

In 2015, the El Salvadoran armed forces created an Institutional Gender Unit (UGI) equivalent to a GENAD. The responsibilities of this unit and its Focal Points are laid out in the Operation Manual  published in 2021.[104]  The head of the gender unit in the El Salvador police force, Coralia Elizabeth Cuellar, received special gender training before her appointment.[105]

Training, Education, and Exercises

The education and training material of the police at the junior-, mid-, and senior levels have integrated WPS principles.[106] Police personnel receive special training on the protection of vulnerable persons from sexual violence and exploitation. Pre-deployment, they receive training on the protection of the rights of vulnerable persons, cultural awareness, gender perspective, the regards of international law, and specific gender norms in the operational area.

Anti-harassment and Abuse Policies

In terms of anti-harassment and abuse policies within the security forces, there is a code of conduct but no sexual harassment or sexual exploitation prevention program.

Work Environment

The work environment and labor rights, such as maternity leave, are regulated by legal requirements observed in labor legislation.[107] In El Salvador, a woman is entitled to 16 weeks of paid maternity leave. Men receive three days of paternity leave at 100% of regular pay.[108] There are also family leave policies for the military and human resource policies for the National Police.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

Government institutional indicators have been used for transparency and to identify areas for improvement.[109] Each institution has its transparency site that publishes constant updates, changes, and notes on the status of different task areas and ministerial documents. Likewise, civil society organizations participate in WPS reviews, including the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), working alongside the national police to evaluate the professional level of the institution, its reach, and its budget based on statistical analysis.[110]

The PNC collects sex-disaggregated data mainly for transparency, which are publicly available in the Police Management Results Report (Informe de resultados de la gestión policial).[111]

Recommendations

For the Government of El Salvador:

  • Engage with civil society organizations to adopt the second iteration of the national WPS NAP;
  • Restore adequate funding from the general budget for programs advancing gender equality and the WPS agenda;
  • Continue training on gender-based and WPS principles for the military and the national police;
  • Make results of sex-disaggregated data available to the public.

For the National Civil Police of El Salvador:

  • Explicitly prohibit sexual harassment, exploitation, and assault in the National Police Code of Conduct;
  • Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the ranks are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for all law enforcement officers;
  • Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation.

For the Armed Forces of El Salvador:

  • Draft and adopt a gender implementation plan and incorporate inclusive language in institutional policy, manuals, protocols, and directives;
  • Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the ranks are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for service members at all ranks;
  • Address gaps in institutional policies and practices, such as promotion policies, that can adversely affect the recruitment and retention of women in the military;
  • Include more information on pre-deployment training on WPS towards the military in documents made available on the government’s transparency portal.

Grenada – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Grenada does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Though lacking a WPS NAP, Grenada demonstrates a strong political commitment to the principles of gender equality. Various government policy documents, the creation and maintenance of offices that support women’s inclusion, and Grenada’s frequent participation in regional and international gender and human rights reviews are evidence of national and political will to implement WPS principles. Grenada has taken proactive measures by developing multiple strategies and plans to address these areas of improvement. Grenada published a Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) 2014-2024 and the Domestic Violence Act of 2010. Grenada’s strengths are its political commitments to advancing gender equality, addressing violence against women and girls at all levels of society, identifying strategic domestic and international partners to achieve these commitments and its overall transparency and active engagement in regional and international gender and human rights assessments. Nevertheless, high levels of violence against women and charges of sexual harassment and assault in the national police force indicate that more can be done.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Grenada is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Grenada signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

Grenada was one of only 45 countries that chose to participate in the Voluntary National Review process for the United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (2022). The review document proposed several action plans prioritizing SDG goals, including Goal 5: Gender Equality.[112] Grenada also developed a comprehensive national review in 2019 tracking the progress of implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, which highlighted priorities, achievements, and challenges in implementing gender equality fully.[113]

At the national level, the government of Grenada has also enacted several laws and regulations that promote gender equality and protect women’s rights.[114] The Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) 2014-2024 is a comprehensive framework that emphasizes increasing women’s participation and leadership at all levels of decision-making, gender-sensitive training in the public and private sectors, and establishing a Gender Management System with monitoring and evaluation procedures and Gender Focal Points to coordinate and guide the process.[115] The country has also developed several concrete mechanisms in government ministries, including the Gender-based Violence Unit in the Division of Gender and Family Affairs, formerly the Domestic Violence Unit.[116]

Rates of violence against women remain high in Grenada and are of particular concern for government agencies. In the past decade, several protocols were implemented to reduce violence against women and girls, including the National Domestic Violence and Sexual Abuse Protocol and the Strategic Action Plan to Reduce GBV. [117] On June 28, 2023, the Grenada government announced the establishment of a digital platform designed to collect and analyze data on gender-based violence to inform and support better decision outcomes.[118]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Police exercises, operations, and activities reference the principles of WPS and gender equality.[119] Grenada does not have a standing military force, though it is a member of the Regional Security System (RSS), a regional security alliance in the Caribbean. Nevertheless, the government has prioritized the strengthening of WPS principles and addressing women’s security, including combating human trafficking, addressing violence against women, and developing policies to address climate crises.[120]

Like many other countries in the Caribbean, Grenada has experienced grave impacts of climate change, particularly drastic changes in rain patterns, warming ocean temperatures, a rise in sea levels, and an intensification of hurricanes and tropical storms. These effects have impacted nearly every sector of the country, with women and girls bearing the brunt of climate crises and disasters. Grenada has taken a proactive role in examining the gendered impacts of climate change and developing gender-responsive disaster recovery.

GEPAP, the National Climate Change Policy, 2017-2021, and the National Climate Change Adaptation Plan (NAP) for Grenada, Carriacou, and Petite Martinique each signal a significant shift in how Caribbean countries view the implementation of the WPS agenda.[121] These national action plans will mainstream gender in traditionally underrepresented sectors and will build the resilience of communities to disasters, assist communities in adapting to adverse impacts of climate change, and support the creation of a green economy.[122] Future iterations of national action plans in the region will likely prioritize climate change as a significant security risk rather than as a traditional security indicator. 

Gender in the Ranks (Police)

The Royal Grenada Police Force currently has 940 officers, with 130 positions (13.8%) held by women—a number that has not substantially changed since 2012. Reportedly, the RGPF has 318 rank officers, which includes front-line supervisors, middle and senior managers, and executives.[123] All positions are open to women in the Royal Grenada Police Force, although women report that there are cultural and institutional limitations to service, including gender-based discrimination and harassment of female officers.[124]

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

The Grenada government has appointed Gender Focal Points (GFPs), and an Inter-Ministerial Council of Gender Focal Points was launched in 2019. Many of Grenada’s national gender plans and policies have created GFP positions to identify and implement gender-responsive interventions. The GEPAP provides a description of GFPs and a detailed list of responsibilities, such as promoting gender mainstreaming, providing gender analyses, and collecting, analyzing, and disseminating gender-disaggregated statistics.[125]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

In recent years, troubling reports have emerged of sexual harassment and abuse by male police officers against women police officers in the Royal Grenada Police Force. These allegations have emerged from junior officers alleging harassment and abuse by senior or superior-ranking officers.[126] The official Police Act does require anti-harassment or abuse policies or training in the police force. However, in May 2022, the RGPF passed a new “zero-tolerance” harassment policy to address growing concerns over harassment within the RGPF.[127] The sexual harassment policy was printed in the Grenada media as a public service, which outlined what constitutes sexual harassment, the procedure for submitting complaints, and disciplinary measures as prescribed by the Police Act, among other details.[128]

Training, Education, and Exercises

According to government documents, police officers receive gender-sensitive training.[129] The 2022 sexual harassment policy states that all RGPF members will receive sexual harassment training upon entry into the police force and through annual refresher courses and that the RGPF will conduct regular data collection and monitoring and evaluation of the policy.[130]

Work Environment

Policies regarding maternity and family leave in the Grenada Royal Police Force have not been made publicly available; however, all women employees in Grenada receive a minimum three-month maternity and family leave.[131] Paternity leave is not provided.

Specific equipment, including properly fitting uniforms, is provided to women officers of the Royal Grenada Police Force, as required by the official Police Act.[132] There is no publicly available information on gender-specific facilities. 

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

While not specific to the WPS agenda, several monitoring and evaluation mechanisms have been developed and expanded to assess the progress of various laws, institutions, and other entities that work toward gender equality. The first and largest of these mechanisms is the National Machinery for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in the Division of Gender and Family Affairs of the Ministry of Social Development, Housing, and Community Empowerment (herein: Gender Machinery).[133] The Gender Machinery oversees the monitoring and evaluation of gender equality principles, develops plans for gender mainstreaming in all levels of society, and oversees the Inter-Ministerial Council of Gender Focal Points. This Council serves as another critical mechanism to achieve gender parity. The role of these Gender Focal Points is to promote, facilitate, and monitor gender responsiveness in their ministries, departments and statutory bodies, and the sectors in which they operate.[134]

The GEPAP provides a guide for identifying gender-responsive interventions and monitoring their implementation. Gender mainstreaming is the primary strategy for implementing the GEPAP, and to date, the Inter-Ministerial Council of Gender Focal Points has hired 30 Gender Focal Points (25 females and five males) and 23 alternates (17 females and six males) to represent various ministries, departments, and selected statutory bodies.[135] Gender will be mainstreamed in disaster management, climate change, and natural resource development.

The government works directly with civil society organizations to participate in voluntary country reviews and implement strategies to advance its various goals. According to the 2022 Voluntary Review of the SDGs, “progress towards our national goals and the SDGs require a whole-of-society approach, inclusive of Government Agencies, Civil Society, the Private Sector and the Grenadian citizens.’”[136] Moreover, Grenada’s first-ever long-term National Sustainable Development Plan (NSDP) 2020-2035, was drafted with input from several civil society stakeholders and its citizens, and many of Grenada’s other NAPs offer opportunities for civil society engagement. The level of transparency demonstrated by the government of Grenada and its willingness to engage directly with civil society and regional and international bodies in promoting gender equality is commendable.

Recommendations

At the national level, Grenada demonstrates significant commitment towards achieving gender equality and including women and civil society groups in implementing the principles of the WPS agenda. It remains committed to eliminating violence against women, advancing women’s engagement in government, and understanding and mitigating the effects of climate change on women and girls. However, the Royal Grenada Police Force, with the government’s support, should improve its commitment to gender equality as part of the WPS agenda and consider gender equality as central to its mission.

For the Government of Grenada:

  • Adopt a WPS NAP, aligning with national plans, frameworks, and policies, and engage with key stakeholders and local communities to advance in integrating gender equality and WPS principles in Grenada and its security forces;
  • Direct the national police to amend its gender strategy and policies in response to existing sexual harassment charges to eliminate hostile work environment discrimination, in coordination with Gender Focal Points, the Gender Machinery, and other relevant government ministries;
  • Continue to review gender-sensitive policies and training designed to prevent sexual harassment, abuse, or gender discrimination;
  • Commit the funding and staff to support the collection of sex-disaggregated data.

For the Royal Grenada Police Force:

  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on the number of women in the Royal Grenada Police Force and their ranks and positions;
  • Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation system to ensure effective implementation of gender integration and mainstreaming policies;
  • Evaluate the effectiveness of sexual harassment training and ensure that annual refresher courses continue.

Guyana – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status 

Guyana does not have an official WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

In recent years, Guyana has become a nation that reflects a growing commitment to advancing gender equality and WPS principles in its institutions, policies, and practices. Efforts on several fronts have advanced the WPS agenda, including expanding the promotion, placement, hiring, and integration of women into the Guyana Defense Force (GDF) and the Guyana Police Force (GPF) and developing local and regional partnerships to ensure full implementation of the WPS agenda. Nevertheless, issues revolving around gender stereotyping and sexual harassment in security forces persist, despite regular training on the topic. Future action by security institutions should reinforce the need to respond to gender-based violence and address discrimination against women in the police and defense forces.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Guyana is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Guyana signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

Through its national laws and regulations, the Guyanese government signaled its commitment to the principles of gender equality and WPS. One-third of political candidates in Guyanese elections must be women.[137] The Guyanese constitution prohibits sex- and gender-based discrimination, and women are expressly guaranteed equality under the law.[138] There is a Gender Affairs Bureau and Sexual Offenses and Domestic Violence Policy Unit under the Ministry of Human Services and Social Security.[139] The Ministry also provides leadership training for women interested in participating in local or national politics through the Guyana Women’s Leadership Institute. Guyana has participated in regional organizations, such as the OAS, to strengthen women’s political leadership and implement gender equality programming.[140]

Notably, the Guyana Defense Force (GDF) has shown its commitment to the WPS agenda through the development of relationships and partnerships with regional security actors, including USSOUTHCOM, USNORTHCOM, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the U.S. Department of Defense, affirming its commitment to implementing the principles of WPS. In August 2022, Guyana hosted the inaugural Caribbean Women, Peace, and Security Conference in Georgetown, Guyana.

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Over a decade ago, women in the GDF and the GPF faced rampant gender discrimination and barriers to recruitment and promotion. Previous GDF policies banned women from serving in the combat arm/front line units and sought to “significantly reduce [the] recruitment of women.” Additionally, women were subject to promotional repercussions if found to be pregnant or had had an abortion.[141]

However, the security landscape in Guyana is in transition. In recent years, under the guidance and leadership of GDF Chief of Staff Brigadier Godfrey Bess, the GDF has stepped forward to advocate for women’s rights and representation in the armed forces. Guyana’s leadership in implementing WPS principles can be attributed, in part, to the myriad of partnerships with local civil society organizations, regional governing and security bodies, and international agencies. These partnerships have aided the GDF’s gender mainstreaming efforts, predominantly through training and education programs. For example, Guyana co-hosted a 2021 workshop on WPS with the Florida National Guard, specifically focusing on improving operational effectiveness through gender mainstreaming and incorporating a gender perspective into peace and security efforts.[142] 

Gender in the Ranks

The GDF has approximately 4,150 service members.[143] Information on the percentage of female service members was unavailable. As of 2022, the highest-ranking woman currently serving in the GDF is a Lieutenant Colonel.[144] The current GDF leadership is committed to the full integration of women in the force and has moved to open more positions to women that were previously closed to them.[145] In terms of police officers, data on women in the GPF are unavailable. As of 2022, the highest-ranking woman serving in the GPF is a police commander.[146]

Training, Education, and Exercises

The GDF signaled its commitment to gender mainstreaming by opening up previously male-only military training and exercises to women. In 2022, Brigadier Bess ordered the integration and participation of servicewomen in the “infantry rifleman course,” later renamed to “infantry soldier course.” [147] Since then, servicewomen have access to the “Platoon Commanders Course,” which includes the following areas of study: skill-at-arms, drills, minor staff duties, open and close country warfare, internal security, method of instructions, leadership studies, military law, physical training, military service, information technology, and military ethics, among others.[148]

GDF and GPF forces received gender-responsive training in collaboration with regional partners. In recent years, women from the GDF and the GPF participated in WPS workshops developed by the U.S. Department of Defense. The Guyana Gender Affairs Bureau, in collaboration with the Women and Gender Equality Commission (WGEC), created a series of gender-responsive training and hired several Inter-Ministry Gender Focal Points for gender planning and mainstreaming for all sectors of society.

The GPF lags behind the GDF in implementing the WPS agenda. However, the GPF has taken actionable steps to increase women’s representation over the past few years by integrating a gender perspective into police practices. Like the GDF, the GPF developed regional partnerships for collaboration on gender-sensitive training, including joint training conferences. In 2019, the GPF participated in the International Association of Women Police (IAWP) 57th Annual Training Conference, designed to strengthen the capacity of women in policing internationally.[149] Most recently, the Community Relations Department of the Guyana Police Force, the Diversity Committee of the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce and Industry, and the Women’s Chamber of Commerce hosted an inaugural Women in Law Enforcement Summit. The conference sought to address difficulties faced by female law enforcement officers.[150]

Work Environment

The GDF and the GPF have collaborated with regional partners to improve women’s work environments and gender mainstreaming policies from the top down. For example, following the 2021 WPS conference in Guyana, the GDF improved infrastructure, including restrooms and lodging facilities, to accommodate women and reduce possible health hazards.[151] In 2022, the GDF deployed their first rotation of women in border security missions, positions that had previously been reserved for men.[152] Since this policy change, 50% of border operations have included servicewomen.[153] GDF servicewomen are also receiving training as paratroopers, positions previously reserved for their male counterparts.[154] 

Additionally, GDF service women have access to childcare centers while at work, ensuring they retain their rank and remain eligible for promotions.[155] During the COVID-19 pandemic, police and army officers (among other frontline workers) received additional childcare assistance to support the financial burdens of the pandemic on families and parents. Women in Guyana are eligible for 13 weeks of maternity leave. The law does not provide for paternity leave.[156]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

Sexual harassment and assault are illegal under Guyanese law, though a 2017 USAID report noted that “one out of every six women reporting ha[d] experienced” some form of GBV.[157] Nevertheless, there is high-level support to address this persistent problem. The head of the GDF, Brigadier Bess, stated his firm commitment to providing a safe environment for all GDF employees and to have GDF members improve their knowledge of sexual harassment and assault.

To address violence against women, the Guyanese government created a National Task Force for the Prevention of Sexual Violence (NTFPSV) in 2010, focusing on combatting GBV nationwide, including domestic violence. Last year, the GPF partnered with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and Guyana’s Ministry of Human Services and Social Security to re-commence COPSQUAD2000, an initiative aimed at building the GPF’s capacity to respond adequately to GBV cases.[158] Likewise, the GDF works closely with civil society organizations to address GBV and sexual harassment both in and outside the GDF.[159]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

The GDF and the GPF work closely with civil society organizations, regional bodies, and international actors on projects related to gender mainstreaming, which provide avenues for monitoring and evaluation. 

Guyana does not report data regarding the gender makeup of the GDF or GPF.

Recommendations

For the Government of Guyana:

  • Engage with civil society and women’s organizations, among other stakeholders, to draft and implement a WPS NAP that enhances and supports government efforts to advance gender equality and WPS principles;
  • If not yet available, extend its commitment to comprehensive gender training by requiring police and defense personnel to complete regular gender sensitization/gender awareness training;
  • Encourage collaboration between the GDF, GPF, and the Department of Gender Affairs on policies for equitable treatment of female service members;
  • Publish and make publicly available all data and initiatives relating to gender representation and gender mainstreaming efforts.

For the Guyana Defense Force:

  • Create gender-sensitive recruitment practices that ensure equal opportunities for women regarding training, career progression, and promotion;
  • Appoint trained and qualified GENADs and GFPs into security forces;
  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in the GDF.

For the Guyana Police Force:

  • Create gender-sensitive recruitment practices that ensure equal opportunities for women regarding training, career progression, and promotion;
  • Make available sex-disaggregated data on women in national police forces and statistics relating to the gender makeup of active-duty officers and civilian employees;
  • Continue existing measures to combat gender-based violence in the police force

Haiti – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status 

Haiti does not have a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Haiti has significant work ahead to implement the WPS agenda effectively. Despite principles of gender equality present in the Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights (MCFDF), a national gender equality plan, and an action plan on violence against women, there are considerable gaps in translating the obligations in international and regional treaties and conventions to which Haiti is a signatory to legal and institutional arrangements at the national level. The cycles of instability and violence Haiti continues to experience have stunted efforts to integrate gender equality and WPS  principles into Haitian society and institutions generally and in its security forces in particular. Haitian civil society, human rights and women’s rights organizations, and the international community strive to construct the necessary frameworks to promote and protect women’s rights in conflict and post-conflict situations. Gender-based violence is both a driver and symptom of state insecurity. The Haitian government must commit the political will and resources and act to protect women, girls, and at-risk groups from all forms of violence in the current crisis.


National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Haiti is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Haiti signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has yet to sign the Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, the Haitian constitution provides women with several protections, including the right to equal working conditions, high-level educational access, and equality before the law. While Haiti does not have a NAP, it has adopted a Gender Equality Policy 2014-2034 (Politique D’Égalité Femmes Hommes).[160] Central national security documents do not directly mention the WPS agenda or its principles. Goals set in the Haitian constitution include a requirement for 30% female employment across all industries, especially public service.[161] This quota remains out of reach since Haiti has restrictive laws and fewer legal provisions supporting gender equality.

The Haitian government established the Haitian Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights (MCFDF) in 1994 (post-Beijing Conference) with the goals of developing gender representation in government and countering violence against women.[162] The ministry aided in the publication of the “Politique D’Egalite” in 2014, with textual implications for a subsequent report in the future. No such report was produced at the time of writing (June 2023), and the MCFDF lacks the political commitment from Haiti’s top leadership to carry out its mandate. The “Politique D’Egalite” represents a step towards action on WPS but does not provide many avenues for concrete action thus far. The report itself notes the gap between legislated equality for women and the practiced experiences of Haitian women.[163] A ten-year National Plan to Combat Gender-Based Violence was passed in 2017, helping establish an Office to Combat Violence Against Women and Girls. Again, serious gaps remain in legislation to protect women against sexual and gender-based violence.[164]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The Haitian government, through the Office of National Coordination of Women’s Affairs (CNAF), created an action plan to support female police officers, who currently compose 11.78% of the police force.[165] However, the CNAF’s plan to help female police officers has not yet been implemented. A GENAD was appointed by the Directorate General and assigned to the senior national police staff. There are 24 GFPs, distributed through ten departments and one base. Training is incomplete for an unknown number of them.

Gender in the Ranks (Police)

ServiceMenWomen% Women
National Police[166]12,351164913.35
National Police Senior Women 17 
Officers Deployed8,408921.09

The Haiti National Police (HNP) is the de facto security force in the country. It is severely understaffed and ill-equipped. Numbers of officers are in flux; resignations, dismissals, and deaths have led to varying estimates, given that the tally includes those individuals who died and who have left their posts.[167]

Regarding gender in the ranks, the HNP has failed to reach the Haitian constitutional requirement for 30% of positions on the force to be held by women, with only 11.78% of posts filled.[168] Furthermore, the ratio of women deployed to total deployment in security-related operations (92:8,500) is abnormally low relative to the number of women in the force (1,649:12,351), possibly indicating an internal reluctance to use women in security operations or a lack of training for female officers.[169] No explicit gender-based limitations on women’s participation in law enforcement exist. There is some expectation for growth in female representation in national police leadership in the coming years.[170]

The Haitian Armed Force was officially disbanded in 1995 following a period of military coups and was re-established in 2017. It plays a very limited role.[171] The army is not internationally recognized and, with no international standing, does not have official military-to-military contact with the U.S. military.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) assisted in integrating WPS principles into HNP training and Gender Focal Points (GFPs) appointed throughout the country.[172] Police service members receive training on protecting vulnerable populations from sexual exploitation and violence each time they conduct training. A 2022 report noted that police academy graduates received training in gender mainstreaming and gender-sensitive practices.[173] Civil society organizations, both national and international, also conduct gender training. 

Work Environment

Females in the formal sector receive 12 weeks of maternity leave (which does not meet the 14-week standard of the International Labor Organization). There is no paternity leave.[174] Expanding the length of paternity leave should be considered as it may correlate with lowered maternal mortality rates.[175] Women of all ranks have expressed concern over the lack of gender-appropriate uniforms and equipment and sex-separated housing or bathrooms.[176] The HNP overlooks women in the HNP both in deployment and promotion opportunities. The United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) and other international partners work with the HNP to recruit and promote more women, in line with objectives set out in the 2017-21 Haitian National Police Strategic Development Plan.[177]

 

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

Violence against women is a severe problem. Incidents of sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls continue to climb at an alarming rate. Women are regularly subjected to high levels of sexual harassment in the workplace and schools.[178] According to reports, legislative efforts to pass an anti-GBV law have failed, and a national GBV plan for 2017-2027 has not been implemented.[179] In terms of the HNP, documents used for police training purposes include notes on protecting vulnerable populations from sexual violence. There is currently a sexual abuse/exploitation/harassment program for National Police personnel provided by the CNAF.[180]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

The Haiti National Police Force does not have a monitoring and evaluation system. The police collect sex-disaggregated data; however, the processing system runs slowly due to a lack of budget and equipment. Data is collected and recorded by hand, though not publicly reported.[181]

Recommendations

The ongoing crises in Haiti have overwhelmed the capacity of the Haitian government and security forces to control the violence and deliver essential services to its citizens. The root causes of extreme violence have deeply gendered dimensions. Data consistently show that high levels of gender inequality between men and women more than double a country’s chances of being a fragile state. It is thus of utmost importance that the Haitian government make every effort to mainstream gender perspectives and the principles of the WPS agenda outlined in its four pillars (participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery) into policies, practices, and institutions in the Haitian police force. 

Recommendations

For the Government of Haiti:

  • Commit the political will to lead in advancing gender equality and the principles of the WPS agenda in its security force and institutions;
  • Increase financial support for the Haitian Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights;
  • Strengthen relationships with local communities, civil society, and human rights and women’s organizations to build workable and sustainable programs that support WPS principles and protect women, children, and at-risk populations.
  • Continue support for the CNAF’s plan to recruit and promote more female police officers;
  • Mandate sexual harassment and SGBV training in the Haitian National Police.

For the Haitian National Police:

  • Implement the CNAF’s plan to recruit and support female police officers and publish the details;
  • Open all positions in the HNP to women;
  • Complete Gender Focal Point training for GFPs who have not already completed the training;
  • Broaden the accessibility of training for women in the HNP and mandate gender-sensitive training (e.g., SGBV, sexual harassment prevention) for all police officers and force personnel;
  • Communicate a concrete goal for more equitable promotion policies and increase female representation in HNP leadership;
  • Encourage transparency by digitizing sex-disaggregated data on police operations and allow public access to the data outside of audits;
  • Provide uniforms and equipment fitted for female bodies.

Honduras – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Honduras has not developed a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Honduras’ international commitments to the WPS agenda are reflected in national legislation and the Plan of Gender Equality 2010-2022. However, the government’s efforts toward integrating WPS principles focus predominately on the National Police, and there is not enough public information regarding the Honduran military to evaluate progress in integrating gender equality and WPS principles in its institutions, policies, and practices. In short, WPS values have not fully landed in the Honduran national security institutions.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Honduras is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Honduras signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has yet to sign the Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which, in part, works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, support for gender equality and WPS principles is present in key national plans and documents. One plan with a focus on gender equality is the “National Women’s Policy: Gender Equality and Equity Plan of Honduras: 2010-2022” (Política Nacional de la Mujer. II Plan de Igualdad y Equidad de Género de Honduras 2010-2022).[182] A second plan is the “National Action Plan against Gender Violence 2014-2022” (Plan Nacional Contra la Violencia Hacia las Mujeres, 2014-2022).[183] It is relevant to observe that the time period in both documents expired in 2022, and no further updates have been reported at the time of writing. The National Action Plan Against Gender Violence also presents other documents and legislation related to the issue of gender equality.[184]

Additionally, Honduras established an Institute for Women (Instituto Nacional de la Mujer) as a department regarding women and gender equality.[185] Government concern regarding levels of sexual harassment influenced the decision to elevate the Institute for Women to a cabinet-level secretariat in March 2022. However, the Institute did not receive adequate funding levels, nor was there a commitment to provide adequate GBV-domestic violence training to police and other government agencies.[186]

The Gender Equality and Equity Plan references the police but does not specify the Honduras Ministry of Defense (MoD) as a principal actor. In 2016, the MoD created the Unit of Human Rights and Gender Equality and has aided in the creation of gender units for all the branches of the armed forces.[187] 

In terms of the Police Forces, Honduras has the “Organic Law of the Secretary of State in the Office of Security and the National Police of Honduras” (Ley Orgánica de la Secretaríade Estado en el Despacho de Seguridad y de la Policía Nacional de Honduras), which aims to promote professional opportunities for women and bans gender discrimination.[188]

With the appointment of a gender advisor (GENAD), there has also been budget and personnel allocated towards the WPS implementation.

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

WPS principles are integrated into major directives and guidance documents and referred to within the 2017 Ley Orgánica de la Secretaría de Estado en el Despacho de Seguridad y de la Policía Nacional de Honduras,whichexpresses anti-discrimination guidelines and equal opportunities for women.[189] Insufficient public data is available to determine whether WPS principles are integrated into military operational planning processes.

In regards to a gender advisor (GENAD) appointed for the military, there is the Directorate of Human Rights and Gender Equity (Dirección de Derechos Humanos y Equidad de Género) the MoD. There is also a gender advisor (GENAD) appointed to the national police with the police gender unit.

Gender in the Ranks

Publicly available information on numbers and rank in the military and police forces is unavailable.

A 2020 study on the Honduran civilian police force reported that as of 2017, the police force had 14,950 members. No sex-disaggregated data was available, but estimates were that women constituted 20% of the police force and 24% of new recruits in 2020.[190]

There is not enough publicly available information regarding whether all of the positions in the military are open to women. For the National Police, all policing jobs are open to women, including law enforcement special operations jobs and units.[191]

In terms of troop deployment, Honduras is one of only three countries in this study to contribute troops to UN peacekeeping operations. As of May 31, 2023, 11 male and 7 female members of the Honduras armed forces are deployed.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The Secretary of Security reported the existence of learning tools, including a Training Workshop for Gender Trainers and the Workshops on Gender Equality, available for the police and the citizens.[192] The amount of personnel trained is not recorded.

Within the MoD, a relevant educational effort was observed in 2022 when the Ministry began the editorial project “Incorporating Women in the Armed Forces” to highlight the role of women in the armed forces.[193] Recognizing the role of women is vital to encourage the next generations to join the Armed Forces of every country in the world, and is encouraged by the writers of this report.

There is evidence that the cadets get training in human rights during their courses, the CAMFFAA for the soldiers, the Combat Leader Course (LICOMB), the basic course (CIBFFAA), and the intermediate course (CIMFFAA).[194] However, there is not enough publicly available information specifically about gender training in Honduras’ MoD. In the case of the Police Forces, there are legal provisions that promote professional development opportunities for female police and bans against gender discrimination.[195]

Work Environment

The national law states that there are human resource policies for the military and the national police, as well as childcare and family leave available.  However, on average, maternity pay in Honduras is quite modest compared to the rest of Central America, with only 10 weeks provided; four before the due date and six after.[196]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

In regards to monitoring and reporting, there is a monthly report (Rendición de cuentas del sector público de Honduras, Secretaria de la Defensa Nacional), in addition to an evaluation by the Tribunal Superior de Cuentas.

It is also important to mention that there is no sex-disaggregated data made available regarding the monitoring and reporting of WPS principles. 

Recommendations

To further pursue WPS objectives, it is recommended that the Honduran government:

  • Draft and implement a WPS NAP and include specific objectives regarding gender equality in other governmental strategic plans.
  • Allow for more information on gender and WPS principles to be available to the public.
  • Mention and/or train military personnel towards the principles of WPS in important missions and pre-deployment operations.
  • Include women in the Armed Forces decision-making positions.
  • Make sure the budget goes directly towards training and education on the WPS principles, as well as the appointed GENAD.
  • Include mention of gender or women in the Functions of the Foreign Ministry of 2023 and the Defense Ministry as well.

Jamaica – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Jamaica does not have a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Jamaica shows real progress towards gender equality and WPS goals in its security forces. The Jamaican government adopted national policy frameworks on gender equality, worked towards increasing women in its security forces, and continued to address central issues related to important institutional policies and practices that support women’s advancement in its military and police forces, such as gender-based violence and sexual harassment prevention programs and addressing better work environment conditions. However, more can be done to address ongoing concerns about harassment in the security forces and to ensure that institutional policies support the continued advancement of women in the field of peace and security.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Jamaica is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Jamaica signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has yet to sign the Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment and is a signatory of the American Convention on Human Rights “Pact of San José, Costa Rica” (OAS).

At the national level, national security documents contain references to WPS principles, though mainly through a focus on work against GBV and sexual abuse.[197] The Jamaican Constitution prohibits gender-based discrimination.[198] Though Jamaica has yet to adopt an official WPS NAP, it has an active 10-Year National Action Plan to Eliminate Gender-Based Violence in Jamaica (2017-2027) focused on the elimination of GBV, led by the Ministry of National Security and the Ministry of Justice. It adopted a National Policy for Gender Equality in March 2011.[199] The Bureau of Gender Affairs resides in the National Ministry of Culture, Gender, Entertainment, and Sport.

On October 13, 2021, the Jamaican House of Representatives approved the Sexual Harassment Prevention and Protection Act (LPPAS) (also known as the Sexual Harassment Act) 2021, which covers employment-related sexual harassment issues in the workplace, schools, and other institutions.[200] The Jamaican government hired sexual harassment investigators and offered sensitization sessions for Jamaican businesses. The government agreed to hire gender focal points for various government offices. The Sexual Harassment Act went into effect on July 3, 2023.[201] 

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The Jamaica Defence Force (JDF), founded in 1962, is one of the largest military forces in the Caribbean, consisting of an infantry Regiment, Reserve Corps, Air Wing, and Coast Guard. Its primary duties include defending against aggression and internal civil unrest, restoring law and order, search and rescue, counter-narcotics operations, and humanitarian relief.[202]

Gender in the Ranks

Apart from the Jamaica Defense Reserve Force, the Regular Force has just over 2,500 officers and soldiers. Women constitute approximately 20% of the JDF.[203] The JDF continues its commitment to increasing women in its ranks; in 2022, the JDF inducted 58 females into the regular force out of 256 new members (22.4%).[204] As of July 2023, the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) comprised 12,300 officers. It continues to expand its force, with a target of 15,000 by the end of 2023. It accepted 1,300 recruits in 2021/2022 and signaled its intent to hire an additional 1,250 recruits in 2022/2023.[205] Data on the percentage of women police officers were unavailable.

GENADs and GFPs

There are established Gender Focal Points within the JDF and JCF. As part of The Sexual Harassment Act (2021), 18 Gender Focal Points were appointed to assist in mainstreaming gender in public-sector bodies.[206]

Training, Education, and Exercises

WPS principles are implemented in the training of junior-level personnel, but not in basic training.[207] The JDF has sponsored domestic violence prevention and intervention workshops for its personnel.[208] Mid-level military personnel must complete “fraternization/sexual policy” [sic] programming as part of the intermediate training.[209] Senior-level military personnel do not have to complete any WPS-adjacent training.[210] A major new outcome arising from the passage of the Sexual Harassment Act in 2021 is the development of a gender certification for the JDF, in keeping with the National Policy for Gender Equality.[211]

Work Environment

The JCF is currently in the process of undergoing significant changes to its structure. According to the Minister of National Security, these changes are part of a more substantial commitment to make necessary investments and build a strong organization. These commitments include improving the infrastructure of police precincts, providing adequate resources for recruiting and training 1,500 new applicants yearly, and training officers on how to adequately address gender-based violence, among other crimes.[212]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

In 2019, the JDF and JCF announced the creation of sexual harassment policies for their security forces. Specific guidelines were established, and broader definitions of what constituted vulnerable groups were included.[213] The JCF sexual harassment policy was subsequently published in a Jamaican newspaper.[214] 

The Jamaica Defence Force’s official policy is that “any form of sexual harassment, be it verbal or non-verbal, physical, written, visual or graphic, is unacceptable conduct, will not be tolerated, and will be punished severely.”[215] The JDF also has a policy prohibiting relationships between servicemembers (Personal Relationships and Fraternisation Policy).[216] In recent years, however, there have been numerous reports of sexual harassment and abuse by servicemen in the JDF.[217]

Family Policies

The Jamaican government provides women with three months paid maternity leave and 20 working days’ paternity and adoption leave with pay for fathers and adoptive parents.[218]

Equipment and Facilities

In 2019, the National Security Minister, Hon. Dr. Horace Chang, assured that the Government would invest in improving infrastructure at police stations to create facilities and working conditions suitable for men and women of the JCF.[219]As of 2023, the infrastructural updates, including bathrooms and barracks, have been completed.[220] The UN previously noted resource allocations for WPS implementation at the Jamaican Ministry of National Security, which has invested in policing infrastructure.[221] Regarding equipment, female JDF servicemembers receive appropriately fitted uniforms. Regarding uniform equipment, female JDF servicemembers receive appropriately fitted uniforms.

Monitoring and Evaluation

Jamaica’s National Policy for Gender Equality 2011 commits the Jamaican government to develop a monitoring and evaluation mechanism to collect and disseminate information to all stakeholders, including ministries and civil society. However, the results are not publicly available.[222]

Recommendations

For the Government of Jamaica:

  • Adopt a WPS NAP that complements national-level gender efforts to advance gender equality and gender mainstreaming in its security forces.
  • Continue to ensure that military and police personnel at every rank receive sexual harassment and abuse prevention and gender sensitivity training;
  • Commit to gender-responsive budgeting to track progress in training, programming, and instititonal capacity building related to gender mainstreaming goals in the security forces.

Recommendations for the Jamaica Defense Force:

  • Implement WPS principles into the basic training of military personnel at all ranks to improve gender mainstreaming and the integration of gender perspectives;
  • Assign GENADs and GFPs to senior military command level to improve gender considerations in strategic and logistical actions within the JDF;
  • Continue utilizing the Defense Board for the review of complaints related to sexual harassment and assault.
  • Commit to collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data to guide the monitoring and evaluation process and improve decision-making and resource allocation.

Recommendations for the Jamaica Constabulary Force:

  • Evaluate sexual harassment and GBV programming to address ongoing concerns of sexual harassment in the JCF;
  • Commit to collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data to guide the monitoring and evaluation process and improve decision-making and resource allocation;
  • Ensure personnel serving as Gender Focal Points are appropriately trained to support senior leadership in gender mainstreaming and advancing gender equality in the ranks.

Saint Kitts and Nevis – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status 

St. Kitts and Nevis does not have a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

St. Kitts and Nevis shows some political will but requires a more significant commitment to progress toward achieving gender equality and the principles of the WPS agenda. Institutionalized anti-female policies reflect significant cultural barriers towards integrating a gender perspective and balance into security conversations: departmental documents and messaging signal slow integration of women into security forces. Violence against women continues to be a severe and pervasive problem. There is a need to actively commit the political will and resources to integrate a gender perspective into domestic police and military forces to ensure comprehensive considerations of gender-related issues, specifically as they relate to all forms of gender-based violence.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, St. Kitts and Nevis is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the  Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, some advancement is evident. The St. Kitts and Nevis National Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) was launched in 2018 to provide the institutional framework to empower women and advance gender equality.[223] In early 2022, the government approved the St. Kitts and Nevis Gender Equality Policy and accompanying Action Plan.[224]

While the political will to advance policies that benefit women is evident, the requisite commitment to transform political will into actional policies is urgently needed. For example, the St. Kitts and Nevis military has made progress toward prohibiting sexual harassment, but no national-level prohibition of workplace sexual harassment exists.

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The St. Kitts and Nevis government established the Department of Gender Affairs to advance gender equality. The Department runs several gender-based programs, including gender sensitization and mainstreaming training for children under age 12.[225] Information on what training is offered for security forces is unavailable. The most recent restructuring of domestic police policy does not mention sex or gender and only refers to women twice, and WPS principles are not integrated into military or police planning processes.[226]

Gender in the Ranks

The St. Kitts and Nevis Defense Force (SKNDF) comprises two units of approximately 300 personnel: the infantry and the Coast Guard. It works closely with the Royal St Christopher and Nevis Police Force (RSCNPF). There is no publicly available data regarding the gender composition of either force. Data regarding the gender composition of the RSCNPF were unavailable. The Central Committee of the Police Welfare Association does require that women hold three of the twelve elected member positions.[227] There are no other known gender quotas or goals regarding force integration.

As part of its move to ensure gender equity, the St. Kitts and Nevis police force announced during a meeting in August 2022 its intention to study whether women have adequate opportunities to advance in the police force. High-ranking officials admitted that the police force has few women in its higher ranks. It is unclear whether any recommendations followed.[228]

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

The St. Kitts and Nevis government noted in a 2018 report that it trained 116 Gender Focal Points (GFPs). However, it did not provide information about the distribution of the GFPs.[229]

Training, Education, and Exercises

The St. Kitts and Nevis Department of Gender Affairs offers gender mainstreaming and sensitization training and domestic violence workshops for many sectors of society. Thus far, security practitioners are not required to take them.[230] The Department offered training on the Domestic and Sexual Violence Complaints and Response Protocol, adopted in November 2018, to address the country’s high level of domestic violence.[231]

 

Work Environment

While there is no evidence that women are barred from working as practitioners in the security field, there are significant indicators of widespread barriers to women in the workplace. Legal restrictions have been put in place barring women from working in factories and specific fields, including mining and construction, water, and energy.[232] Legally banning women from these male-dominated fields perpetuates gender-based stereotypes and hampers efforts to achieve gender equality, essential for promoting peace, security, and sustainable development. Regarding maternity leave, women have 13 weeks of maternity leave paid by the government. St. Kitts and Nevis does not have paternity leave or parental leave.[233]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

No law explicitly addresses the problem of sexual harassment. Incidents of sexual harassment and abuse fall under the jurisdiction of the Protection of Employment Act.[234] Previous statements to the United Nations indicated potential issues regarding human and/or sex trafficking in immigrant communities in the nation; no further documentation has been made available.[235] The St. Kitts and Nevis military does have a sexual harassment policy.[236] No similar policy is known to exist for the police force.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

Sex-disaggregated data for military or police operations are reported. The prime minister commissioned an upcoming review of gender equity to examine the rates of women in the police force and the barriers that prevent women from joining the force. There is currently no publication date for this report.[237]

Recommendations

St. Kitts and Nevis is the smallest sovereign state in the Americas in size and population. Its police and defense forces are small, and the country’s extensive security and defense role–illegal drug and gun trafficking, disaster relief and response, and humanitarian relief–in the Eastern Caribbean strains resources. Integrating women in security forces strengthens institutional effectiveness and achieves operational goals at the strategic, tactical, and operational goals. Developing a NAP with assistance from the UN, civil society, and women’s organizations will produce a comprehensive whole-of-government approach that will lead to sustainable policies and practices to integrate gender equality and WPS principles in its security forces.

For the Government of St. Kitts and Nevis:

  • Engage with civil society groups and women’s rights advocates, among other stakeholders, to draft and implement a WPS NAP to advance gender equality and WPS principles in security forces;
  • Prioritize the collection and publication of sex-disaggregated data in the security forces;
  • Finalize and publish the pending review of gender equity in the St. Kitts and Nevis police force;
  • Promote gender integration by increasing the funding of the Department of Gender Affairs;
  • Mandate gender-sensitive training and  GBV/sexual harassment and assault prevention training for all police and defense forces at all ranks and grades;
  • Remove barriers to employment opportunities and recruit more women in the security and defense field.

For the Royal St. Kitts and Nevis Police Force:

  • Prioritize integrating mandatory gender-sensitive and GBV training programs at all ranks in the security forces;
  • Draft and publish a sexual harassment policy for the police force, if such a policy is lacking;
  • Collect and publicly report sex-disaggregated data to support more effective planning and integration of gender equality and WPS principles in its force;
  • Open all positions in the police force to women and prioritize promoting women to leadership positions;
  • Revise institutional policies and practices (family and maternity/paternity leave, promotion, child care) to support women in the force.

For the St. Kitts and Nevis Defense Force:

  • Create a gender equity review and publish the findings upon project completion;
  • Develop and integrate mandatory gender-sensitivity training and sexual harassment and assault prevention training for all service personnel and ranks;
  • Ensure
  • Revise institutional policies and practices (family and maternity/paternity leave, promotion, childcare) that support women in the defense force and open all positions to women.

Saint Lucia – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

Saint Lucia does not have a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

St. Lucia shows some progress toward realizing the WPS agenda. Recent government-led action toward gender mainstreaming shows positive growth toward integrating gender perspectives in the police force. St. Lucia has no standing military force. However, St. Lucia has no comprehensive national gender policy nor a national action plan to respond to sexual- and gender-based violence. The St. Lucien government provides little information on the status of gender mainstreaming in the Royal Saint Lucia Police Force (RSLPF), nor data on gender-relevant training and sex-disaggregated data on the RSLPF and its forces. High-level commitment to the development and funding of such initiatives and to a reassessment of current institutional policies and practices is lacking. St. Lucia should consider the adoption of a WPS  NAP that identifies the RSLPF as a principal partner and outlines specific strategies and measures for gender mainstreaming in the force. Current institutional policies related to recruitment and promotion should be revised and funding provided to provide needed facilities and equipment to retain women in the force.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, St. Lucia is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). St. Lucia signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, St. Lucia shows moderate political will, such as addressing gender-based violence (GBV) and other forms of discrimination against women. The St. Lucian constitution guarantees fundamental rights regardless of sex, and sex-based discrimination is illegal.[238] St. Lucia has partnered strategically with regional partners, including the UN, OAS, and others, to advance gender-responsive initiatives in recent years. In 2020, St. Lucia became the first Caribbean nation to meet UN standards for measuring victimization, including metrics regarding GBV, strengthening capacities to respond to GBV and other forms of violence and discrimination against women.[239] However, no national strategic action plan on gender-based violence is currently in effect.[240]

Saint Lucia does not have a comprehensive national gender policy. However, there is some indication that the Department of Gender Relations is in the final stages of a National Gender Equality Policy and Strategic Plan.[241] It did develop a National Adaptation Plan 2018-2028, a ten-year process to address priority cross-sectoral adaptation measures that, according to the Plan, will integrate gender mainstreaming in all sectors.[242] Nevertheless, the lack of a chapter outlining the gender mainstreaming strategy or a detailed presentation on its implementation suggests that gender mainstreaming is not a top priority in the government’s 15-year development plan.

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

The National Adaptation Plan 2018-2028 does not reference the WPS agenda but does highlight a variety of gender considerations with the aim of “decreasing gender-based vulnerabilities, promoting gender equality in decision making and ensuring that the implementation of adaptation measures does not impose an additional burden to women in particular.”[243] The government of St. Lucia has empowered the Bureau of Gender Relations, the government ministry dedicated to gender mainstreaming and the promotion of gender perspectives, to act on these measures.[244] 

According to the St. Lucia government, existing protocols such as those mentioned above (CEDAW, Beijing Platform, and the Belém do Pará Conventions) guide the RSLPF.[245] Based on reports submitted to the OAS and in national reviews of the Belém do Pará Convention, RSLPF strategy, policy, and planning documents incorporate fundamental WPS principles.”[246]

Gender in the Ranks

The RSLPF reported in 2021 that its force consisted of approximately 1,000 officers.[247] Data regarding the gender makeup of the RSLPF are not publicly available. Women are not barred from any position or promotion in the ranks. The current RSLPF police commissioner is Crusita Descartes-Pelius, the first woman to serve in that position.[248] St. Lucia has no standing military force, though it is

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

Reportedly, the St. Lucian government appointed Gender Focal Points to monitor and guide gender mainstreaming in their respective departments.[249]

Training, Education, and Exercises

Police complete a curriculum including GBV through the Training School. The Division of Gender Relations facilitates the domestic violence sensitization training module for police recruits.[250] Officers are required to complete gender sensitivity training if attached to a “Vulnerable Persons Team,” though it is unclear whether other officers also receive this training.”[251] The Department of Gender Relations trained public officials in gender-based analysis and gender budgeting and planning. Most recently, in September of 2022, 24 officers received training in addressing domestic and intimate partner violence perpetrated against LGBTQI+ individuals, signaling a significant shift in the representation of gender mainstreaming initiatives.[252]

 

Work Environment

The St. Lucia government pays for 13 weeks of maternity leave, regardless of age, nationality, or marital status. St. Lucia also provides five days of paternity leave.[253] No publicly available data regarding equipment provided to women or appropriate facilities for women are available. A 2021 study of St. Lucian policing identified institutional weaknesses in promotion procedures, insufficient resources, and effective police recruitment that harm police performance, morale, and retention.[254]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

There is no publicly available data on anti-harassment or abuse policies within the RSLPF.

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

St. Lucia’s National Adaptation Plan requires collecting and assessing gender-disaggregated data to ensure proper implementation of various targets in the plan. However, there is no requirement to make this data publicly available. While it is not published, there is internal sex-disaggregated data collected regarding police operations. However, efforts to systematically collect data are constrained by a lack of resources, qualified personnel, and sustained support from government leadership.[255]

Recommendations

For the Government of Saint Lucia:

  • Lead in committing the political will to adopt a WPS NAP, integrating stated national implementation goals and objectives to advance gender equality and gender mainstreaming in government institutions, policies, and practices.
  • Commit the necessary resources and staff to support the Bureau of Gender Relations in implementing stated gender mainstreaming goals and objectives.
  • Strengthen data collection efforts that contribute to better decision-making and resource allocation;
  • Ensure that sex-disaggregated data is collected, integrated into an effective monitoring and evaluation system, and made publicly available.

Recommendations for the RSLPF:

  • Revise strategies to recruit more women and address gaps in institutional policies and practices–family leave, childcare, and equal promotion opportunities–that can improve recruitment and retention rates.
  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data regarding police operations to promote transparency and ensure adequate responses to the needs of vulnerable communities;
  • Develop policies to prevent and address sexual and gender-based harassment and abuse;
  • Require gender- and LGBTQI+-sensitive training for all officers and staff.

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status

St. Vincent and the Grenadines has not adopted a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

St. Vincent and the Grenadines has made progress towards achieving the key elements of WPS in the absence of an official NAP. Proportionate representation in government, various social gender mainstreaming programs, and broad maternity and family leave policies are indicators of positive progress toward WPS goals. Shortcomings in gender mainstreaming within the Royal Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Police Force (RSVGPF) and in the recruitment of women signal the need for improvement and future engagement. Given the recent emergence of diverse social, economic, and cultural initiatives, it is reasonable to surmise that the government recognizes the WPS agenda as a priority; consequently, the government is well-positioned to develop an official NAP and a comprehensive WPS strategy in the foreseeable future.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, St. Vincent and the Grenadines is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Bolivia signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level, St. Vincent and the Grenadines has a moderate but advancing level of political will to implement the WPS agenda. Gender equality and WPS language appear in major foreign policy statements, including a 2020 statement on WPS by H.E. Inga Rhonda King, the then-permanent representative of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations.[256] The speech reflected the government’s public support for the principles enshrined in the WPS agenda, including greater support for women in security sector reform, tracing gender data, applying an “anti-colonial-intersectional gender analysis” to Security Council work, and eliminating sexual and gender-based violence.[257]

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

In the past decade, a majority of gender equality initiatives in the country were developed in the legislative and judicial sectors to prevent and remediate discrimination against women, ensure women’s access to judicial systems, and provide legal protections for women. The St. Vincent and Grenadines government established a Gender Affairs Division to address gender-based violence (GBV) and has partnered with civil society organizations to strengthen government accountability for ending violence against women.[258] 

Evidence suggests that the Gender Affairs Division remains very active in gender mainstreaming initiatives, partnering with various  government agencies, civil society organizations, private sectors, and regional organizations.[259] However, the RSVGPF is not a principal partner for the Gender Affairs Division, making it challenging to identify the institutionalization of WPS principles within the force. There is no evidence whether the RSVGPF offers anti-harassment or abuse training or policies.

Gender in the Ranks

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has no regular military forces, though it is a member of the Caribbean Regional Security System (RSS), a regional security alliance. Instead, the RSVGPF is the internal security apparatus in the country.[260] No demographic data are available regarding the makeup of the RSVGPF. Women do face hurdles in pursuing a career in the police force. It is currently unknown if women are prohibited from any posts based on sex or gender.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The RSVGPF training manual includes guidance regarding human trafficking, developed in partnership with the Gender Affairs Division.[261] Information on current training beyond existing gender mainstreaming or WPS training in the RSVGPF is unavailable.

Work Environment

The work environment for policewomen in the RSVGPF has proved challenging. Among 100 RSVGPF recruits from early 2022, up to forty-six female recruits had to resign due to a lack of childcare options.[262] Additionally, the RSVGPF has not yet built facilities to accommodate women in training centers or stations.[263] In 2022, the St. Lucian prime minister stated that the RSVPF would restrict the number of women recruits because of a lack of physical facilities at the training school that can accommodate additional women recruits but also because childcare responsibilities often interfere with female officers’ schedules.[264]

Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies

Evidence points to ongoing concerns in the country about the level of gender-based violence and sexual harassment. Civil society organizations have argued that current governmental efforts to combat GBV and harassment of women are insufficient in addressing the root problems that lead to the abuse of women and girls.[265] In the past, women in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines reported having difficulty reporting incidents of domestic violence with the police, citing “contempt and hostility” by individual force members.[266] However, the U.S. Department of State’s most recent 2022 Human Rights Report noted improvement in how police forces have handled cases of reported GBV.[267]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

There is no known reporting of sex-disaggregated data for RSVGPF operations.

Recommendations

For the Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines:

  • Adopt a WPKS NAP and align gender mainstreaming strategies with those of the Gender Affairs Division as a top priority at all levels of society;
  • Establish a permanent relationship between the RSVGP and the Gender Affairs Division;
  • Work closely with the RSVGPF to require gender-responsive training at all levels of rank and grade to counter GBV and harassment in the security forces;
  • Create Gender Advisor (GENADs) and Gender Focal Points (GFPs) positions to ensure the proper implementation of gender mainstreaming initiatives;
  • Commit to more transparency in government by collecting sex-disaggregated data on numbers, ranks, and institutional policies and practices and making them publicly available.

For the Royal Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Police Force:

  • Create gender-sensitive recruitment practices that ensure equal opportunities for women regarding training, career progression, and promotion;
  • Collect and report sex-disaggregated data and integrate it into an established monitoring and evaluation system to improve decision-making and resource allocation;
  • Expand training centers and older police stations to include facilities for female officers and ensure the availability of fitted and comfortable uniforms for female service members;
  • Provide childcare options to active-duty service members and civilian staff to remove boundaries for workforce integration;
  • Promote transparency by publishing data regarding the gender demographics of active service members.

Suriname – Summary Report

WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status 

Suriname has not developed a WPS NAP.

Overall Assessment

Suriname demonstrates a political commitment to advancing gender equality and has taken concrete action to implement the principles reflected in the WPS agenda. Though it has not yet adopted a WPS NAP, it has developed a network of national plans and strategies that show progress in addressing the security of women and girls in Suriname. The government has outlined a 15-year Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035 and has an active Bureau for Gender Affairs that works across government agencies and with local and international partners. Still, much can be done to move from policies to action. The government should provide sustained funding for the Bureau of Gender Affairs and recruit more women into the security forces. Training sessions on gender-related issues are available, but all security force personnel regardless of gender or rank should receive the training. Finally, the Suriname government should release public data on institutional policies and practices of the national police and defense forces to highlight its advancements in gender equality.

National Importance/Political Will

At the international level, Suriname is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) but has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. Suriname is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.

At the national level,  the Suriname constitution ensures equal opportunity regardless of sex and forbids sex discrimination.[268] Suriname has made real progress in the past several years. Government institutions, bureaus, and policies are in place to protect and promote women and advance gender equality, including the Bureau of Gender Affairs in the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035.[269] The government’s reasoning for passing a 15-year-long strategy was that the goals established in the policy document incorporate Suriname’s international and regional obligations to gender equality and women’s empowerment, which are better coordinated and addressed over a more extended period of time.[270] 

Institutional Policy and Practice

Strategy, Plans, and Policy

Suriname’s Bureau of Gender Affairs promotes gender equality, advises the Suriname government on gender issues and rights, and monitors the implementation of policies and programs to advance gender equality in the country. The government published a Gender Plan of Action 2019 and 2020 and a Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035, which lays out Suriname’s gender policy over 15 years.[271] One of the identified priority areas is gender-based violence (GBV) and eliminating violence against women and girls.[272] Police material does include information on the responsibility to protect the vulnerable from sexual violence.

Gender in the Ranks

 WomenMen% Women
Armed Forces[273]40056007.14

According to 2019 figures, the size of the Surinamese Armed Forces (SAF) stood at 2,500 and the Suriname Police Force (KPS) at 1,500.[274] Women constitute 7% of the SAF and almost 22% of its officer corps.[275] In May 2021, Lieutenant Colonel Lea Hynes-Parris became the first female Inspector General of the Armed Forces.[276] The Surinamese Minister of Defense is a woman, Krishnakoemarie Mathoera (Krishna), who served 34 years in the Suriname police force.[277] Minister Matoera signaled that progress toward gender mainstreaming and gender integration is a top priority for her ministry. Information about the percentage of women in the KPS was unavailable, although a 2016 report disclosed that men outnumbered women in the police force by a ratio of 4:1.[278] In terms of grade levels, the government reported in 2017 that women are well-represented in the KPS and in leadership positions (superintendent, department heads), but the government provided no numbers or grade levels.[279]

Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points

The Bureau of Gender Affairs established a gender management system in 2001 that consists of Gender Focal Points (GFP) serving in different ministries to assist in the monitoring of the implementation of the Gender Action Plan into the policies and programs of their respective ministries. GFPs also received training in gender equality and gender mainstreaming.[280] Data about GENADs or GFPs in the SAF and SPF were unavailable.

Training, Education, and Exercises

The Bureau of Gender Affairs previously held stakeholder-driven workshops to gather community knowledge regarding gender mainstreaming and priorities in promoting gender equality for various government offices. The KPS created training modules regarding domestic violence and a special police unit in partnership with external groups to provide GBV training.[281] Approximately 30% of police officers were trained in handling domestic violence.[282] However, the female-to-male composition in training sessions appears less representative. In 2017, the Ministry of Justice and Police offered training sessions on gender-related issues, but only 20 (13%) of the 154 participants were men.[283] Information about training modules offered in the SAF was not available.

Work Environment

All positions in the Suriname armed forces and police force are open to women. The SAF upgraded facilities to support its female servicemembers.[284] In 2019, the Suriname government revised the Adoption of the Family Employment Protection Act (2019) to provide paid maternity leave for at least 16 weeks and eight days of paternity leave.[285]

Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation

In a 2019 report, the Suriname government stated that the Bureau of Gender Affairs established a project to improve the collection and management of sex-disaggregated data to capture measurable gender indicators to assess the impact of gender initiatives over time. In 2017, the Bureau collected sex-disaggregated data on violence against children and presented them to Parliament, though the findings were not publicly available.[286]

 Recommendations

For the Government of Suriname:

  • Adopt a WPS NAP, drawing from existing national strategy and implementation plans and engaging with key stakeholders to complement and advance gender equality and the WPS agenda in the security forces;
  • Provide sustained financial and staff resources for the Bureau of Gender Affairs and monitor and evaluate the government’s gender strategy and policies;
  • Commit to more transparency in government by collecting sex-disaggregated data on numbers, ranks, and institutional policies and practices and making them publicly available;
  • Commit to gender-responsive budgeting for programs and initiatives to ensure sustained progress.

For the Suriname Armed Forces:

  • Require gender-sensitive training (e.g., sexual harassment, GBV, gender mainstreaming) for all personnel in all ranks of military and police servicemembers and personnel;
  • Clarify and extend institutional policies and practices (family leave, childcare, appropriate facilities and equipment, hostile work environment) that work to recruit, promote and retain women in the police and military forces;
  • Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data and integrate into the monitoring and evaluation process to improve decision-making and resource allocation and make them publicly available.

For the Suriname Police Force:

  • Improve access and require domestic violence handling training for active-duty officers to ensure the capability to act for the protection of vulnerable populations;
  • Gender-sensitive training (e.g., sexual harassment, GBV, gender mainstreaming, gender awareness) should be mandated for all police and military servicemembers at all ranks;
  • Make publicly available sex-disaggregated data and SPF policies on gender issues related to policing to ensure transparency and accountability.

[1] Antigua and Barbuda are small islands with a combined population of 85,567 people, 60% of whom live in coastal zones most likely to experience the impacts of climate crises; Rashauna Adams-Matthew, Environmental Social Safeguard and Gender Officer, Advancing Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Climate Finance in Antigua and Barbuda, https://www.thegef.org/sites/default/files/events/cop25_pavilion_20191203_1315_gender_presentation_4.pdf.

[2] “Antigua and Barbuda Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action Report 2014-2019, CEPAL, (2019), https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/events/files/informe_beijing25_antigua_y_barbuda.pdf.

[3] Antigua and Barbuda, National Gender Submissions, March 2022, p. 8, https://genderclimatetracker.org/sites/default/files/Resources/202204010853—Antigua%20and%20Barbuda%20National%20Gender%20Submissions.pdf.

[4] “Antigua and Barbuda,” UN Women, https://caribbean.unwomen.org/en/caribbean-gender-portal/antigua-and-barbuda.

[5]Antigua and Barbuda, Beijing Declaration.  

[6] “National report submitted in accordance with paragraph 5 of the annex to Human Rights Council resolution 16/21* Antigua and Barbuda,” Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review, November 2021, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G21/288/06/PDF/G2128806.pdf?OpenElement.

[7] Adams-Matthews, Advancing Gender Equality.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Antigua and Barbuda, National Gender Submissions, p. 9.

[10] “Antigua and Barbuda Beijing Declaration.”

[11] World Bank Group, “Antigua and Barbuda Country Gender Scorecard,” December 2021,  https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/822421645769028203/pdf/Antigua-and-Barbuda-Country-Gender-Scorecard.pdf; Dion E. Phillips, “Antigua and Barbuda Defense Force: A Preliminary Look, 2004,” University of the West Indies, 2004, https://www.open.uwi.edu/sites/default/files/bnccde/antigua/conference/papers/phillips.html.

[12] Antigua and Barbuda, “Review Beijing Declaration;” Gabrielle Hosein, Tricia Basdeo-Gobin, Lydia Rosa Gény, Gender mainstreaming in national sustainable development planning in the Caribbean, United Nation ECLAC, 2020, p. 44, https://repositorio.cepal.org/bitstream/handle/11362/45086/1/S1901209_en.pdf.

[13] Organization of American States (OAS), Antigua and Barbuda Response to the Questionnaire Third Multilateral Evaluation Round,” 2017, Question 16, https://www.oas.org/es/mesecvi/docs/Questionnaire3-AntiguaBarbudaResponse.pdf.

[14] U.S. Department of State, Antigua and Barbuda Country Report on Human Rights Practices, 2022, https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/antigua-and-barbuda/.

[15] “Royal Police Force of Antigua and Barbuda Promotes Gender Mainstreaming into Firearms-Related Criminal Investigations,” United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs-Regional Center for Peace, Disarmament, and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean, November 7, 2022, https://unlirec.org/en/royal-police-force-of-antigua-and-barbuda-promotes-gender-mainstreaming-into-firearms-related-criminal-investigations/

[16] Antigua Observer, “Two hundred female police officers to participate in Women’s Police Retreat,March 2, 2023,   https://antiguaobserver.com/two-hundred-female-police-officers-to-participate-in-womens-police-retreat/.

[17] INTERPOL, “Antigua and Barbuda,”https://www.interpol.int/en/Who-we-are/Member-countries/Americas/ANTIGUA-BARBUDA.

[18] “The Criminal Investigation Department,” Ministry of Public Safety and Labour,https://mpsl.gov.ag/departments/police/department/c-i-department/.

[19] Hosein et al., pp. 28-29.

[20] The National Strategic Plan of Barbados 2005-2025, 2005, http://www.sice.oas.org/ctyindex/BRB/Plan2005-2025.pdf

[21] “Bureau of Gender Affairs,” Barbados Integrated Government, accessed June 14, 2023,  https://www.gov.bb/Departments/gender-affairs

[22] Government of Barbados, Domestic Violence (Protection Orders) (Amendment) Bill 2016, https://www.barbadosparliament.com/bills/details/138.

[23]  “Royal Barbados Police Force Annual Report,” Parliament of Barbados, 2013, https://www.barbadosparliament.com/uploads/sittings/attachments/c5fee634002ca489f1cd9a9257504cbd.pdf

[24] “Field Listing–Military and Security Service Personnel Strengths,” Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook, 2022, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/field/military-and-security-service-personnel-strengths/.

[25] Kyle Straker, “Another First! Ladies in Military Leadership,” The Barbados Defence Force, October 30, 2020, https://www.bdfbarbados.com/another-first-ladies-in-military-leadership/

[26] Ibid.

[27]  “Partnership for Peace Program,” Global Database on Violence Against Women, accessed July 18, 2023, https://evaw-global-database.unwomen.org/en/countries/americas/barbados/2012/partnership-for-peace-program

[28] “Caribbean Police Join Forces Against Gender-Based Violence,” Inter-American Development Bank, press release, July 22, 2022, https://www.iadb.org/en/news/caribbean-police-join-forces-against-gender-based-violence.

[29] National Strategic Plan, p. 160.

[30] UN Women, Barbados: Beijing +25 Report: Progress Made on the Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action 2014-2019, April 2019, p. 48, https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/CSW/64/National-reviews/Barbados.pdf.

[31] “Barbados Employment Of Women (Maternity Leave) Chapter 345A,” International Labor Organization, July 16, 1976, https://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/docs/1225/Employment%20of%20Women%20Chapter%20345A.pdf

[32] “PM: Paternity benefits in 2024,” Barbados Today, July 29, 2023, https://barbadostoday.bb/2023/07/29/pm-paternity-benefits-in-2024/.

[33] Parliament of Barbados, Annual Report.

[34] “Selection of Indicators for the Follow-up Phase of the Third Multilateral Evaluation Round of the MESECVI-2019 ,” Organization of American States, 2019, https://www.oas.org/es/mesecvi/docs/QuestionnaireThirdFollowUp-Barbados-Response.pdf

[35] Ibid.

[36] Organization of American States (OAS), “Barbados Country Report Third Round”, November 21, 2022, paragraph 36, https://www.oas.org/es/mesecvi/docs/FinalReport2017-Barbados.pdf.

[37] Belize Press Office, “Ministry of National Security Launches Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” September 11, 2020, https://www.pressoffice.gov.bz/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Sept-11-MNS-Launches-WPS-Agenda.pdf

[38] Government of Belize, “National Security and Defence Strategy (2018-2021)”, 2021, https://bco.gov.bz/download/national-security-and-defence-strategy-2018-2021/

[39] Belize Ministry of Human Development, National Gender-based Violence Plan of Action, http://humandevelopment.gov.bz/index.php/national/.

[40] Ibid; Government of Belize, “National Gender-Based Violence Plan of Action 2010-2013”, 2013, http://www.humandevelopment.gov.bz/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/GBV-PlanOfActionGBV-FINAL-revised-August-2010.pdf.

[41] Government of Belize, “Gender-Based Violence,” Belize Crime Observatory, December 2022, https://www.bco.gov.bz/gender-based-violence/; Belize Ministry of Human Development, “Women and Family Support Department,” April 12, 2023, http://www.humandevelopment.gov.bz/index.php/service-units-2/womens-department/.

[42] “The National Women’s Commission: Belize Women’s Rights Advocacy Organization.” The National Women’s Commission, accessed June 18, 2023, https://www.nwcbelize.org/.

[43] “Stakeholder Consultations on the Development of the National Security and Defence Strategy 2022-2027,” Government of Belize, January 11, 2022, https://www.pressoffice.gov.bz/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Jan-11-PR008-22-Stakeholder-Consultations-on-the-Development-of-the-National-Security-and-Defence-Strategy-2022-2027.pdf.

[44] Ibid.

[45] Women’s Department Ministry of Human Development, Social Transformation and Poverty Alleviation, “Hand Book on Sexual Violence,” 2012, http://www.humandevelopment.gov.bz/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Sexual-Violence-handbook.pdf

[46] “Belize Police Department Honour Female Officers and Staff,” News 5, March 10, 2023, https://edition.channel5belize.com/archives/249412.

[47] “Sixty-two Women Police Officers Promoted,” News 5, March 17, 2023, https://edition.channel5belize.com/archives/249754.

[48] “B.D.F Women Officers and Soldiers Celebrated on International Women’s Day,” News 5, March 8, 2023, https://edition.channel5belize.com/archives/249248.

[49] “BDF Celebrates Women,” Caribbean Observatory on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights, March 18, 2023, https://caribbeansrhrobservatory.com/bdf-celebrates-women/.

[50] Erica Jaros, “Partner Nations Discuss Women, Peace, and Security at Tradewinds22,” Diálogos Americas, May 25, 2022,  https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/partner-nations-discuss-women-peace-and-security-at-tradewinds22/.

[51] “Employee Registration (Insured Person).” Social Security Board, Belize, September 2, 2022. https://www.socialsecurity.org.bz/registration-eligible-persons/

[52] UNICEF, “Joint Launch of Sexual Violence Prevention and Response Programme,” February 17, 2022, https://www.unicef.org/belize/press-releases/joint-launch-sexual-violence-prevention-and-response-programme

[53] “Promoting Equality, Putting an End to GBV in the Belizean Military,” Our Circle, accessed June 18, 2023, https://ourcirclebze.weebly.com/promoting-equality-putting-an-end-to-gbv-in-the-belizean-military.html.

[54] “Belize Crime Observatory, Gender-Based Violence” Belize Crime Observatory, “Inform, Interpret, Influence, “ January 30, 2023, https://bco.gov.bz/gender-based-violence/#:~:text=On%20this%20page%2C%20we%20present,the%20same%20period%20in%202021.

[55] “Constitución Política del Estado,” February 7, 2009,” Organization of American States (OAS), https://www.oas.org/dil/esp/constitucion_bolivia.pdf.

[56] Viceministerio de Comunicación, “El 2022 será el “Año de la Revolución Cultural para la Despatriarcalización por una Vida Libre de Violencia Contra las Mujeres,January 6, 2022, https://www.comunicacion.gob.bo/?q=20220106/33510#:~:text=%E2%80%93%20El%20Gobierno%20Nacional%20declar%C3%B3%20que,se%20recopilaron%20en%20gestiones%20pasadas.

[57] Ibid.

[58] Gaceta Oficial De Bolivia, Decreto Supremo Numero 4650, (2022), http://www.gacetaoficialdebolivia.gob.bo/app/webroot/archivos/DS4650.pdf.

[59] Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Plan Estratégico Ministerial 2021-2025, (2022),  https://cancilleria.gob.bo/webmre/sites/default/files/PEM_FINAL.pdf.

[60] Ibid.

[61] Madeline Hislop, “Bolivia’s President declares 2022 ‘The Year of the Cultural Revolution to Eliminate the Patriarchy’,” Women’s Agenda, September 26, 2022, https://womensagenda.com.au/latest/bolivias-president-declares-2022-the-year-of-the-cultural-revolution-to-eliminate-the-patriarchy/.

[62] “El 2022 será el “Año de la Revolución Cultural para la Despatriarcalización por una Vida Libre de Violencia Contra las Mujeres,” Office of the Vice-Minister for Communications, January 6, 2022, https://www.comunicacion.gob.bo/?q=20220106/33510.

[63] Ibid, p. 99.

[64] Ibid, p. 45.

[65] Ibeth Carvajal, “Mujeres en las FFAA: Desde 2006 sube de 42 a 1.433 la cantidad de féminas militares,” La Razón, 2022, https://www.la-razon.com/sociedad/2022/08/07/mujeres-en-las-ffaa-desde-2006-sube-de-42-a-1-433-la-cantidad-de-feminas-militares/#.

[66] Ibid; La Razón.

[67] “Plan Estrategio,” p. 41.

[68] Policía Boliviana, “Plan Estrategio Institucional 2016-2020”, 2019, https://www.policia.bo/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/PLAN-ESTRATEGICO-INSTITUCIONA.pdf.

[69] Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, “Rendicion Publica de Cuentas Inicial Gestion 2023”, 2023, Page 16, https://www.mindef.gob.bo/sites/default/files/informe23.pdf.

[70] United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “In Dialogue with Bolivia, Experts of the Human Rights Committee Welcome Training Courses to Prevent Excessive Use of Force, and Ask about Judicial Independence,” March 2022, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2022/03/dialogue-bolivia-experts-human-rights-committee-welcome-training-courses.

[71] “Mujeres En Las FFAA: Desde 2006 Sube de 42 a 1.433 La Cantidad de Féminas Militares,” La Razón, August 7, 2022, https://www.la-razon.com/sociedad/2022/08/07/mujeres-en-las-ffaa-desde-2006-sube-de-42-a-1-433-la-cantidad-de-feminas-militares/#:~:text=El%20n%C3%BAmero%20de%20mujeres%20es,la%20carrera%20militar%20en%20provincias.&text=En%2015%20a%C3%B1os%2C%20la%20cantidad,los%20militares%20en%20territorio%20nacional.  

[72] Ibid.

[73] “Unidad de Género de La Policía Atendió 27 Denuncias de Agresiones a Uniformadas,” Comunidad de Derechos Humanos, July 18, 2022, https://comunidad.org.bo/index.php/noticia/detalle/cod_noticia/12912

[74]“Ibid.

[75] UN Women, Bolivia: Legal Frameworks for Women’s Economic Autonomy and Empowerment In Ibero-America and the Caribbean, https://www.segib.org/wp-content/uploads/Web_Anexo_Bolivia-1.pdf.

[76] “Unidad de Género de la Policía atendió 27 denuncias de agresiones a uniformadas,” Comunidad de Derechos Humanos, July 18, 2022, https://comunidad.org.bo/index.php/noticia/detalle/cod_noticia/12912.

[77] Government of Dominica, “Dominica 1978 (Rev. 2014) Constitution.” Constitute Project, 2014, https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Dominica_2014?lang=en

[78] Dominica Bureau of Gender Affairs, accessed June 22, 2023, https://genderaffairs.gov.dm/.

[79] International Labor Organization (ILO), “Gender at Work in the Caribbean Country Report: Dominica,” accessed June 22, 2023, p. 13, https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—americas/—ro-lima/—sro-port_of_spain/documents/publication/wcms_651946.pdf.

[80] Ibid, p. 14.

[81] Bureau of Gender Affairs.

[82] Ibid.

[83] Commonwealth of Dominica Police Force, website, https://nationalsecurity.gov.dm/divisions/commonwealth-of-dominica-police-force.

[84] “Dominica police force welcomes its largest graduating class,” Dominica News Online, April 5, 2022, https://dominicanewsonline.com/news/homepage/homepage-carousel/dominica-police-force-welcomes-its-largest-graduating-class/; “53 police recruits to commence six-month training in an effort to increase manpower in Dominica,” September 9, 2021, https://emonewsdm.com/53-police-recruits-to-commence-six-month-training-in-an-effort-to-increase-manpower-in-dominica/.

[85] Commonwealth of Dominica Report on Two Areas of Achievement and Challenges in Respect to the Brasilia Consensus, presented at the Twelfth Session of the Regional Conference on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean, September 17, 2013, p. 6, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/events/files/dominica_report_-_xii_crm.pdf

[86] “Police Force Sexism: Women continue to be sidelined in one of the last bastions of male dominance-the police force,” The Sun, September 24, 2020, http://sundominica.com/articles/police-force-sexism-5881/; “Dominica police force to recruit more female officers,” Dominica News Online, November 25, 2020, https://dominicanewsonline.com/news/homepage/news/dominica-police-force-to-recruit-more-female-officers/.

[87] Bureau of Gender Affairs.

[88] “Gender at Work.”

[89] Ibid.

[90] Government of El Salvador, “National Action Plan ‘Women, Peace and Security,’”

Peace Women, June 2017, https://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/El%20Salvador%20NAP%202017-2022%20(English).pdf.

[91] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “El Salvador Presenta Estrategia Nacional de La Resolución 1325, Compromiso Internacional Sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad,” Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de El Salvador, May 27, 2022,  https://rree.gob.sv/el-salvador-presenta-estrategia-nacional-de-la-resolucion-1325-compromiso-internacional-sobre-mujeres-paz-y-seguridad/#

[92] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “Realiza Jornada de Trabajo Con Entidades de Gobierno Para Fortalecer El Libro Blanco de La Política Exterior,” Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de El Salvador, February 10, 2022,  https://rree.gob.sv/cancilleria-realiza-jornada-de-trabajo-con-entidades-de-gobierno-para-fortalecer-el-libro-blanco-de-la-politica-exterior/

[93] Instituto Salvadoreño para el Desarrollo de la Mujer, accessed June 18, 2023,  https://isdemu.gob.sv/. The ISDEMU was created at the initiative of the executive branch by legislative decree on February 29, 1996.

[94] Ministry of Security and Justice, “Política Institucional de Equidad e Igualdad para las mujeres y hombres en el Ramo de Justicia y Seguridad Pública,” El Salvador, 2018-2027, Academia Nacional de Seguridad Pública, 2017, https://www.ansp.gob.sv/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Poli%CC%81tica-de-Equidad-e-Igualdad-para-hombres-y-mujeres.pdf.

[95] ANS Gender Unit (Unidad de Género ANS), Academia Nacional de Seguridad Pública, October 28, 2021, https://www.ansp.gob.sv/unidad-de-genero/

[96] UN Peace Women, “National Action Plan for Resolution 1325 “Women, Peace and Security,” 2017-2022, p. 22,

 https://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/El%20Salvador%20NAP%202017-2022%20(English).pdf.

[97] Instituto Salvadoreño Para El Desarrollo De La Mujer, “Ley de Igualdad, Equidad y

Erradicación de la Discriminación contra las Mujeres”, April 8, 2011, https://isdemu.gob.sv/wp-content/uploads/download-manager-files/LIE.pdf  

[98] Cuellar Mendoza, Ricardo Antonio, Mariano Mendoza Lara, and Elvira Ramirez. “Manual de Capacitación En Promoción de La Salud Sexual y Sv Reproductiva y Prevención Del VIH, Sida e Infecciones de Transmisión Sexual.” UNFPA El Salvador, 2009. https://elsalvador.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Manual%20Soldados.pdf

[99] UN Women Global Database on Violence against Women, “Law for a Life Free of Violence against Women,” https://evaw-global-database.unwomen.org/en/countries/americas/el-salvador/2011/law-for-a-life-free-of-violence-against-women–2011-.

[100] Julio Montes, “El Ejército salvadoreño será el más grande de Centro América”, defensa.com, July 22, 2021, https://www.defensa.com/centro-america/ejercito-salvadoreno-sera-mas-fuerte-centro-america

[101] Voice of America (Voz de América), “Gobierno de El Salvador incorpora a 1.450 nuevos militares como parte de su Plan Control Territorial”, April 7, 2022, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T1q9hPIB-y4

[102] “El Salvador Aims to Double Size of Military within Five Years,” Janes Information Services, September 16, 2021, https://www.janes.com/defence-news/news-detail/el-salvador-aims-to-double-size-of-military-within-five-years

[103] Transparency Portal, “Detalle de Plazas Ley De Salario y Contrato”, 2021, https://transparencia.pnc.gob.sv/download/detalle-de-plazas-de-ley-de-salario-y-contratos-2021

[104] National Ministry of Defense (Ministerio Nacional de la Defensa), “Manual de Organización, Funcionamiento Del Ministerio de la Defensa Nacional,” April 2021, https://www.transparencia.gob.sv/institutions/mdn/documents/448097/download

[105] “Academia Nacional de Seguridad Pública,” Portal de Transparencia – El Salvador, December 5, 2022, https://www.transparencia.gob.sv/institutions/13/officials/8107

[106] Portal de Transparencia, ibid.“Capacitaciones Con Enfoque de Genero 2021,” Unidad de acceso a la Información Publica, February 8, 2022, https://transparencia.pnc.gob.sv/download/capacitaciones-con-enfoque-de-genero-2021;   Pedro Menjivar, “17 Capacitados En El Curso de Formadores Policiales En Equidad e Igualdad de Género,” Academia Nacional de Seguridad Pública, November 11, 2021, https://www.ansp.gob.sv/17-capacitados-en-curso-de-formadores-policiales-en-equidad-e-igualdad-de-genero/;  Policía Nacional Civil de El Salvador, “Policía Nacional Civil Marco Institucional,” Policia Nacional Civil, June 1, 2023,  https://www.pnc.gob.sv/marco-institucional/.

[107] Ministerio de Justicia y Seguridad Pública.

[108] PwC, “Social Security Contributions/Benefits,” El Salvador, (last reviewed July 18, 2023), https://taxsummaries.pwc.com/el-salvador/individual/other-taxes; BPL, “Labor Obligations El Salvador 2022,” p. 3, https://www.blplegal.com/blp-web-2021/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Labor-Obligations-El-Salvador-2022.pdf.

[109] Policía Nacional Civil de El Salvador, “Plan Operativo Anual Institucional 2023,” El Salvador Transparency Portal, December 2022, https://transparencia.pnc.gob.sv/download/plan-operativo-anual-2023-version-publica?wpdmdl=4925&refresh=644f35e5c4b451682912741; Karla Maria Molina Ciriani, “El Salvador: Ruta crítica de atención de la violencia contra las mujeres, con énfasis en la violencia sexual y el feminicidio,” ORMUSA, 2020, page 7-8. https://ormusa.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/INVESTIGACION-RUTA-CRITICA-FINAL.pdf.  

[110] Laura Andrade and Carmen Guevara, “La Policía Nacional Civil En El Salvador: Evaluando La profesionalización Del Cuerpo Policial Civil,” Investigaciones UCA 1 (1):250-51, 2020, https://doi.org/10.51378/iuca.v1i1.6905.

[111] Policía Nacional de Colombia, “Informes Anuales de Gestión,” https://www.policia.gov.co/informes-de-gestion/informe-anual-gestion

[112] Government of Grenada, “Grenada’s first Voluntary National Review of the Sustainable Development Goals presented to the United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Business and CARICOM Affairs, July 2022, p. 39, https://hlpf.un.org/sites/default/files/vnrs/2022/VNR%202022%20Grenada%20Report.pdf.

[113] Ministry of Social Development, Housing and Community Empowerment, “Comprehensive National Review on Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action,” CEPAL, May 2019,  https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/events/files/grenada_comprehensive_national_review_to_beijing_25_may_2019.pdf.

[114] “Voluntary National Review,” p. 39.

[115] Government of Grenada, Ministry of Social Development and Housing, Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GPAP), 2014-2024, 2014, https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/2014_gender-equality-policy-action-plan_grd.pdf.

[116]Voluntary National Review, p. 4.

[117] Ibid.

[118] United National Development Program, “Spotlight Initiative Grenada and UNDP Launch Data System to Help Fight Violence Against Women and Girls,” June 28, 2023, https://www.undp.org/barbados/blog/spotlight-initiative-grenada-and-undp-launch-data-system-help-fight-violence-against-women-and-girls.

[119] “Comprehensive National Review on Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action,”p. 70-71.

[120] Ibid.

[121] EnGenDER, “Gender Inequality of Climate Change and Disaster Risk in Grenada”, UN Women, November 2021,  https://wrd.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/2022-02/EnGenDER_Gender%20Inequality%20CC%20DRR%20Brief_GrenadaF_20220203.pdf.

[122] Food and Agriculture Organization, “Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan 2014 – 2024,”https://www.fao.org/faolex/results/details/en/c/LEX-FAOC181376/.

[123] “Overview of the Royal Grenada Police Force,” Royal Grenada Police Force, https://rgpf.gd/index.php/about-us/overview; the Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) 2014-2024 reported that in 2012, 130 of the 970 police officers in 2012 were women, a total of 14.4%. See Government of Grenada, Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) 2014-2024, June 10, 2014, pp. 87-88, https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/2014_gender-equality-policy-action-plan_grd.pdf.

[124] “Sexual Harassment Policy in RGPF,” The New Today, May 21, 2022, https://www.thenewtodaygrenada.com/local-news/sexual-harassment-policy-in-rgpf/.

[125] Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan, pp. 110-111.

[126] New Today Grenada, Sexual Harassment Policy.

[127] Ibid.

[128] Ibid.

[129] “Comprehensive National Review Beijing Declaration.”

[130] New Today Grenada, Sexual Harassment Policy.

[131] “Maternity Benefit,” National Insurance Scheme Grenada,https://www.nisgrenada.org/maternity-benefit/#:~:text=Maternity%20Allowance%20is%20paid%20for,works%20while%20on%20maternity%20leave.

[132] “Search Term: ‘Police.’” Laws of Grenada, Accessed June 22, 2023,   https://laws.gov.gd/index.php?option=com_edocman&view=search&filter_category_id=1&filter_search=police&show_category=1&Itemid=180&limitstart=100

[133] Elaine Henry-McQueen, “Gender Mainstreaming in National Action Plans in Grenada,” Ministry of Social Development, Housing and Community Empowerment Grenada, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/presentations/gender_mainstreaming_in_national_plans_in_grenada.pdf.

[134] “Comprehensive National Review Beijing Declaration.”

[135] Ibid.

[136] “Grenada’s First Voluntary National Review of the Sustainable Development Goals Presented to the United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development,” United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development, July 2022, https://hlpf.un.org/sites/default/files/vnrs/2022/VNR%202022%20Grenada%20Report.pdf;  “Voluntary National Review Grenada,” p. 5; “Grenada Country Report Third Round,” Organization of American States, November 21, 2017, pp. 7, 10-11, https://www.oas.org/es/mesecvi/docs/FinalReport2017-Grenada.pdf.

[137] “Government of the Republic of Guyana, “Guyana National Report: The Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Of the Fourth World Conference On Women and Adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform For Action 1995),” accessed June 15, 2023, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/comunicacion_26_guyana.pdf.

[138] “Guyana’s Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2016,” Constitute Project, 2016, https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Guyana_2016.pdf?lang=en.

[139] “Social Services,” Ministry of Human Services and Social Security, accessed June 15, 2023, https://mhsss.gov.gy/socialservices.html.

[140]“Overview of OAS Country Programs/Projects,” Organization of American States, accessed July 11, 2023, https://www.oas.org/OOCPP/default.aspx?lang=en

[141] Gary A.R. Best, “Organizational Analysis of the Guyana Defense Force,” Guyana Defense Force, September 2009, GDF-Organisational-Analysis-B  ook.pdf (mil.gy), https://www.gdf.mil.gy/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/GDF-Organisational-Analysis-Book.pdf.

[142] U.S. Embassy in Guyana,“Women, Peace and Security Workshop,” August 4, 2021, https://gy.usembassy.gov/women-peace-and-security-workshop/.

[143] Guyana Defence Force, website, http://www.gdf.mil.gy/about/#:~:text=It%20numbers%20about%204150%20soldiers,the%20incumbent%20President%20of%20Guyana..

[144] Geraldine Cook, “A Woman Warrior in the Guyana Defence Force,” Dialogo Americas, September 15, 2022, https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/a-women-warrior-in-the-guyana-deifence-force/.

[145] “Army to deploy first contingent of female soldiers to border locations,” August 8, 2021, https://guyanachronicle.com/2021/08/08/army-to-deploy-first-contingent-of-female-soldiers-to-border-locations/;

[146] Isanella Patoir, “With only birth paper in hand, Denise Griffith started journey to become lone female Commander,” NewsRoom, March 8, 2022, https://newsroom.gy/2022/03/09/with-only-birth-paper-in-hand-denise-griffith-started-journey-to-become-lone-female-commander/.

[147] “GDF lauded for advancing women’s inclusion,” Guyana Chronicle, August 31, 2022, https://guyanachronicle.com/2022/08/31/gdf-lauded-for-advancing-womens-inclusion/.

[148] “GDF Platoon Sergeants’ Course, Commander Course commence,” Guyana Chronicle, August 16, 2021, https://guyanachronicle.com/2021/08/16/gdf-platoon-sergeants-course-commander-course-commence/.

[149] “Female Police officers benefit from training at IAWP conference in the US,” Guyana Chronicle, October 4, 2019,  https://guyanachronicle.com/2019/10/04/female-police-officers-benefit-from-training-at-iawp-conference-in-the-us/?fbclid=IwAR30Gv5iYOR_Enb-34Yl3XifolRFFj0_Mf9L5CBa_Kb1ti5d8UmB_PkSzQw.

[150] Ahillya Shiv, “The Opening Ceremony Of The ‘Women In Law Enforcement Empowerment Summit 2023- Gather. Collaborate. Grow,” Ministry of Home Affairs, https://moha.gov.gy/the-opening-ceremony-of-the-women-in-law-enforcement-empowerment-summit-2023-gather-collaborate-grow/.

[151] Zach Sheely, Sgt. 1st Class, “Guard incorporates women, peace and security initiatives, U.S. Northern Command, March 28, 2022, https://www.northcom.mil/Newsroom/News/Article/Article/2988796/guard-incorporates-women-peace-and-security-initiatives/.

[152] Ibid.

[153] Guyana Chronicle, “GDF lauded.”

[154] Geraldine Cook, “A Woman Warrior.”

[155] Television Guyana, Inc., “Guyana a leader in women, peace and security matters” Facebook, August 30, 2022, https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=450782437067546.

[156] International Labor Organization, “Conditions of Work and Employment Programme,” Guyana, https://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/travmain.sectionReport1?p_lang=en&p_structure=3&p_year=2011&p_start=1&p_increment=10&p_sc_id=2000&p_countries=KE&p_countries=GY&p_print=Y.

[157] USAID, “USAID/Eastern and Southern Caribbean Community, Family and Youth Resilience (CFYR) Program,” USAID, 2017,https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00X3FH.pdf.

[158] “UNFPA recommences Gender-Based Violence Awareness Training for GPF Officers,” UNFPA,February 8, 2023, https://dpi.gov.gy/unfpa-recommences-gender-based-violence-awareness-training-for-gpf-officers/

[159] “GDF signs MoU to improve soldiers’ understanding of sexual harassment, assault,” Guyana Chronicle, October 27, 2021, https://guyanachronicle.com/2021/10/27/gdf-signs-mou-to-improve-soldiers-understanding-of-sexual-harassment-assault/#:~:text=CHIEF%2DOF%2DSTAFF%20of%20the,sexual%20assault%20and%20domestic%20violence..

[160] United Nations, Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), “Politique D’égalité Femmes Hommes 2014-2034,” December 2014, https://faolex.fao.org/docs/pdf/hai157333.pdf

[161] “Haiti’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2012.” Constitute Project. Accessed June 12, 2023. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Haiti_2012?lang=en.

[162] “Le Ministère à La Condition Féminine et Aux Droits Des Femmes (MCFDF),” Global Database on Violence Against Women- Haiti, accessed June 12, 2023; https://evaw-global-database.unwomen.org/en/countries/americas/haiti/1994/mcfdf

[163] Ibid, p. 8.

[164] United Nations (OCHA), ReliefWeb, “Background Briefing to the Executive Board, 2018, ‘Operational Response at Country Level: Haiti’,” 2018, https://reliefweb.int/report/haiti/background-briefing-executive-board-2018-operational-response-country-level-haiti

[165] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool- Haiti” Note: Haiti calculates personnel to include deaths and abandonments. The actual number may vary.

[166] Note: The National Police calculations includes members who died or abandoned post.

[167] The UN reported (April 2023) that the impact of the current violence, in terms of resignations, dismissals, and deaths, has brought the numbers down from 14,772 to around 13,200 personnel. See “As Haiti Slides into Violence, Its People ‘Cannot Wait Any Longer’ for Assistance, Foreign Minister Tells Security Council,” United Nations, press release April 26, 2023, https://press.un.org/en/2023/sc15266.doc.htm.

[168] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool- Haiti.”

[169] Ibid.

[170] Ibid.

[171] Evens Sanon, “Haiti PM turns to military for help in fighting gangs,” Associated Press, March 17, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/haiti-activate-military-gangs-bb05bdc98d0c7fafdccbbce5743223ed.

[172] DCAF (Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance), “Gender Training for Security Sector Personnel,” p. 4, https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Practice%2BNote%2B12.pdf.

[173] Government of Canada, “Helping to establish a National Police Academy in Haiti,” May 2022, https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/stories-histoires/2022/establish-national-police-haiti_creation-academie-police-haiti.aspx?lang=eng.

[174] World Bank Group, p. 22.

[175] “More Paid Leave for Fathers Could Improve Mothers’ Postpartum Health,” Harvard T.H Chan School of Public Health, June 6, 2019, https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/news/hsph-in-the-news/paternity-leave-postpartum-health/

[176] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool- Haiti.”

[177] BINUH reported that “ the rate of Haitian policewomen increased from 9,39 percent in the 25th promotion to 21,34 percent in the 30th promotion.” See “BINUH: Police Supports the Sensitization of Female Students To Apply in the Police,” August 19, 2020, https://binuh.unmissions.org/en/binuh-police-supports-sensitization-female-students-apply-police.

[178] World Bank Group, “Haiti’s Untapped Potential: An assessment of the barriers to gender equality,” 2023, p. 22, https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/4b69af839b59351a5d7a245d71a57c13-0370012023/related/Haiti-Gender-Assessment-report-Summary.pdf.

[179] OCHA ReliefWeb, “Addressing gender-based violence in Haiti (June 2023),” June 2023, p. 1, https://reliefweb.int/report/haiti/addressing-gender-based-violence-haiti-june-2023.

[180] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool- Haiti.”

[181]  Ibid.

[182] “Política Nacional de la Mujer, II Plan de Igualdad y Equidad de Género de Honduras 2010-2022”, Instituto Nacional de la Mujer, December 12, 2018, https://siteal.iiep.unesco.org/sites/default/files/sit_accion_files/hn_0315.pdf

[183] “Plan Nacional Contra La Violencia Hacia Las Mujeres 2014-2022,” Montevideo Consensus on Population and Development, January 6, 2014, https://consensomontevideo.cepal.org/es/node/1845

[184] Ibid, p. 60.

[185] “Oficina Municipal de la Mujer,” accessed June 18, 2023, https://sgomm.inam.gob.hn/index.php/el-inam/

[186] U.S. Department of State, 2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Honduras, 2022, https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/honduras/.

[187] “Boletín Informativo enero-marzo 2022 Derechos Humanos de las FFAA”, Secretaria de

Defensa Nacional March 2022, https://sedena.gob.hn/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/Boletin-DDHH-de-las-FFAA.pdf

[188] “Ley Orgánicade La Secretaría de Estado En El Despacho de Seguridad y de La Policía Nacional de Honduras,” Instituto de Acceso a la Información Pública, 2017, https://portalunico.iaip.gob.hn/portal/ver_documento.php?uid=OTQxNzAzODkzNDc2MzQ4NzEyNDYxOTg3MjM0Mg==.

[189]  Ibid.

[190] Washington Office on Latin America, The Honduran National Police: Evaluating the Professionalization of the Civilian Police Force.” August 2020, p. 6, 15,  https://www.wola.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/HN-Police-ENG-8.28.pdf.   Source cited in the report: Mujeres invisibles y acosadas en la Policía Nacional de Honduras. Contracorriente. June 22, 2019, https://contracorriente.red/2019/06/22/mujeres-invisibles-y-acosadas-en-la-policia-nacional-de-honduras/.

[191] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool – Honduras.”

[192] Producción de Productos por Categoría Programática, Republica de Honduras Secretaria de Finanzas 2022,

https://api.iaip.gob.hn/api/public/serve_archivo/?idarchivo=MTYyNzYyNQ==

[193] Boletín Informativo, Ibid.

[194] Boletin Informativo, Ibid.

[195] Ibid.

[196] Victor Anaya, “Which Central American Country Gives Workers the Most Paid Time Off and Maternity/Paternity Leave?”, Central America Stories, February 10, 2023, https://www.centralamerica.com/investing/business/paid-time-off-in-central-america/#:~:text=The%20country%20grants%2015%20days,%2C%20meanwhile%2C%20is%20three%20days.

[197] “A New Approach: National Security Policy for Jamaica,”,Organization of American States (OAS),2013, https://www.oas.org/csh/spanish/documentos/National%20Security%20Policy%20-%20Jamaica%20-%202007.pdf.

[198] Jamaica Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2015, 2015, https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Jamaica_2015.pdf?lang=en.

[199]s://jis.gov.jm/10-year-action-plan-eliminate-gender-based-violence-launched/

 “National Policy for Gender Equality.” Bureau of Women’s Affairs (Gender Affairs), 2011,  https://www.nlj.gov.jm/files/u8/NPGE-JA-FINALwCover21311.pdf; Chris Patterson, “10-Year Action Plan to Eliminate Gender-Based Violence Launched,” Jamaica Information Service, December 7, 2017, http

[200] “Grange welcomes passage of sexual harassment legislation,” Ministry of Culture, Gender, Entertainment, and Sport, October 21, 2023, https://mcges.gov.jm/index.php/gender/item/804-grange-welcomes-passage-of-sexual-harassment-legislation.

[201] Ibid; Alicia Smith, “Sexual harassment law to take effect July 3, 2023,” Jamaica Observer, June 23, 2023, https://www.jamaicaobserver.com/news/sexual-harassment-law-to-take-effect-july-3/.

[202] “The Jamaica Defence Force,” Office of the Prime Minister, https://opm.gov.jm/opm_agency/jamaica-defence-force/#:~:text=The%20JDF%20is%20mandated%20to,Search%20and%20Rescue%20(SAR)%3Bn.

[203] “The JDF,” Jamaica Defence Force website, https://www.jdfweb.com/the-jdf/#:~:text=The%20Regular%20Force%20has%20seven,support%20arm%20%E2%80%93%20a%20Logistics%20Battalion.; “JDF Focuses on Recruiting More Women,” Jamaica Defence Force website, https://www.jdfweb.com/news/jdf-focuses-on-recruiting-more-women/.

[204] Mickella Anderson, “256 Individuals now Members of the JDF,” Jamaica Information Service, September 25, 2022, https://jis.gov.jm/256-individuals-now-members-of-the-jdf/.

[205] “JCF on track to surpass recruitment target for fiscal year,” Our Today, February 11, 2023, https://our.today/jcf-on-track-to-surpass-recruitment-target-for-fiscal-year/; Rochelle Williams, “328 New Constables Join The Police Force,” Jamaica Information Service, September 15, 2022, https://jis.gov.jm/328-new-constables-join-the-police-force/.

[206] Jamaica Ministry of Culture, Gender, Entertainment, and Sport, “Sexual Harassment Act takes effect July 3,” June 14, 2023, https://mcges.gov.jm/index.php/gender/item/962-sexual-harassment-act-takes-effect-july-3.

[207] “Jamaica National Service Corp,” Caribbean Military Academy, accessed June 19, 2023, https://caribbeanmilitaryacademy.edu.jm/jnsc_1.php

[208] “Domestic Violence Prevention and Intervention Workshop,” Jamaica Defence Force, 2020, https://www.jdfweb.com/domestic-violence-prevention-and-intervention-workshop/

[209] “Jamaica National Service Corp,” Caribbean Military Academy, accessed June 19, 2023, https://caribbeanmilitaryacademy.edu.jm/jnsc_2.php.

[210] “Jamaica National Service Corp (JNSC),” Caribbean Military Academy, accessed June 19, 2023, https://caribbeanmilitaryacademy.edu.jm/jnscschool.php

[211] Smith, “Sexual Harassment Law.”

[212] Angus, Garfield, “JCF an Employer of Choice – Minister Chang”, Jamaica Information Service (June 12, 2023), https://jis.gov.jm/jcf-an-employer-of-choice-minister-chang/.

[213] Jamaica Defence Force, “The JDF Sexual Harassment Policy: In Summary,” https://www.jdfweb.com/news/the-jdf-sexual-harassment-policy-in-summary/#:~:text=The%20JDF%20Policy%20position%20on,and%20will%20be%20punished%20severely.

[214] Erica Virtue, “Editors’ Forum | Forces have tough stance on sexual harassment – One ‘no’ is allowed – Meade,” The Gleaner, March 17, 2019, https://jamaica-gleaner.com/article/news/20190317/editors-forum-forces-have-tough-stance-sexual-harassment-one-no-allowed-meade; “Sexual harassment protocol in Jamaica Constabulary Force,” The Gleaner, March 17, 2019, https://jamaica-gleaner.com/article/news/20190317/sexual-harassment-protocol-jamaica-constabulary-force.

[215] Jamaica Defense Force, “JDF Sexual Harassment Policy.”

[216] Jamaica Gleaner, “JDF officer implicated in sexual misconduct scandal asked to resign,”December 15, 2022, https://jamaica-gleaner.com/article/news/20221215/jdf-officer-implicated-sexual-misconduct-scandal-asked-resign

[217] Jamaica Gleaner, “Women cling to hem of incoming army chief,” September 24, 2021, https://jamaica-gleaner.com/article/lead-stories/20210924/women-cling-hem-incoming-army-chief.

[218] “Jamaica Grants Paternal, Adoptive Leave to Public Workers,” AP NEWS, January 4, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/jamaica-andrew-holness-san-juan-9a27ad5a0e9a22b8c25c1679fb09e54b; “Family Matters – Paternity & Adoption Leave,” Jamaica Information Service, February 27, 2023, https://jis.gov.jm/information/get-the-facts/family-matters-paternity-adoption-leave/#:~:text=Effective%20January%201%2C%202023%2C%20biological,and%20adoption%20leave%20with%20pay.&text=In%20addition%20to%20these%20new,40%20to%2060%20working%20days..

[219] Chad Bryan, “Infrastructure at Police Stations to be Improved,” Jamaica Information Service, February 26, 2019, https://jis.gov.jm/infrastructure-at-police-stations-to-be-improved/

[220] 2023 WIIS Assessment Tool, ibid.

[221] Shanique Riley, “Infrastructure at Police Stations to Be Improved,” The Ministry of National Security, September 9, 2019, https://www.mns.gov.jm/you-are-here-home-%C2%BB-infrastructure-police-stations-be-improved-infrastructure-police-stations-be.

[222] Jamaica Policy for Gender Equality, p. 32.

[223] Government of St. Kitts and Nevism, Responses to UNSG’s Report on Women’s Economic Empowerment, 2020, https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/CSW/65/MS%20Inputs%20Review%20Theme/St%20Kitts%20and%20Nevis.pdf

[224] Ibid.

[225] “St. Kitts and Nevis strengthening response to gender-based violence,” St. Kitts and Nevis Information Service, October 12, 2022, https://www.sknis.gov.kn/2022/10/12/st-kitts-and-nevis-strengthening-response-to-gender-based-violence/.

[226] Delano F. Bart, “The Police Act, 2002,” Saint Christopher and Nevis The Police Act 2002, 2002,  http://stkittsnevis.net/pdf/policeact.pdf.

[227] Bart, “Police Act.”

[228] “Government to review opportunities in St Kitts and Nevis police force to ensure gender equality,” SKNNews, August 27, 2023, https://sknnews.com/saint-kitts-nevis/government-to-review-opportunities-in-st-kitts-and-nevis-police-force-to-ensure-gender-equality-27569153/.

[229] Government of St. Kitts and Nevis, Country Report, The Federation of St. Christopher and Nevis

2013-2018, Twenty-fifth anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women and adoption of the

Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995), 2018, p. 13, https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/CSW/64/National-reviews/Saint_Kitts_and_Nevis.pdf.

[230] “Department of Gender Affairs,” Ministry of Social Development and Gender Affairs, Accessed June 13, 2023, https://socialdevelopment.gov.kn/gender-affairs/#1602013335783-2538f772-6b90

[231] Government of St. Kitts and Nevis, “Responses to UNSG Report.”

[232] U.S. Department of State, 2022 Country Report.

[233] International Labor Organization, St. Kitts and Nevis Maternity Protection – 2011, https://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/travmain.sectionReport1?p_lang=en&p_structure=3&p_year=2011&p_start=1&p_increment=10&p_sc_id=2000&p_countries=KN&p_print=Y.

[234] U.S. Department of State, 2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Saint Kitts and Nevis, 2022, https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/saint-kitts-and-nevis/.

[235] “Experts of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women Commend Saint Kitts and Nevis on Adopted Policies, Ask about Women in Agriculture and Human Trafficking,” OHCHR, October 13, 2022, https://www.ohchr.org/en/news/2022/10/experts-committee-elimination-discrimination-against-women-commend-saint-kitts-and

[236] Ibid.

[237] “Upcoming Review to Examine Gender Equity in the Police Force,” Saint Kitts and Nevis Consulate in Toronto, August 17, 2022, https://skncgtoronto.gov.kn/2022/08/17/upcoming-review-to-examine-gender-equity-in-the-police-force/.  

[238] Chapter 1.01 Constitution of Saint Lucia, December 31, 2006, Government of St. Lucia, https://www.govt.lc/constitution.

[239] “UNODC supports Saint Lucia in generating data on victimization and safety,” United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, July 3, 2020, https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/frontpage/2020/July/unodc-supports-saint-lucia-in-generating-data-on-victimization-and-safety.html

[240] UN Women, Saint Lucia, https://caribbean.unwomen.org/en/caribbean-gender-portal/saint-lucia.

[241] “The Gender Agenda,” The Voice, August 17, 2020, https://thevoiceslu.com/2020/08/the-gender-agenda/.

[242] Government of Saint Lucia, “Saint Lucia’s National Adaptation Plan (NAP),” 2018–2028, 2018, Department of Sustainable Development, Ministry of Education, Innovation, Gender Relations and Sustainable Development, https://www4.unfccc.int/sites/NAPC/Documents/Parties/SLU-NAP-May-2018.pdf.

[243] “Saint Lucia’s National Adaptation Plan (NAP),” p. 47.

[244] “Saint Lucia Bureau of Gender Relations,” Saint Lucia – Access Government, accessed June 14, 2023. https://www.govt.lc/ministries/education/gender-relations

[245] “Saint Lucia Country Report Third Round,” Organization of American States Inter-American Commission of Women Follow-Up Mechanism to the Belem do Para Convention, November 21, 2017, p. 7, https://belemdopara.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/FinalReport2017-SaintLucia.pdf.  

[246] Ibid, p. 7.

[247] Perry Stanislas, “The changing perceptions of St. Lucian policing: how St. Lucian police offices view contemporary policing,” Police Policy and Practice, vol. 22, no. 1, 2021, p. 341.

[248] “Prime Minister announces historic appointment of female Police Commissioner,” Government of Saint Lucia website, https://www.govt.lc/news/prime-minister-announces-historic-appointment-of-female-police-commissioner; “St. Lucia has a new police commissioner,” Caribbean News Global, March 1, 2023: https://www.caribbeannewsglobal.com/st-lucia-has-a-new-police-commissioner-2/.

[249] “The Gender Agenda.”

[250] Ibid, p. 34.

[251] “Saint Lucia Country Report Third Round,” p. 5.

[252] “2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Saint Lucia,” US Department of State, 2022: https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/saint-lucia/

[253] Government of St. Lucia, Collective Agreement Between the Government of Saint Lucia and the Saint Lucia Civil Service Association, for the period April 1, 2007, to March 31, 2022, pp. 11-12, https://www.govt.lc/media.govt.lc/www/resources/legislation/csa-collective-agreement-2019-2022.pdf.

[254] Perry Stanislas, “ St. Lucian policing,” pp. 346, 350.

[255] United Nations Development Program, “Advisory Note 02: Sex- and Age-disaggregated Data (SADD),” Barbados and Eastern Caribbean, September 2022, https://www.undp.org/sites/g/files/zskgke326/files/2022-09/ADVISORY%20NOTE%20-%202%20SADD.pdf.

[256] “Statement by H.E. Inga Rhonda King Permanent Representative United Nations Security Council Open Debate: ‘Women and Peace and Security: Investing in Women in Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding,’” Permanent Mission of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations, October 21, 2020, http://svg-un.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Statement-2.pdf

[257] Ibid, p. 4-5. H.E. King noted that the St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ permanent mission staff was 85% women with an all-female leadership team.

[258] “The Ministry of National Mobilization, Social Development, Local Government, Gender Affairs, Family Affairs, Housing and Informal Settlement – Gender Affairs,” The Ministry of National Mobilization, Social Development, Local Government, Gender Affairs, Family Affairs, Housing and Informal Settlement, accessed June 13, 2023, http://mobilization.gov.vc/mobilization/index.php/gender-affairs.

[259] Ibid.

[260] “Saint Vincent and the Grenadines: Military and Security Forces,” Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook, accessed June 13, 2023, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/saint-vincent-and-the-grenadines/#military-and-security. The RSVGPF units include the Coast Guard, Special Services Unit, Rapid Response Unit, Drug Squad, and

Anti-Trafficking in Persons Unit. The police force reports to the minister of national security, a portfolio currently held by the prime minister. 

[261]  “SVGPF Looking at Ways to Combat Human Trafficking, Searchlight, November 27, 2012, https://www.searchlight.vc/news/2012/11/27/svgpf-looking-at-ways-to-combat-human-trafficking/.

[262] Ibid.

[263] Ibid.

[264] Melissa Wong, “Limit to hiring of female police recruits, SVG PM explains why,” Loop Caribbean News, January 6, 2022, https://caribbean.loopnews.com/content/limit-hiring-female-police-recruits-svg-pm-explains-why. To note: the RSVPF, the only security force in the country, reports to the minister of national security, a portfolio held by the prime minister.

[265] “Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 2022 Human Rights Report,” U.S. Department of State, https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/415610_SAINT-VINCENT-AND-THE-GRENADINES-2022-HUMAN-RIGHTS-REPORT.pdf.

[266] Ibid; The Eleventh Session of the Regional Conference on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean, 2010, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/events/files/stvincentandgrenadines.pdf.

[267] U.S. Department of State,“2022 Human Rights Report,” pp. 6-7.

[268] “Suriname 1987 (Rev. 1992) Constitution.” Constitute Project, 1992. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Surinam_1992?lang=en

[269] Ministry of Home Affairs, Bureau of Gender Affairs, “Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035,” https://gov.sr/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/3-juli-engelse-printversie-gender-vision-policy-document-2021-2035-1.pdf.

[270] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action +25, August 2019, p. 45, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/informe_beijing25_suriname_final_0.pdf; for a detailed chapter on activities related to government efforts at advancing gender equality up to 2018, see The Republic of Suriname, Suriname: Progress report on the implementation of the Montevideo Consensus 2013-2018, 2018, pp. 44-51, https://crpd.cepal.org/3/sites/crpd3/files/national_report_suriname.pdf.

[271] “Women Raise Their Voices in Suriname.” Catalyste+, November 28, 2022, https://www.catalysteplus.org/our-impact/impact-stories/women-raise-their-voices-in-suriname/

[272] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation, p. 45.

[273] Geraldine Cook, “Suriname’s Defense Force Strengthens the Role of Women,” Diálogo Américas, April 7, 2022. https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/surinames-defense-force-strengthens-the-role-of-women/#:~:text=Minister%20Mathoera%20said%20one%20of,percent%20of%20the%20entire%20force

[274] Scott B. McDonald, “Suriname at a Crossroads,” Center for International and Security Studies (CSIS), Washington, D.C., August 1, 2019, https://www.csis.org/analysis/suriname-crossroads.

[275] Geraldine Cook, “Suriname, Strengthening Border Protection from Illegal Activities,” Diálogo Américas, September 21, 2022, https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/suriname-strengthening-border-protection-from-illegal-activities/.

[276] Ibid.

[277] Marcos Ommati, “Krishna Mathoera, Minister of Defense of Suriname: ‘Being a Woman Should Never Be an Obstacle to Be Successful or to Do the Extraordinary’,” Diálogo Américas, August 31, 2021, https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/krishna-mathoera-minister-of-defense-of-suriname-being-a-woman-should-never-be-an-obstacle-to-be-successful-or-to-do-the-extraordinary/.

[278] Suriname Bureau of Gender Affairs, “Situation Analysis of Women and Men in Suriname: Public Participation,” p. 2 (data through 2016), https://caribbean.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Field%20Office%20Caribbean/Attachments/Publications/2018/Factsheet%20UNGEI%20Public%20Participation%20final%20English.pdf.

[279] Suriname Country Report, Third Round,  Follow-Up Mechanism, Convention of Belém Do Pará (MESECVI), November 27-28, 2017, paragraph 62, https://belemdopara.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/FinalReport2017-Suriname.pdf.

[280] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation, p. 8.

[281] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation, p. 28; Catalyste+; “Inter-American Commission of Women National Report, p. 5.

[282] Guicherit, H., United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, http://docstore.ohchr.org/SelfServices/FilesHandler.ashx?enc=6QkG1d%2FPPRiCAqhKb7yhskcAJS%2FU4wb%2BdIVicvG05RxG8XlpwfdVOi3B%2F3G9O7%2ByGEwxqWPPbCuKeFXIrUIsEs9OaacNHtkQLM1vNDxd2oZY6l1irMlpkvZqBoVlJi7sZ48iwVacuUmg%2FFrbYfgeeQ%3D%3D.

[283] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation 2019, p. 40.

[284] Geraldine Cook, “Strengthening Border Protection.”

[285] Republic of Suriname, National Review Implementation 2019, p. 44.

[286] ECLAC, ibid.

By Tahina Montoya and Joan Johnson-Freese

With passage of the 2017 Women, Peace and Security Act, the United States became the first country to mandate implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) framework. In accordance with act requirements, Congress released a report in July 2022 evaluating the progress of the four US government agencies charged with implementation—the Department of State, Department of Defense, Department of Homeland Security, and US Agency for International Development (USAID). While progress was noted across all agencies, it was inconsistent. According to the report, for example, the Department of States invested $110 million, USAID $239 million, and Department of Defense $5.5 million for execution. Setting aside the discussion of how much is the proper amount to spend to fulfill the requirements specified by Congress—a vital discussion that should continue and be informed by regular reviews of progress made by each agency—DoD is clearly lagging far behind, a fact that becomes even more apparent when considering the vastly larger budgets apportioned to it than either the Department of State or USAID. Moreover, the differences in budget allocations among the implementing organizations create and exacerbate a WPS implementation gap and hamper collaboration. They also reflect differing perspectives on WPS relevance to organizational mission success. Thus, understanding relevance is a prerequisite to successful WPS implementation and education becomes both a fiscally responsible and necessary step in moving WPS implementation forward within DoD.

In 1986, Congress passed the sweeping Goldwater-Nichols DoD Reorganization Act, designed to address issues associated with intraservice rivalries that hampered mission success during the Vietnam War, the Iran hostage crisis, and the invasion of Granada. In addition to establishing command structure changes, Goldwater-Nichols also mandated that military officers complete joint professional military education (JPME) as a prerequisite for certain joint assignments and promotion categories. Education was thereby recognized as the right means for instilling “jointness” both within and between services. Subsequently, through designations of special areas of emphasis and legislation, education has repeatedly been recognized as the right means for mainstreaming key concepts and topics relevant to the military into the forces. As the July 2022 congressional report section on professional military education (PME) states, “The Department has recognized that WPS is an important field of study and as such, must be incorporated into how the Department educates its commissioned and non-commissioned officers to think strategically and identify creative approaches to joint warfighting and sustaining momentum in the Department’s campaigns.” While the benefits of mainstreaming WPS relevance through JPME are clear, integrating WPS into JPME has been hampered by organizational silos and organizational cultures that often still see security as primarily linked to men.

The Benefits of Mainstreaming WPS Relevance Through JPME

There are multiple benefits to incorporating WPS into JPME. Doing so would not only help align DoD with its Department of States and USAID counterparts to alleviate the already widening WPS knowledge gap between the agencies, but would do so with minimal fiscal impact to the DoD budget. JPME institutions already exist, are fully staffed—many including a WPS chair or lead—and are increasingly working together on WPS implementation. Incorporation of WPS principles into the core curriculum of JPME organizations is a logical next step. Further, incorporation addresses Defense Objective 1 in the 2020 DoD WPS Strategic Framework Implementation Plan, to ensure that the DOD “exemplifies a diverse organization that allows for women’s meaningful participation across the development, management, and employment of the Joint Force,” and mandates that DoD do so through JPME. In addition to abiding by published directives, incorporating WPS principles into JPME provides the United States with a stronger voice when encouraging partner nations to do the same.

More directly, incorporating WPS principles into DoD through JPME enhances readiness. In other words, WPS enables a US military that is a more effective fighting force, one that is better equipped and more capable of fulfilling any of the broad range of mission it may be tasked with. Failure to have troops prepared in advance resulted in the United States’ initial struggle to engage and work with a key source in the Middle East, women. Rather than being ready for the fight, the United States was forced to play catch-up, driving the development of rushed, ad hoc, separate training for cultural support teams and female engagement teams, while already at war. Having WPS principles incorporated throughout JPME would ensure gender perspectives, empirically shown to be relevant to conflicts and DoD missions, are part of standard operating procedures in future engagements.

For example, during the resettlement of Afghan evacuees into the United States after the US military withdrawal from Afghanistan, Operation Allies Welcome was the first time two specific roles—gender focal points (GFPs) and gender advisors (GENADs)—were part of the mission planning process, as opposed to being an afterthought. Trained gender advisors were deployed to each of the eight task forces established throughout the country to serve as a cultural bridge between Afghanistan and the United States. They were there, as stated by Northern Command, to “provide a gender perspective into decision making; build relationships and trust with female guests; ensure women had equitable access to information and were able to voice their issues, concerns and ideas; and provide English classes and education on US cultural norms and expectations.” Accounting for those considerations better situated the task forces to advance an otherwise hectic mission, enhance evacuees’ perceptions of the United States, and ultimately contribute to more positive diplomatic and national security benefits. Unfortunately, gender perspectives and considerations prevalent in Operation Allies Welcome remain operational exceptions, rather than the norm.

Additionally, mainstreaming WPS principles into DoD through JPME provides future forces, including US allies who attend JPME, with valuable threat assessment, strategy development, and force enhancement tools, like the consideration of gender, not available elsewhere. In essence, incorporating WPS in JPME will not only benefit the United States on a national level; educating international officers attending JPME (many of whom are the future leaders of their respective countries) will, undoubtedly, also benefit the United States from a diplomatic and international perspective.

On June 16, 2023, with the publication of its WPS Strategic Action Plan, the Department of the Air Force became the military department to establish how its services—the Air Force and the Space Force—would implement WPS. The plan specifically identifies training as the department’s first WPS objective. Within that objective, intermediate objectives are identified that explicitly state that the department “incorporates WPS principles and gender perspectives into all training and professional military education.” Formalizing a strategic action plan that recognizes the role PME plays in institutionalizing WPS is a step in the right direction, but DoD-wide implementation requires other services to commit to the same, and then follow through. Follow-through in this regard has been slow, at best.

Inhibitors: Educational Silos and Organizational Culture

Gender is not the first topic difficult to understand and implement through JPME. But the JPME enterprise has rightly tackled those difficult topics—topics that span multiple overlapping academic silos and are vital to US national defense—just as it must with gender.

One of those difficult topics has been jointness. Part of the rationale behind the Goldwater-Nichols JPME requirement was to promote jointness. Jointness is essentially a force enhancer, intended to improve military effectiveness, and thus is a topic overlapping all aspects of military operations. Consequently, instilling jointness required integration into multiple JPME lessons across multiple, often siloed, departments for it to become standard operating procedure and part of future operations and doctrine. In crises, military organizations execute how they train, and they train according to doctrine.

The requirement to integrate jointness throughout JPME curriculum meant that every faculty member had to understand and seamlessly integrate it into the curriculum. At times, and at some PME institutions, faculty had to be incentivized. For example, for a time, the Naval War College annual faculty ratings included considerations of how well individuals instilled jointness into their teaching. Being part of their annual ratings encouraged faculty to become familiar with and incorporate jointness into their courses. Incentivizing faculty might also need to be the case with WPS.

Space security provides another example of challenges that accompany integrating crosscutting topics into military studies. Space operations includes four mission areas: space force enhancement, space support, space control, and space force application. Within space force enhancement, space capabilities aren’t important somewhere, they are important everywhere. Space security also has highly technical aspects and classification issues, further complicating its understanding and teaching. Consequently, JPME institutions have long struggled with questions regarding how to teach its importance, uses, and limitations as those considerations require at least limited knowledge of physics, engineering, policy, law, strategy, and security considerations. DoD has worked to address these issues for decades, and became part of the impetus behind the 2019 creation of the Space Force. Creation ensured the development of a critical mass of individuals with the requisite knowledge, clearance, and access to decision-makers to make inclusion of space security considerations part of national security standard operating procedure.

The incorporation of both jointness and space security in JPME offers insights applicable to WPS. In the case of jointness, the limited technical or classification components involved eased its incorporation, which should similarly make JPME incorporation of WPS more achievable. Additionally, as with jointness, the will and faculty motivation to incorporate concepts into their classrooms is key to implementation. The space security example offers an example of how, with the creation of the Space Force, DoD looked externally, to different organizations, to attract the expertise required to successfully develop and achieve the mission. This could also be the case with WPS, at least initially. In both cases, jointness and space security were topics that encountered organizational friction in JPME integration. In the case of gender considerations, however, in addition to friction, despite presidential and congressional direction to implement WPS, there has been outright organizational resistance centered on outdated notions of whether and how gender is relevant to national security.

Though well-established empirically, the relationship between gender and security has been largely unrecognized in academic courses related to international relations or security studies in both civilian and PME academic institutions. In military commands and PME institutions, that knowledge gap inhibits WPS implementation, forcing WPS advocates to rely on individual access to senior leaders and those individual leaders’ willingness to learn about WPS. The creation of two courses, WPS 100 and WPS 200, offered through Joint Knowledge Online was intended to provide leadership an introduction to WPS, at times and in ways convenient to them, but it remains utilized predominantly by action officers—those specifically tasked with ensuring a unit or organization is fulfilling WPS requirements—rather than the broader cohort of leaders necessary to effect widespread cultural change.. WPS 100 and WPS 200 are currently prerequisites of GFP and GENAD training, training essential to building a formally trained cadre of experts that serves an entirely separate, but equally beneficial, purpose. Separate from GFP and GENAD training, broadly integrating WPS principles throughout JPME ensures all service members have a basic understanding of WPS relevance to security. One does not, and is not intended to, replace the other as both are essential to expand the understanding and relevance of gender to security and military operations within DoD.

The perspectives of authors whose works are being read, promoted on military reading lists, and included as core curriculum in JPME remain predominantly male authored. This, in itself, evidences that security is still seen as a primarily male field by leadership and JPME administrators. For context, among 2022 military reading lists, the Air Force list was the most diverse, with 8 of 21 of the recommended books authored by women; followed by the Navy, 4 of 12; the Marines, 7 of 46; and the Army, 1 of 113. Regarding core curriculum readings, based on two in-house surveys regarding articles used in JPME, women authored or coauthored only about 10 percent of students’ readings. Conversely, a quick review of articles in Foreign Affairs between May/June 2022 and May/June 2023 shows that women authored or coauthored nearly 37 percent of works published. Similarly, 55 percent of articles and editorials published by the Harvard International Review from April 2022 to April 2023 were authored by female scholars. The issue, then, is not a lack of women-authored security-related articles being available, but rather, a lack of recognition and endorsement of such work in military institutions.

Organizational cultures tied to gender stereotypes and adverse to thinking beyond those gender stereotypes are inherently skeptical of recognizing gender as a security factor tied to readiness and mission success. But, as with JMPE being effectively used to overcome service rivalries in favor of jointness, even if faculty had to be incentivized to do so, education can effectively drive the change that is required to effectively implement WPS.

Incremental Steps

It is laudable that many JPME institutions have hired WPS chairs, conducted workshops, and held conferences on WPS. But, like gender advisors and gender focal points within other commands, WPS chairs can only do as much as their personal access to amenable leaders allows. JPME offers a means to continuously reach and educate the fighting force as a whole. Further, one person (or even a handful of people) cannot integrate gender perspectives into a curriculum taught by multiple faculty members in various departments. It must be integrated by the entire faculty.

Understandably, however, many JPME faculty members are reluctant to integrate gender considerations into curriculum, as most are largely unfamiliar with the subject themselves. Ensuring integration of gender perspectives into course material requires offering faculty development opportunities to learn about WPS. Like jointness, gender is not a stand-alone topic, but one that permeates throughout security studies. Like space, gender considerations must be worked into wargaming, exercises, and doctrine. While this is beginning to happen, it is still only by exception. Development of a WPS primer outlining core elements of WPS that institutions can adapt to their circumstances, faculty, student body, and budget and that is flexible enough to be used by both domestic and international organizations is needed. This primer would provide guidance on what key topics need to be integrated into core curriculum, not how to teach it, and would facilitate WPS standardization across JPME.

Finally, but not inconsequentially, mainstreaming WPS into DoD through JPME serves as a mechanism to address the issues continually surrounding and negatively impacting the military regarding sexual assault. At a March 2023 briefing on the 28 percent rise in sexual assault and harassment reports at military service academies, a DoD official called the statistics “extremely upsetting and disappointing.” In April 2023, DoD provided Congress with its Annual Report on Sexual Assault in the Military for fiscal year 2022, reporting a total of 8,942 sexual assault reports throughout DoD, a 1 percent increase from the previous year. In addition to the immeasurable trauma experienced by survivors, these statistics also represent a threat to maintaining an effective workforce and readiness, making sexual assault and sexual harassment a direct threat to US national security. While DoD is taking steps to counter sexual assault in the military (addressing the issues that already exist), WPS education at JPME would contribute to preventing sexual assault (taking steps to address issues before they develop).

DOD has an opportunity build on the successes noted in the July 2022 congressional report and JPME provides the mechanism to do so effectively. Failure to consider efficient implementation of WPS in JPME will only hamper opportunities to facilitate mission readiness and ensure mission success.

Tahina Montoya is an officer and gender advisor in the Air Force Reserve and a fellow at Women in International Security.

Joan Johnson-Freese is a professor emeritus at the Naval War College, senior fellow at Women in International Security, and author of Educating America’s Military and Women, Peace and Security: An Introduction.

The views expressed are those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the United States Military Academy, Department of the Army, or Department of Defense, or that of any organization the authors are affiliated with, including the Department of the Air Force and the Naval War College.

By Eric Rudberg

Female participation in both conflict prevention and conflict resolution enhances security interests. Studies have found that a significant inclusion of women and civil society groups in a peace negotiation makes the resulting agreement 64% less likely to fail and 35% more likely to last at least fifteen years.[1]  Evidence has repeatedly illustrated that full and meaningful participation of women in peace operations broadens the perspective on conflict management, allows for more inclusive political resolutions, and, in the end, improves international peacebuilding strategies. It has also been shown that there is a direct correlation between the meaningful participation of women in peacekeeping and the performance and effectiveness of peacekeeping units.[2] This participation of uniformed women peacekeepers can be divided between the police component, justice and correction, and, finally, the military.  Of the three, this paper will exclusively examine the military component in depth.  It will explore the importance of meaningful participation of female peacekeepers as well as examine the current status of military women in peacekeeping operations. 

Importance of Meaningful Participation of Female Peacekeepers

The increase of women’s participation in global peacekeeping operations has been shown to improve the effectiveness and stability of a mission. Missions with more women personnel are more likely to achieve their mandate and bring sustainable peace.[3]  However, evidence strongly shows that it is the “meaningful” participation of women and not just numbers that matters. The Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations defines meaningful participation as “the presence and leadership of women in UN peace operations, across all ranks and functions.”  According to the Elsie Initiative, women can participate meaningfully “when they contribute to, and are included in, all aspects of operational and mission planning, and decision-making processes…[and] when they hold operational command and leadership positions, and non-traditional as well as non-stereotypical roles.” Additionally, women can participate meaningfully “when they have access to the same training, promotion and career advancement opportunities as their colleagues who are men;…when they hold positions that are in line with their training, rank and area of expertise; and when their workplace is free from all forms of harassment, bullying and intimidation.”[4]

Meaningful participation of female peacekeepers improves the operation and performance of a peacekeeping force. They enhance the overall holistic approach in today’s peacekeeping operations by contributing an additional perspective to the planning and key decision-making process, especially those affecting civilians, particularly women and girls.[5] A diversity of backgrounds and experiences has been proven to enhance a unit’s performance and ability to solve problems. This female perspective enables the peacekeeping operation to successfully address the needs of the entire civilian population it is there to serve.[6]  Female peacekeepers also bring a unique set of tactical skills that their male counterparts often do not possess, including the ability to physically screen/search females.[7]  Knowing that peacekeepers are supposed to abide by the cultural sensitivity of not having males searching females, it is not uncommon for spoilers, also known as the opposing force, to have females carry illicit items under their clothing since the females will probably not be screened and searched.

Women peacekeepers’ access to the local population is particularly valuable when there are cultural restrictions around interaction across gender lines and in venues that are closed to men.[8] Reflecting on her service in Afghanistan, Major General Kristin Lund pointed out that, “being a female, from my recent deployment in Afghanistan, I had access to 100% of the population, not only 50%.”[9] Locals often feel more comfortable liaising and sharing information with military troops that include women peacekeepers, giving them better situational awareness of the environment they are operating in.[10] The ability to gain the trust of local populations is a vital component of any peacekeeping operation.[11] It results in good intelligence and a reduction in violence in the communities that peacekeepers seek to protect.[12]

Female peacekeepers often cultivate trust and confidence with local communities which in turn encourages these populations to work with the peacekeeping force by reporting a variety of crimes, in particular, sexual violence. Major General Lund explains, “if a woman has been gang-raped by men, she will most likely approach a woman in uniform rather than a man. And men that are raped will, I think, also approach a woman soldier rather than a man.”[13] Women’s participation is also connected with fewer misconduct complaints lodged against the peacekeeping force since these women are perceived as being more effective at de-escalating potential violence and are less threatening.[14] Finally, the inclusion of female peacekeepers has been associated with fewer allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse committed by the peacekeeping force.[15] Studies have found that an increase in the proportion of women from zero to five percent reduces the expected count of sexual allegations by half.[16]

Current Status of Women in Peacekeeping Operations

Despite evidence that the meaningful participation of women in the military contingent of  peacekeeping operations is both the right and smart thing to do, they are routinely underrepresented. For example, led by the United Nations Department of Peace Operations, there are currently twelve peacekeeping missions deployed worldwide to help countries navigate the difficult path from conflict to peace.[17] According to the Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender spreadsheet for October 2022, out of 63,310 strictly military peacekeeping troops deployed to these twelve missions, only 3,789 are female, or roughly 6.0%.[18] However, this percentage has very slowly been increasing throughout the years.  In 1993, women comprised less than 1% of the uniformed personnel deployed.[19] In 2015, UN Security Council Resolution 2242 encouraged the Secretary-General, in collaboration with member states, to “double the numbers of women in military and police contingents of UN peacekeeping operations over the next five years.”[20]  Regardless of this call to action, there has not been a significant increase in female participation since the end of 2009.[21] In 2018, UN member states adopted the Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028, which set the goal of 15% for female participation in the military contingent by 2028.[22] It also established annual targets for the Secretariat to accomplish this lofty goal. The target for 2022 was 9% but fell short by 1,909 female peacekeepers.[23]

Nevertheless, some countries have managed to deploy significantly higher percentages of female peacekeepers.  As of October 2022, of the fifteen countries that deploy over 1,000 troops to peacekeeping operations, South Africa, Ghana, Ethiopia, and the United Republic of Tanzania exceeded the UN’s contribution target (9%) for the percentage of women deployed.  Additionally, multiple countries that deploy fewer troops have done better. Nigeria, for example, has 21.5% of women in their peacekeeping forces (14/65) and Estonia is at 100% (1/1). On the opposite end of the spectrum is India, which only deploys 51 women on their missions (0.9%), despite being the second largest troop-contributing country in the world, with 5,548 troops deployed.[24] As of October 2022, the top three UN peacekeeping missions with the highest number of female troops are the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) with 781, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) with 776, and the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) with 746.  In spite of those large numbers, relative to the proportion of the total force, female troops only made up 6.4% of MINUSCA, 5.9% of UNMISS, and 6.0% of MONUSCO. The top three missions with the highest proportion of female troops are the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) at 40.0% (8/20), the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) at 8.9% (66/740), and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) at 7.3% (692/9490).[25]

Although the number of female peacekeepers and the proportion of the military contingent made up of women is slowly increasing, this does not mean that meaningful participation of women is rising in UN peacekeeping missions. Often, women peacekeepers who do serve are limited to stereotypical roles such as nursing, community engagement, administration, and domestic services, which include such tasks as cooking, cleaning, and laundry, irrespective of their skills and experience.[26] Missions with a higher percentage of combat-related forces tend to have the lowest percentages of women, in part because of a reluctance to send female peacekeepers to dangerous areas of conflict, where there are higher levels of sexual exploitation and abuse or higher numbers of peacekeeping deaths. The belief that women cannot protect themselves is still prevalent among peacekeeping forces today.[27]

  This tendency results in women peacekeepers being underutilized since they rarely conduct patrols or interact with locals, especially with the women and children in the community.  Even though their numbers and proportions are expanding, women might not be deploying to missions evenly or where they might be most needed. Consequently, these operations lack added benefits and the potential impact that meaningful participation of females brings to a mission.[28] Ambassador Melanne Verveer bluntly explained, “Inclusion is not enough for meaningful participation, which is what matters in the end.”[29]

There are numerous barriers and challenges women must overcome in order to participate in peace operations. Females experience similar stigmas and taboos throughout their military careers regardless of their rank, nationality, or background. These stigmas and taboos create challenges at the individual and community level, within women’s national defense structures, and within UN peace operations.[30] In July 2018, the Elsie Initiative published a baseline study which was the first attempt to systematically gather, analyze, and categorize the barriers female soldiers face in their pursuit of deploying on peacekeeping operations. Fourteen different barriers that can prevent women from deploying on peacekeeping operations were identified and organized into six main categories: equal access to opportunities, deployment criteria, the working environment, family constraints, equal treatment during deployment, and career-advancement opportunities.[31] Since the baseline study was published, further research has reduced and combined these fourteen barriers into ten: eligible pool, deployment selection, deployment criteria, household constraints, top-down leadership, inadequate accommodation and equipment, negative experiences, disincentives to redeploy, stereotypical gender roles, and social exclusion.[32]  Many of these barriers address cultural challenges women face in their home countries, both in society and within the military itself. Studies show that when a troop-contributing country has a better record of gender equality, it is more likely to send female peacekeepers. In other words, when a country strives to gender mainstream its own national military, it is more likely to send women to a peacekeeping mission, which, therefore, improves the gender balancing in said mission.[33] Ghana is an example of this since it was among one of the few countries globally to have started enlisting females as far back as 1958, barely a year into its independence. It is also given credit for having trained the first female officer pilots in the sub-region in 1965.[34] Thus, it is not surprising that Ghana’s contributing percentage for female peacekeepers in October 2022 was 14.1%.[35]

On October 31, 2000, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 to address women, peace, and security. This groundbreaking resolution highlighted a shift in UN policy to engage more females in peacekeeping operations.[36] It stressed “the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security.”[37] In the two decades since Resolution 1325, the UN has continued to adopt numerous other resolutions and initiatives aimed to address the underrepresentation of women in UN peace operations. This includes both the Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028 and Resolution 2242, which, among other things, encourages troop-contributing countries to hit targeted female participation percentages. Also, in August of 2018, 152 member states of the UN committed to “ensuring full, equal and meaningful participation of women in all stages of the peace process” and “recommit[ted] to increasing the number of civilian and uniformed women in peacekeeping at all levels and in key positions” in their Declaration of Shared Commitments on UN

Peacekeeping Operation as part of the Action for Peacekeeping initiative.[38] This initiative was a call by UN Secretary-General António Guterres for a renewed collective engagement with UN peacekeeping and to mutually commit to reaching for excellence for all those involved.[39] Most recently, in August 2020, the Security Council adopted Resolution 2538 which unequivocally recognizes “the indispensable role of women in increasing the overall performance and effectiveness of peacekeeping operations.”[40] It also offers clear direction on how member states can increase the deployment of female peacekeepers. Finally, it supports the need to ensure that the working culture is gender-sensitive for women, and addresses threats and violence against them.[41] Despite all of these efforts, female military troops continue to be a rarity in UN peacekeeping operations. 

Conclusion

The meaningful participation of women is not only an extremely important issue for peacekeeping but also for gender equality. The benefit they bring to a mission can be the difference between success and failure. Because of this advantage, everything possible must be done to ensure that women are an integral part of every peacekeeping operations.  It is inspiring to imagine how the world will be once this is accomplished. The UN, along with all its member states, must continue to strive for this goal.

The opinions expressed here are solely the authors’ and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Women In International Security or its affiliates

After graduating from the United States Military Academy, Eric served as an Army infantry officer, which included two combat tours in Iraq. Wanting to share the hard lessons he had learned, once out of the Army, he began to train and mentor future peacekeepers across Africa through the State Department’s Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI). He then returned to academia and earned both a master’s in Security Policy Studies and a graduate certificate in Global Gender Policy from The George Washington University.  He now serves as the Finance and Operations Analysis for the African Team within GPOI where he works on increasing the meaningful participation of females in peacekeeping operations. 

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———. “How Women’s Participation in Conflict Prevention and Resolution Advances U.S. Interests.” Council on Foreign Relations Press, October 2016. https://cdn.cfr.org/sites/default/files/pdf/2016/10/Discussion_Paper_Bigio_Vogelstein_Women%20in%20CPR_OR.pdf.

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[1] Jamille Bigio and Rachel B. Vogelstein, “How Women’s Participation in Conflict Prevention and Resolution

Advances U.S. Interests” (Council on Foreign Relations Press, October 2016), 1, https://cdn.cfr.org/sites/default/files/pdf/2016/10/Discussion_Paper_Bigio_Vogelstein_Women%20in%20CPR_OR .pdf.

[2] Jennifer Pulliam, “Women in Peacekeeping: A Key to Peace – and a U.S. Priority,” DipNote: Military and Security (blog), May 29, 2020, https://www.state.gov/women-in-peacekeeping-a-key-to-peace-̶-and-a-u-s-priority/.

[3] Charles Kenny, “The Elsie Fund: Good News for UN Peacekeeping,” Center For Global Development (blog), March 28, 2019, https://www.cgdev.org/blog/elsie-fund-good-news-un-peacekeeping.

[4] “Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations,” Government of Canada, February 21, 2017, https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/issues_development-enjeux_developpement/gender_equality-egalite_des_genres/elsie_initiative-initiative_elsie.aspx?lang=eng.

[5] “Female Military,” United Nations Peacekeeping, accessed February 9, 2023, https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/female-military.

[6] Renee Coulouris, “Why We Need More Women in Peacekeeping,” Foreign Policy Rising (blog), March 27, 2019, https://foreignpolicyrising.com/2019/03/27/why-we-need-more-women-in-peacekeeping/.

[7] “Female Military.”

[8] Kacie Candela, “Women’s Roles as UN Peacekeepers: A Status Report,” PassBlue, August 7, 2018, https://www.passblue.com/2018/08/07/womens-roles-as-un-peacekeepers-a-status-report/.

[9] Alexandria Ivanovic, “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers” (United Nations University, July 9, 2014), https://unu.edu/publications/articles/why-un-needs-more-female-peacekeepers.html. 11 “Female Military.”

[10] “Female Military.”

[11] Ivanovic, “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers.”

[12] Arabella Phillimore, “We Need More Female Peacekeepers in War Zones,” Financial Times, October 16, 2019, https://www.ft.com/content/87e2c5cc-4ef1-11e9-8f44-fe4a86c48b33.

[13] Candela, “Women’s Roles as UN Peacekeepers.”

[14] Jamille Bigio and Rachel B. Vogelstein, “Increasing Female Participation in Peacekeeping Operations,” Council on Foreign Relations, September 26, 2018, https://www.cfr.org/report/increasing-female-participation-peacekeeping-operations.

[15] Jamille Bigio and Rachel B. Vogelstein, “CFR Policy Innovation Memorandum Advocates for More Female Peacekeepers,” Council on Foreign Relations (blog), September 27, 2018, https://www.cfr.org/blog/cfr-policy-innovation-memorandum-advocates-more-female-peacekeepers.

[16] Charles Kenny, “Wanted: More Women Peacekeepers,” Center For Global Development (blog), October 11, 2016, https://www.cgdev.org/blog/wanted-more-women-peacekeepers.

[17] “Where We Operate,” United Nations Peacekeeping, accessed February 9, 2023, https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/where-we-operate.

[18] “Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender” (United Nations Peacekeeping, 31 Oct 22), https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/07_gender_statistics_55_october_2022.pdf.

[19] Kleopatra Moditsi and Aditi Gorur, “Overcoming Hurdles for Women Peacekeepers in the Field,” Stimson Center (blog), May 29, 2020, https://www.stimson.org/2020/overcoming-hurdles-for-women-peacekeepers-in-the-field/.

[20] “Security Council Resolution 2242 (2015)” (New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, October 13, 2015), 5, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N15/311/09/PDF/N1531109.pdf?OpenElement.

[21] Daniel de Torres, “The UN Wants to Deploy More Women in Peacekeeping, so Why Are There so Few?,” Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (blog), September 10, 2018, /un-wants-deploy-more-women-peacekeepingso-why-are-there-so-few.

[22] “Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028” (New York: Department of Peace Operations, January 2019), 4, https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/uniformed-gender-parity-2018-2028.pdf.

[23] “Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender.”

[24] “Women Peacekeepers: Gender Imbalance” (United Nations Peacekeeping, October 2022), 4–5, https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/operational_effect_and_women_peacekeepers_october_2022.pdf.

[25] “Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender.”

[26] “Reducing Barriers for Uniformed Women in Peace Operations: DCAF’s Contribution to the Elsie Initiative” (Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance), 5, accessed February 9, 2023, https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Elsie_Gender_Factsheet_2019_GSD_0.pdf.

[27] Candela, “Women’s Roles as UN Peacekeepers.”

[28] Caron E. Gentry, Laura J. Shepherd, and Laura Sjoberg, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Gender and Security (London ; New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019), 342.

[29] Melanne Verveer, “Championing Gender – Sensitive Security Sector Reform” (Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, October 13, 2020), https://giwps.georgetown.edu/event/championing-gender-sensitive-security-sector-reform/.

[30] Lotte Vermeij, “Addressing Taboos and Stigmas Military Women in UN Peace Operations Experience,” IPI Global Observatory (blog), February 9, 2023, https://theglobalobservatory.org/2020/10/addressing-taboos-stigmas-military-women-un-peace-operations-experience/.

[31] Marta Ghittoni, Léa Lehouck, and Callum Watson, “Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations: Baseline Study” (Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance, July 2018), 47, https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Elsie_GenderReport_2018_Final.pdf.

[32] Solene Brabant, “Assessing Barriers and Opportunities for Women’s Participation in Peacekeeping,” A Propos 162 (September 2019): 16, https://www.swisspeace.ch/apropos/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/september-2019.pdf .

[33] Gentry, Shepherd, and Sjoberg, The Routledge Handbook of Gender and Security, 342.

[34] “Ghana Attains UN Target of Women Deployment in Peacekeeping Missions,” Ghana Web, October 13, 2020, https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Ghana-attains-UN-target-of-women-deployment-in-Peacekeeping-Missions-1083970.

[35] “Women Peacekeepers: Gender Imbalance,” 4.

[36] Ivanovic, “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers.”

[37] “Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000)” (New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, October 31, 2000), 1, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement.

[38] “Declaration of Shared Commitments on UN Peacekeeping Operations,” August 16, 2018, 1, https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/a4p-declaration-en.pdf.

[39] “Action for Peacekeeping (A4P),” United Nations Peacekeeping, accessed February 9, 2023, https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/action-for-peacekeeping-a4p.

[40] “Security Council Resolution 2538 (2020)” (New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, August 28, 2020), 1, https://undocs.org/pdf?symbol=en/S/RES/2538(2020).

[41] “New Security Council Resolution on Women and Peacekeeping Announced,” Security Women, September 7, 2020, https://www.securitywomen.org/post/new-security-council-resolution-on-women-and-peacekeepingannounced.

By Joan Johnson-Freese & Alexandra Nicole Islas

The answer to this question is: not likely. The 118th Congress, extending from January 3, 2023 – January 3, 2025 includes 149 women (107D, 42R), two more than the previous record of 147, set in 2022, thereby constituting 27.9% of Congressional seats. However, beyond hyper-partisanship, differing views among Congresswomen regarding the meaning of “agency” is a neglected factor in the larger debate about women legislators and bipartisanship. Women have stepped forward in a bipartisan fashion on issues where there is no logical counterargument, such as the military needing to provide body armor appropriate to women soldier’s physiques or the need to keep the government open. But differing views on agency can be divisive. Understanding what agency is, differing views of how it is obtained and suppressed, as well as how agency affects gender relations and even violence provides a more granular view of what might be expected from the growing number of women legislators.

In 2013, a U.S. government shutdown seemed inevitable until a bipartisan group of 20 women senators saved the day. Time magazine heralded them as “the only adults left in Washington” for their willingness to reach across the aisle and find a compromise that avoided a costly shutdown. In that article Senator John McCain said, “Imagine what they could do if there were 50 of them,” inferring that women lawmakers would act more cooperatively than their male counterparts.

Research indicates that men and women tend to act differently regarding how they approach conflict resolution. Of the five types of conflict resolution approaches—competing, avoidance, accommodating, compromise and collaboration—men favor the first two, and women the last three. But women are not always and inherently peacemakers. The 2013 example of bipartisanship may have been a one-off because the Senators saw it in everyone’s interest to keep the U.S. government open as both parties get blamed when the government shuts down.

The Importance of Personal Agency

Agency is an often overlooked and little understood concept of significant importance. Social science researchers have found that personal agency, simply stated as the ability to take meaningful action in your own interest, correlates with feelings of happiness and life satisfaction because it allows individuals to feel in control of their own lives. For example, a 2011 study found that conservatives were happier than liberals, in part because of their strong sense of personal agency. Recently, however, conservative—typically Republicans—have been described and describe themselves as angry, some even supportive of political violence, with many feeling a loss of agency (e.g. control over their personal circumstances) they once felt. A recent Secret Service report on mass violence in the U.S. cites men facing “major life stressors” as a key component in the dramatic rise in mass violence.

Feelings of loss of control among white, often poor, American men have given rise to the Great Replacement Theory, a racist, sexist, anti-immigration theory that blames negative circumstances on others and pushes authoritarian responses to address their woes. Men who believe this theory feel angry at women, believing they are among those “stealing their jobs” and robbing them of their masculinity, and control. Given the traditional dominance of men, including in writing and interpreting laws, they have been allowed to suppress women’s agency. Now, the shifting sands of who is gaining and losing personal agency has affected both men and women.

Agency can be suppressed through personal experience as well. In environments where “the system” isn’t trusted, and where women have seen others report harassment or assault and nothing was done or the woman suffered backlash, women who should have agency based on legal principles nevertheless often do not exercise it. In the United States, an estimated one in three women experience sexual assault in their lifetime, but only 28% of sexual assault victims report their assault to the police. In the workplace specifically, the well-publicized U.S. example of sexual harassment at Fox News by CEO Roger Ailes was exposed only after years of fear-based toleration.

Agency Among Women Lawmakers

Regarding shaping and voting on legislation, important differences exist among women regarding how one “gets” and maintains agency.  Generally, liberal women support policies and laws advancing women’s rights and thereby seek to grant agency to women as a group. Conservative women, however, tend to support traditionally held conservative tenets of gender blindness, limited government, individualism and traditionalism, thereby making agency an individual issue and placing emphasis on personal tenacity and self-reliance. Conservatives believe that most people get ahead if they work hard. Conservative women often associate feminism with “victimization” and adamantly reject any such association, focusing instead on positive personal achievement. Rather than #MeToo, “moving on” is the mantra of conservative women, as a superior vision of female empowerment.

These differing views on agency shapes legislation. Liberals, for example, see reproductive health as a group issue and support legislation to require employers and insurance companies to cover contraception costs as part of health care. Conservatives, on the other hand, including conservative women, will more likely see cost coverage as a personal responsibility and vote against government intervention requiring employers or insurance carriers to provide such.

Regarding women in the workforce, views on agency can also intercede, evidenced in a 2020 fight in California over “gig work” at places like Uber and Lyft. All of the 21 women that voted yes on the bill were Democrat, while both of the two women that voted no were Republican. Whereas liberal women there supported efforts to mandate that gig work  pay benefits that help women as a group long-term, conservative women argued against such efforts as hindering individual women’s near-term opportunities to earn (flexible gig work often being attractive to women) if businesses pay workers less due to having to pay benefits.

Another aspect of workforce disagreement is found regarding the gender pay gap. Many Republican women see the gap as attributable to choices women freely make about professions and jobs that result in lower pay, part of what is frequently referred to as choice feminism. When the House voted on the Paycheck Fairness Act in December 2022 not one Republican woman voted in favor, arguing the bill would spur more litigation against employers and therefore hurt women in the workforce. The bill required employers to prove why pay disparities between sexes existed, banned employers from asking employees about their salary history and built in avenues for employee recourse if they thought they were being paid unfairly.  Republican Representative Elise Stefanik offered an alternative bill, the Wage Equity Act, that would encourage but not require employers to conduct voluntary pay analyses and protect workers who discuss their pay with colleagues, but under employer-set parameters.

Marginal Bipartisanship

Following a “Golden Age” of bipartisanship between 1969-79, U.S. Congressional bipartisanship has dropped significantly overall. The Lugar Center – McCourt School Bipartisan Index provides scores and rankings for Members of Congress that measure bill sponsorship and co-sponsorship data based on the degree to which members of opposite parties agree on the same issue with their votes. Looking at the data from 2021, of the 435 Members of Congress total, 24% had a positive bipartisan score, with women making up only 26% within that number. Women operating in a still male-dominated environment often feel especially bound to uphold the positions of their designated political party, thereby suppressing their agency as legislators.

Navigating voter and partisan constraints on agency has been an issue for women in both political parties.  Republican women lawmakers and 2022 candidates, for example, found reproductive rights a difficult minefield to navigate after the Republican-supported 2022 Supreme Court reversal of Roe v Wade and the subsequent landslide win for reproductive rights in Kansas. On the Democratic side, progressive women have found themselves at odds with their more conservative party leadership, which is largely motivated by a drive for party consensus, thus inhibiting their agency. Further, women frequently have less power than men to combat the backlash that is commonly present when straying across party lines, especially on highly polarized issues; witness Liz Cheney’s fall from grace in the Republican party.

But all is not lost. There are a number of issues of concern to all women ripe for addressing through legislation. A recent study found women politicians are more than three times as likely to be targeted by harassment or threats than their male counterparts. The anger and violence among white men spurred by their feelings of lost agency has been a trigger for women being targeted. With their numbers growing, Republican women politicians are finding themselves targets of misogynist colleagues and pundits much as Democratic women politicians long have experienced, giving both a vested interest in addressing the doxxing, trolling, sexual deepfakes, harassment, and violence that all women politicians suffer.

Mid-term elections evidenced many voters stepping away from extremism, which perhaps will open the door for cooperation or compromise among more women on more issues. And, as the number of women legislators increase, the pressures for them to conform to the masculine competitive ethos of their still-dominant male counterparts will wane. When that happens, the full extent of Senator McCain’s 2013 statement will be put to the test.  Sometimes, reframing issues away from ones of contention like correcting the gender wage gap towards those likely to get more women into non-traditional workforces, which both parties support, provides space for bipartisanship. A willingness to consider reframing issues to ones where cooperation can occur might prove the bipartisan difference women can make.

The opinions expressed here are solely the authors’ and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Women In International Security or its affiliates

Authors

Joan Johnson-Freese is a Senior Fellow with Women in International Security and the author of multiple books and articles on women and politics, her latest is Women vs Women, The Case for Cooperation (2022). https://joanjohnsonfreese.carrd.co/

Alexandra Nicole Islas is pursuing a degree in the field of International Relations at Harvard Extension School, and is a Research Assistant for Dr. Joan Johnson-Freese on issues related to Women, Peace & Security. She is also an accomplished dancer, writer, and human rights advocate focusing on increased security through the development of arts and education programs internationally. https://scholar.harvard.edu/alexandranicoleislas

Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, Ellen Haring, Diorella Islas, Ana Laura Velasco

Executive Summary

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, launched by UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) adopted in October 2000, brought renewed attention to the importance of the integration of a gender perspective for the effectiveness of military and police operations. It also pointed to the importance of increasing the participation of women in security (military and police) forces.[1] 

This report examines to what extent the WPS agenda, and more generally the principles of gender equality, have been integrated in the security sector (military and national police) in 14 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean.

The research was commissioned by the Women, Peace and Security Program at the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), with the objective: (a) to establish a baseline of data and best practices with regard to the integration of the WPS agenda in security forces in Latin America and the Caribbean; and (b) to provide a framework for future partnerships between US SOUTHCOM and security forces in the region. While US SOUTHCOM commissioned the research, the authors bear sole responsibility for the content of this report and any errors or omissions.

Our research draws on an assessment tool developed by Women In International Security (WIIS) that examines how countries have integrated the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in security institutions and operations. [2]  More specifically, the tool defines indicators that measure: (1) the level of political commitment to gender equality and the WPS agenda; (2) how that commitment is translated into practice; and (3) what accountability measures have been adopted—that is, how well policy and practice are monitored and evaluated.

This report is based on desk and literature research in Washington, DC and field research conducted by 14 volunteer country research teams composed of active and retired members of the police and the military, academics, government officials, policymakers, and members from civil society organizations.

The findings of our assessment examining the level of integration of the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in the security forces in Latin America and the Caribbean are outlined below.

Overall Regional Assessment

The overall integration of the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in security forces in the region (all countries combined) is robust, with an average score of 64.6 (on a scale of 1-100).

Many countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have strong normative frameworks for gender equality in place, are party to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and have professed support to the WPS agenda. It provides a strong backdrop for the integration of the gender equality and WPS agenda in the security sector. That said, in most countries political rhetoric is often not matched by consistent implementation. In addition, most countries lack systematic monitoring and evaluation mechanisms (see Figure 1).

Figure 4: Overall

Average Regional

Scores

Of the 14 countries examined for this report, four countries scored above the average regional score.

Four countries scored around the regional average, and six countries fell below the regional average. What is common to the countries that scored high is that they have strong scores across all 3 categories of assessment. (See Table 1)

For many police and military organizations in the region, gender equality and the integration of the WPS agenda is focused on the number of women in the forces. That said, gender mainstreaming and the integration of the WPS agenda in military and national police forces requires more than just adding women; it also requires the integration of a gender perspective in operations and addressing gender norms and gender stereotypes in the organizations themselves.  Military and police organizations are highly gendered—masculine—constructs. Introducing gender perspectives and increasing the number of women does not come naturally to these institutions. Change only comes about with strong leadership from the top and continuous and systematic attention at all levels of military and police organizations.

Country Political Will Policy & Practice Monitoring Reporting   & EvaluationTotal Score 
Argentina98906890
Brazil44514849
Chile85756476
Colombia51476850
Costa Rica808810087
Dominican Republic63584858
Ecuador72566060
Guatemala78523655
Mexico60594058
Panama62636066
Paraguay67684466
Peru58576057
Trinidad & Tobago55643660
Uruguay78707672
Region Average686457.7064.60

Table 1: Average

National Scores by

Category

Main Findings by Category

All countries were assessed using simple sets of indicators that measure political will, the institutionalization of WPS principles in policy and practice, and, whether monitoring and evaluation mechanisms have been put in place.

Political Will

The most important measure of political will is whether countries have adopted WPS National Action Plans (NAPs).

  • Of the 14 countries surveyed in our report, five have developed WPS National Action Plans and five are in the process of developing a WPS NAP.
  • In most countries the WPS agenda and WPS NAPs are seen in the context of external engagements, most notably UN peacekeeping operations. While most countries see the WPS agenda as applicable only to armed conflict, some countries in the region have integrated human security challenges, such as human trafficking (Argentina) or rights of refugees (Brazil).

Institutionalization (Policy and Practice)

NAPs are most effective when they are accompanied by detailed implementation plans.

  • Most countries lack specific implementation plans with clearly defined goals and resources for implementation.
  • In all countries in the region, women remain under-represented in the military and the police. Even fewer women reach senior ranks. Many security forces have policies that exclude or limit (through the imposition of caps) women’s participation in the police or military. Few countries have welldefined recruitment strategies or set targets to increase women’s participation in the security forces.
  • The prevention of sexual harassment and abuse is critical to create a women-friendly work place, but few countries have programs to address harassment or abuse in the ranks.
  • Knowledge about the WPS agenda remains limited, and training on gender and the WPS agenda is ad-hoc and unsystematic.

Monitoring and Evaluation

Monitoring and reporting are critical for learning and identifying progress. Monitoring and evaluation practices must be an integral part of any NAP and implementation plan and include all stakeholders, including civil society organizations in the planning and implementation stages.

  • Few countries in the region have robust monitoring and evaluation mechanisms that involve civil society.
  • Sex-disaggregated data about women in the military and police are not systematically collected or published.

Main Recommendations

The report concludes with two sets of recommendations. One is for governments in the region and their military and police forces. The other is for the region as a whole and identifies specific actions countries in the region and the US government (including US DoD and US SOUTHCOM) can take to advance the WPS agenda and solidify partnerships in the region.

National Actions:

All countries in the region have strong normative gender equality frameworks in place. This should provide a solid basis for governments in the region to apply the political will necessary to develop WPS NAPs. The most effective NAPs are whole-of-government efforts that engage all governmental and nongovernmental stakeholders and cover the entire range of security challenges, including human security and non-military security challenges.

  • All government agencies, including military and police forces, should develop implementation plans with clear goals and benchmarks for measuring progress.
  • Governments must back up their commitment to NAPs and implementation plans by pledging the necessary resources—personnel and financial—to ensure effective implementation.
  • Legislatures must become actively involved in the development of WPS NAPs. They should require the executive to present NAP updates at regular intervals and pass budgets with dedicated funding streams for NAPs and implementation plans.
  • Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be transparent and include members of civil society. Civil society actors are critical to ensuring transparency and providing expertise in the effective implementation of WPS NAPs.

The increase of the number of women in police and military organizations and the integration of gender perspectives in operations require actions at different levels.

  • Military and police organizations should develop organization-specific WPS implementation plans. This can be accomplished even in the absence of a nation-wide WPS NAP. Countries, such as Argentina and Colombia, have developed and effectively implemented military implementation plans before NAPs were developed.
  • In terms of gender balance, the military and police should remove all exclusions and caps that limit women’s full participation in the security forces. They should also develop recruitment programs and establish targets to increase the number of women in the ranks. Military and police should regularly collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in the ranks.
  • In terms of integrating gender perspectives in operations, and more generally the development of a gender mainstreaming strategy, the military and police should appoint Gender Advisors (GENADs). GENADs help with the development of organizational gender mainstreaming strategies, make sure that police and military exercises and operations have integrated a gender analysis, and advise on the education and training of soldiers and officers with regard to the WPS agenda. To be effective, GENADs should be located at the highest command level. In addition to GENADs, military and police organizations should appoint Gender Focal Points (GFPs) at lower levels of the organization.

GFPs are key to ensuring that implementation takes place at all levels.

International and Regional Actions:

There is a great deal of expertise in Latin America and the Caribbean that should be capitalized on for the good of the entire region. Unfortunately, the exchange and learning among security forces in the region is ad-hoc, uneven, and non-systematic. Countries in the region, including the United States government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM), should create a WPS Center of Excellence for security forces (military and police) that can support the integration of the WPS agenda throughout the region. The Center—a multilateral governmental venture—should seek to actively engage non-governmental stakeholders. The Center would function as a regional hub to support military and police forces in the region. Areas of responsibilities would include:  

  • Research: encourage national and regional collaborative research efforts and focus on topics supporting the integration of the WPS agenda into security forces, such as measures to eliminate barriers for women’s participation in military and police forces, monitoring and evaluation practices, collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data on gender balances in the forces;
  • Education and Training: facilitate the development and delivery of WPS and gender curriculum and training for the military and police;
  • Convening of stakeholders: exchange best practices;
  • Technical support: for the development of WPS NAPs and implementation plans, particularly implementation plans for the military and police.

More specifically, the US government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM) should embed WPS discussions in all engagements, including in all security and military senior leader engagements. They should also incentivize women’s participation in any externally funded training programs they provide to regional partners by requiring that a certain percentage of military and police women participate in the training.

Preface

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda launched in October 2000 by the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 has been a key instrument in advancing the role of women in the peace and security arena.

The United States, including the US Department of Defense, has been engaged with the WPS agenda since 2011, when President Barack Obama launched the first National Action Plan (NAP) on WPS.[3] The US Congress adopted the WPS Act in 2017, which directed the US government to develop a national WPS Strategy.[4] The US WPS Strategy was released in 2019.[5] Subsequently, in  mid-2020, the US Department of State, the US Agency for International Development (USAID), the US Department of Homeland Security, and the US Department of Defense published agency-specific implementation plans.

In its 2020 Implementation Plan, the US Department of Defense outlined the following lines of effort: 

  • Seek and support the preparation and meaningful participation of women around the world in decision-making processes related to conflict and crises;
  • Promote the protection of women and girls’ human rights, their access to humanitarian assistance, and their safety from violence, abuse, and exploitation around the world;
  • Adjust US international programs to improve outcomes in equality for, and the empowerment of, women; and
  • Encourage partner governments to adopt policies, plans, and capacity to improve the meaningful participation of women in processes connected to peace and security and decision-making institutions.[6]

The advancement of the WPS agenda is a key objective of US military partnerships, including in the Southern Hemisphere.[7] Yet there is very little data on how military and police forces in Latin America and the Caribbean have integrated women and gender perspectives in their operations and activities. As a result, the exchange and learning among security forces in the Western Hemisphere on how best to integrate gender perspectives in operations and activities is ad-hoc and non-systematic.

In the summer of 2020, WIIS was approached by the Gender Advisor of US SOUTHCOM, Lt. Col. (USAF) Duila M. Turner, to develop a tool that would provide baseline data on where security forces in the region stand with respect to the integration of the WPS agenda. The idea was to develop a tool that could structure and frame discussions on these issues with partner nations.

In consultation with the US SOUTHCOM Gender Advisor, we defined three main objectives for the WPS assessment tool:

Learning: Numerous studies show that there is still little awareness and understanding of the WPS framework. While there is an increasing awareness within security establishments that conflict affects men and women differently, military and police establishments have a hard time determining what this reality means for them in terms of operations and how to convey this to their security forces. By collecting data and examining best practices, the assessment tool should become a powerful analytical and hence educational and learning tool that helps develop a greater understanding of gender mainstreaming within military and police structures.

PartnershipsMany security challenges require regional and international cooperation. The development of military partnerships is a key objective of the US Combatant Commands. For states to work well together they need to share common standards. By exchanging data and best practices on gender mainstreaming, states will be able to work together in a more efficient and effective way across the region.

Monitoring and evaluationThe assessment tool should encompass a simple set of indicators that will allow states to evaluate how well they are implementing the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in their security structures and operations.

To develop the assessment tool, WIIS drew on its experience with the 1325 NATO Scorecard project.[8] WIIS adapted the tool from the NATO project to reflect the reality in Latin America and the Caribbean. Given the broad tasks of the military and the police in most countries in the region, and the fact that police in the region are sent to UN peacekeeping operations, we decided to include the police—that is, police that work at the national level and may be called upon to respond to cases of civil unrest, to protect the borders, or deal with in-country humanitarian emergencies.[9]

We organized three workshops between August and November 2020. The objectives of the workshops were threefold:

  • Identify people in the region interested in the integration of the WPS agenda in national security forces;
  • Create volunteer research country teams; and
  • Review progress, identify gaps, and develop national and regional recommendations for how best to advance the WPS agenda in security forces.

Our initial invitation to join this project and our first workshop led to the development of a diverse list of over 100 participants from government (military, police, defense, foreign affairs, women’s and gender equality ministries), academia, and civil society from 16 countries and the creation of 14 country research teams.

In total, over 90 people from 16 countries have participated in this project at various points. Initial findings were presented at the third workshop in November 2020. At this workshop, Ambassador Jean Manes, Foreign Policy Advisor and the Civilian Deputy to the US Southern Command Commander, made remarks. In her remarks, she signaled the strong commitment of US SOUTHCOM to this effort.

Over the course of the project, WIIS created a listserv for people involved and interested in the project. The listserv was formalized into a WIIS WPS Latin America and Caribbean network at the end of the third workshop.[10] For more information or to become a member of the network, visit: https://www. surveymonkey.com/r/GLSS6S8.

As societies and nations across the world face unprecedented challenges to gender equality, human security, and lasting peace, implementation of the WPS agenda is more important than ever. Indeed, research shows that societies are more peaceful and prosperous when women and men enjoy the same rights, liberties, dignities, and access to resources.[11]

Policymakers around the world have made gender equality a top policy priority. This WPS assessment report highlights steps Latin American and Caribbean countries have taken to implement the WPS agenda and ensure gender equality. The need is to expand these efforts in the face of growing evidence of the strategic and operational advantages such an agenda presents to military and police forces in a country. However, the report also shows that while there is much rhetoric, there is little follow-though in implementation. The time to match rhetoric to action is now.

Acknowledgements

This project would not have seen the light of day without the support and help of many people. The project directors would like to thank key people whose support has been critical for the success of this project. First, we would like to thank Lieutenant Colonel (USAF) Duilia M. Turner, the Gender Advisor for US Southern Command, who first came to WIIS with the idea of this project and provided us with support to carry it out.

We would also like to thank all the participants in our three workshops. Over 90 participants from

16 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean brought an array of perspectives from government (military, police, defense, foreign affairs, women’s and gender equality ministries), academia, and civil society. A very special thanks goes out to those who actively participated in the 14 research country teams. They were generous in sharing their expertise, time, and resources. This project would not have been possible without the dedicated support of these volunteers. They used their considerable government and non-government contacts to gather much of the data for this report. (See Annex I)

Special thanks is also due to Dr. Paula Drumond, Assistant Professor at the Pontificia Universidade

Catolica do Rio de Janeiro; Dr. Renata Giannini, Senior Researcher at the Igarapé Institute in Rio de

Janeiro; Dr. Fabiana Sofia Perera, Assistant Professor at the William J Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies at the National Defense University in Washington, DC; Dr. Tamya Rebelo, Professor at the Escola Superior de Popaganda e Marketing and the Centro Universitario Belas Artes de Sao Paulo, and Dr. Cristina Rodriguez-Acosta, Assistant Director of the Jack D. Gordon Institute for Public Policy at the Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs at Florida International University, for their advice and support. We also thank Patricia Cepero of the Jack D. Gordon Institute for helping to navigate the administrative part of the project.

At WIIS, thanks is due to WIIS Fellows Dr. Diorella Islas and Ana Velasco. Many thanks also to Program Manager Kayla McGill and Program Assistants Allyn Anderson and Madison Beltz for their valuable research support. Lastly, thanks to WIIS member and retired Colonel Cornelia Weiss and Dr. Karin Johnston, Senior Fellow at WIIS, for their invaluable editorial support.

While this report is the product of a collective effort, we, the authors of this report, are responsible for any errors and omissions.

Dr. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, President, WIIS

Dr. Ellen Haring, Senior Fellow and Project Director

Washington, DC, USA

November 2020

Introduction

Gender equality has been recognized as a core principle of human rights in foundational international, regional, and national legal texts. The UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) set human rights standards that explicitly apply to every human being “without distinction of any kind, such as (…) sex.” [12] Latin American diplomats, legal scholars, and activists have been at the forefront of the development of these global human rights frameworks.[13]

These legal instruments, as well as the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the 1994 Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women (Belem do Para Convention), have been the basis for the economic, social and political empowerment of women, including their entry in national security forces—defined here as constituting the military and the police.[14]

Support for the increased participation of women in the security sector received an important boost in 2000 when the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325). The resolution called on all UN member states to:

  • Increase the representation and participation of women in conflict prevention and conflict resolution processes, including in security institutions (military and police);
  • Integrate gender perspectives in the analysis of peace and security issues; and
  • Adopt special measures to protect women and girls from all forms of sexual and gender-based violence in conflict settings.

Since 2000, the UN Security Council has adopted nine more resolutions that have reinforced and refined what is now known as the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda.[15]

Regional and security organizations as diverse as the African Union (AU), the European Union (EU), and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) have developed organizationwide policies and action plans to incorporate guidance from the WPS agenda into their deliberations and actions.[16] The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was an early adopter of the WPS agenda and issued Action Plans and Strategic Directives that committed to the WPS agenda.[17] For the Americas, the Organization of American States (OAS) has not yet formally adopted the WPS framework. However, the Inter-American Commission of Women has worked on all aspects of the WPS agenda, most notably the participation of women in political life, women’s human rights and gender violence, women’s economic empowerment, and a gendered approach to human or citizen security.[18]

At the national level, some 86 countries have developed National Action Plans (NAPs) and legislation to implement and advance the WPS agenda. In Latin America and the Caribbean, six countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Paraguay) have developed NAPs. [19] Chile was an early adopter and global leader when it published one of the world’s first NAPs in 2009 and a second NAP in 2015. Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, Trinidad and Tobago, and Uruguay are in the process of developing a NAP.

Military and police security forces are important partners in the implementation of these NAPs. Indeed, the spread of NAPs in Latin America and the Caribbean has been spurred by increasing participation of countries in the region in UN Peace Operations.[20] Many countries and military leaders, particularly those who have been deployed in UN missions, have recognized that a more diverse force in terms of gender and gender perspectives increases operational effectiveness and readiness.[21] For many countries in the region, the adoption of the WPS framework has also meant greater attention to the role of women in their own security forces from both an operational and a rights points of view. In addition, many civil society organizations have advocated for NAPs that reflect a more inward-looking approach. This is particularly important in a region that no longer has traditional armed conflicts, yet faces high rates of violence, particularly against women and girls.[22]

Gender Balance, Gender Perspectives and Gender Mainstreaming

When considering gender equality and the WPS agenda within the security sector, three issues are key:

First, gender balance—that is, the equal representation of women within the force. Research has shown that more diverse organizations are more effective organizations.12 Military organizations are no different.[23] Yet, women remain grossly under-represented in security forces around the globe, including in Latin America and the Caribbean. The United Nations has repeatedly lamented the lack of women soldiers and police in its peacekeeping operations.[24] It is important to recognize the cultural and institutional barriers women may face in military and police forces.

Second, gender perspectives—that is, overlaying a lens that reveals gender differences when planning, executing, or evaluating military and police security force activities. The integration of a gender perspective involves the systematic and continuous process of assessing gender-based differences of men and women as reflected in their social roles and interactions. As explained by a commanding officer in the multi-national force deployed in Afghanistan, “a gender perspective is much more than female members in the team. It is about having and using knowledge about the gender roles and situation of both men and women in all activities of the mission.”[25] A good gender analysis before activities start will greatly enhance situational awareness that, in turn, will enhance operational effectiveness.

Third, gender mainstreaming—that is, an integrated strategy by which organizations implement the concepts of gender balancing and gender perspectives across their organizations and operations. NATO, for example, has defined gender mainstreaming as “a strategy to achieve gender equality by assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies and programs in all areas and at all levels.”[26] In other words, “gender mainstreaming is a set of specific, strategic approaches as well as technical and institutional processes adopted to achieve the goal of gender equality.”[27]

The Latin American and Caribbean WPS assessment tool helps to measure how security forces are doing along those three axes. More specifically, it measures gender balance, gender perspectives, and gender mainstreaming at two different levels: the political level and the institutional and operational level. Lastly, it measures to what extent practices of good governance—that is, monitoring and evaluation—have been integrated.

The Latin American And Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool

The Latin America and Caribbean WPS assessment tool measures progress along three main levels: political will, institutional policy and practice, and monitoring and evaluation. For each we defined a limited set of key indicators. 

The political level is a necessary first step. Is there political will and commitment to integrate the principles of the WPS agenda in the security forces—that is, is there political will to advance gender equality and gender perspectives in military and police forces? Political will can be measured in several ways. A first indicator is whether principles of gender equality have been incorporated in a country’s laws and regulations. In addition, we can measure to what extent political leaders refer to the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in their speeches. For the purposes of our project, a critical indicator of political will is whether a country has adopted a WPS NAP and whether implementation plans for the security sector have been drafted.  From our research on the integration of WPS principles in NATO countries, we know that countries that mention the defense department as a principal actor and those who outline clear lines of responsibility through an action or implementation plan generally score higher on implementation than countries whose plans fail to specifically call out the military as an implementing agency. Lastly, we examine whether any resources have been allocated. Indeed, the allocation of resources is often a good measure of political intent.

The operational level is about gender mainstreaming and institutionalization, that is, how gender equality and WPS principles are integrated in institutional and bureaucratic processes. Institutionalization is critical, in that it safeguards gender equality and WPS initiatives from political turn-over and turmoil.[28]  Gender mainstreaming is about gender balance and gender perspectives. To what extent is women’s equal participation and integration in military and police forces a priority, and to what extent are institutional processes in place that are conducive to the integration of women in the military and police? This requires collecting baseline data about gender in the ranks. It also means examining measures taken to address gender imbalances, including the lifting of structural barriers and barriers related to the work environment.  Three types of indicators are particularly important in this respect: first, whether all jobs are open to women; second, the existence of policies that deal with family issues (in particular, pregnancies and child care); and third, the existence of policies that deal with harassment and abuse. To what extent gender perspectives are integrated in operational policies and plans can be measured by examining strategic operational documents, field manuals, and other similar publications. The appointment of Gender Advisors (GENADs), as well as their standing and position in the force, is an important indicator for institutional support for gender mainstreaming. From our research on gender mainstreaming in NATO militaries, we know that a Gender Advisor is a commander’s best resource for ensuring the integration of gender perspectives into the planning, execution, and evaluation of military operations.[29] Lastly, gender mainstreaming requires attention to training and education. Are soldiers and senior leaders being taught how to do a gender analysis, and are they aware of the national and international legal frameworks?

The last step in ensuring institutionalization of gender equality and WPS initiatives is monitoring and evaluating progress over time. The WPS assessment tool measures to what extent policies and operations are subject to monitoring and evaluation processes. Monitoring and evaluation are key to capturing best practices, establishing realistic benchmarks, identifying gaps in resources and structural challenges, framing strategic planning efforts, and supporting accountability measures. Two key indicators include the systematic collection of sex-disaggregated data and to what extent outside actors, including civil society organizations, are involved in assessment efforts.

The WPS assessment tool, by examining military and police forces from the political to the operational and from the strategic to the tactical levels, measures the progress of military and police organizations comprehensively. Assessments like these work best when they become part of iterative processes that allow for dialogue and learning among countries in the region.

Methodology

In early August 2020, WIIS held its first Latin America and Caribbean WPS research workshop to assess interest in applying the assessment tool to countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. The workshop also allowed us to review the draft assessment tool. Over 70 people from the region joined the workshop and eventually formed 14 volunteer research country teams. These research teams were composed of active and retired members of the security forces (military and police), government officials (foreign affairs, defense ministries, women’s agencies), the legislative branch, academics, and civil society. Each team elected a team coordinator who served as the main point of contact with WIIS.

As a result of the discussions at the workshop, the WIIS team further refined and adjusted the indicators of the assessment tool. (See Figure 1 and Annex 1) The revised assessment tool, containing 51 indicators, was subsequently sent to each of the country teams.

WPS Assessment Tool for Security Forces In Latin America and the Caribbean
Category                                                                                                      Indicators I:  National Importance and Political Will  11 II:  Institutional Policies and Practice      A.  Strategy, Plans and Policy  14   B.  Gender in the Ranks  6   C.  Training, Education and Exercises  6   D.  Work Environment  8 III:               Monitoring, Reporting and Evaluation                                             6

Figure 1: WPS Assessment 

Tool for Security Forces in Latin

America and the

Caribbean

By the end of September 2020, we had received data from 14 country teams. With that data, we were able to generate a scorecard for each country. That is, responses to the questions on the assessment tool received a predetermined numerical value following a scoring protocol.[30] These scores were then used to evaluate the relative importance attached to certain issue areas and to establish regional and national averages.

In addition to the quantitative assessment, we also prepared a qualitative assessment for each country. The qualitative assessment allowed us to contextualize the collected information. It also offers an overall assessment of where the country stands with regard to implementation of the gender equality and WPS agenda. Lastly, the qualitative reports contain a set of country specific recommendations detailing how the country and its security sector might move forward. The elaboration of quantitative and qualitative reports included many follow-up interviews with the country teams to ensure that we were accurately interpreting the data they provided. All country teams reviewed final country quantitative and qualitative reports. [31]

Figure 2: Sample Quantitative Assessment Tool        

Figure 3: Sample Qualitative Report

    Colombia – Summary Report   WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status: Colombia has not developed a NAP. That said, the November 24, 2016 peace agreement includes many gender provisions. Additionally, in 2018 the Ministry of Defense (MoD) published its own transversal (intersectional) gender implementation plan for uniformed personnel in Colombia.   Overall Assessment: Colombia has a robust civil society network dedicated to advancing the WPS agenda, and many are lobbying the Colombian government to adopt a WPS NAP.1 Although the national government has made statements in support of gender equality and the MoD recognizes UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda, no NAP has been developed.   National Importance/Political Will: Gender equality is enshrined in the Colombian Constitution (See Articles 40 and 43).2 Colombia also has a Presidential Council for Women’s Equity, which collects and analyzes information related to the situation of women in Colombia. Gender equality, women’s rights, and the empowerment of women are also referred to in the 2018-2022 National Development Plan, an allinclusive policy document that addresses foreign and domestic security policies.3   In Colombia, the army, the air force, the navy, and the national police all fall under the authority of the (MoD). The MoD guidelines and policies apply to all four services. Its 2018 report, Public Policy for a Cross-Gender Approach for the Uniformed Personnel of the Public Force, explicitly refers to UNSCR 1325 and its related resolutions.4 The report, developed as a requirement of the 2016 peace agreement, is referred to as the military’s WPS implementation plan, and it includes the police under the umbrella term “public force.” It calls on the military and the police to make sure that women have equal access and opportunities. It also sets up Gender Observatories at the level of the MoD and General Command, as well as inside each military branch and the police.                                                   See Humanas Colombia, 20 Años Exigiendo que el Gobierno Colombiano se conecte con la Paz y la Seguridad de las Mujeres, Pronunciamiento (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, July 2020), at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/arch_contenidos/i_e_73153_q_PRONUNCIAMIENTO_R1325.pdf; Also from Humanas Colombia, see Observatorio Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad (a group actively lobbying for a WPS NAP), Cumplimiento del Estado Colombiano con la Resolución 1325 de 2000: Informe de monitoreo del año 2017 y primer semestre de 2018, (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, December 2018), at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/ar/ar_9042_q_R1325informe.pdf.. See Corte Constitucional, Constitución Política de Colombia 1991, Actualizada con los Actos Legislativos a 2016, (Bogota: Corte Constitutional), at https://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co/inicio/Constitucion%20politica%20de%20Colombia.pdf See Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP), Colombia en la Escena Global: Política Exterior Responsable, Innovadora y Constructiva, (Bogotá: DNP, May 2019) at https://www.dnp.gov.co/DNPN/Plan-Nacional-deDesarrollo/Paginas/Pilares-del-PND/Legalidad/Colombia-en-la-escena-global.aspx; and also from DNP, Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2018-2022 at https://www.dnp.gov.co/DNPN/Paginas/Plan-Nacional-de-Desarrollo.aspx Ministerio de Defensa, Política Pública Sectorial de Transversalizacion del Enfoque de Genero para el Personal Uniformado de la Fuerza Pública 2018-2027, (Bogotá: MinDefensa 2018), at https://www.justiciamilitar.gov.co/irj/go/km/docs/Mindefensa/Documentos/descargas/Prensa/Documentos/politica_ genero.pdf   1  

WPS In Latin American And Caribbean Security Forces: 

Main Findings

In terms of the overall implementation of gender equality and WPS principles in the security forces, the region (all countries combined) had an average score of 64.6 (on a scale of 1-100). This robust showing is not surprising given the region’s strong adherence to international and regional legal human right instruments, such as CEDAW and the Belem do Para convention. The region has also been a strong supporter of the Beijing Platform of Action and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Particularly important in this regard is the Montevideo Strategy for Implementation of the Regional Gender Agenda within the Sustainable Development Framework by 2030, adopted in 2016 by countries of the region.[32] In the last five years, countries in the region have also prioritized access to political participation. Most countries in the region have instituted political quotas, which has increased women’s participation in decision-making institutions throughout the government.[33] Lastly, many countries in the region have established women’s or gender equality government agencies; in some cases, these agencies function at the ministerial level.

Despite a relatively strong score overall, many challenges remain. Indeed, this is a region where “patriarchal, discriminatory and violent cultural patterns remain in place, with gender stereotypes persisting in the education system, the media and political and cultural institutions.”[34] The security sector is, of course, not devoid of these stereotypes. As Ellen Haring has noted in a recent publication, “national military organization are quintessentially masculine constructs that rely on notions of men as warrior-protectors and women as the protected. (…) National militaries are set up to optimize men’s participation and rely on patriarchal social structures where women perform traditional family duties centered around caregiving while men go to war.”[35] Nicole Jenne and Fiorella Ulloa Bisshopp, in their study on the effectiveness of Chile’s efforts to promote a gender perspective in the military, emphasize how “resilient” gender stereotypes are in military organizations. For example, Chilean forces deployed in the UN peacekeeping operation in Haiti had a fair number of women. That said, the tasks these women were assigned hewed closely to traditional gender stereotypes: “Instead of performing the full range of peacekeeping tasks, women were often delegated to deal with issues concerning women and children and prevented from joining activities that were deemed to involve security risks.”[36] Gender mainstreaming in security forces requires more than just adding women; it also requires cultural and organizational change.[37]

When we examine the average performance of the region as a whole at the different levels of our assessment tool, the region scores highest at the political commitment level, with a score of 68. The score drops at the implementation level to 64 and at the monitoring and evaluation level to 57.7. 

(See Figure 4)

Figure 4: Overall

Average Regional

Scores

Figure 5: Overall

         
         49  76
         
                              50                            
         
       58      60  5866 66        72 4.4
                        
                        
                      55
                        
                                     
                                      57      60
                        
                        
                                                                    6
                                        

      Average National                             Argentina                                                                                                                         90

      Scores                                       Brazil

                                                        Chile

                                                  Colombia

  Costa Rica                                                                               87  Dominican Republic

  Ecuador             Guatemala

  Mexico  Panama

                                                   Paraguay

                                                         Peru

                                      Trinidad & Tobago

                                                    Uruguay

                                                    Average    

When we examine the overall performance of individual countries in the region, four countries scored above the average regional score. Four countries scored around the regional average, and six countries fell below the regional average. On the high side, Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay significantly outperformed other countries. What is common to these countries is that they have strong scores across all levels. (See Table 1)

Country            Political Will      Policy & Practice           Monitoring Reporting     Total Score                            & Evaluation      
 
Argentina                    98                         90                             68                        90 Brazil 44 51 48 49 Chile 85 75 64 76 Colombia 51 47 68 50 Costa Rica 80 88 100 87 Dominican Republic 63 58 48 58 Ecuador 72 56 60 60 Guatemala 78 52 36 55 Mexico 60 59 40 58 Panama 62 63 60 66 Paraguay 67 68 44 66 Peru 58 57 60 57 Trinidad & Tobago 55 64 36 60 Uruguay 78 70 76 72 Region Average           68                         64                           57.70                    64.60

Table 1: Average

National Scores by

Category

Lastly, it may be noted that our results closely align with the scores of these countries in other gender equality indexes, such as the Women, Peace and Security Index published by the Georgetown University Institute on Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS) and the Fighting Inequality in the Time of

Covid-19: The Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index 2020, published by Oxfam and Development

Finance International.[38] (See Table 2)

GIWPS Rank             Country                                                             Oxfam Rank
41 Trinidad & Tobago 16 45 Costa Rica 3 48 Argentina 2 49 Ecuador 8 55 Chile 1 58 Uruguay 11 68 Paraguay 15 69 Peru 18 70 Panama 22 74 Dominican Republic 23 98 Brazil 13 103 Mexico 14 104 Colombia 10 106                           Guatemala                                                                  24

Table 2: GIWPS and Oxfam Rankings

In sum, while there is broad regional commitment to the principles and ideas of the WPS agenda, commitment to actual implementation and monitoring and evaluation is considerably less robust. Rhetoric, generally, does not match action.

National Importance/Political Will

National importance and political will measures three main issues: (1) whether gender equality is recognized in a country’s main laws and regulations; (2) whether a country has adopted a WPS NAP; and (3) whether political leaders in their statements provide strong support to the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda.

All countries in the region have enshrined gender equality in their constitutions, and many have also established gender equality and women’s empowerment agencies. That said, an important indicator of political commitment is whether a country has adopted a WPS NAP. (See Table 3)

 Countries with NAPs     Countries with NAPs      Countries without NAPs                           under development
           Argentina Costa Rica Colombia              Brazil Ecuador Dominican Republic               Chile Mexico Panama           Guatemala Trinidad & Tobago Peru            Paraguay                                 Uruguay

Table 3: National

Action Plans –

Status

Argentina and Chile—both with top scores overall and at this level—have developed and implemented WPS NAPs. However, the presence or absence of a NAP is not necessary or sufficient to score high. For example, Costa Rica, despite not having a NAP, scored high overall due to the government’s strong political commitment to advancing gender equality across the country and within its institutions.[39]On the other hand, Brazil fell below the regional average. Indeed, in the case of Brazil, a change in national level political leadership in 2019 resulted in diminished political will and commitment to gender equality and the WPS agenda.

The NAPs of the countries in the region have many similarities, but also significant differences. For most countries in the region, the WPS agenda is an external, rather than an internal, agenda. In most cases, the ministries of foreign affairs have lead responsibilities for the implementation of a NAP.[40] The extensive gender equality machinery established under CEDAW, the SDGs, or regional gender equality commitments is often seen as distinct from the WPS agenda. Guatemala is the exception and has adopted a whole-of-government approach. In Guatemala, the Women’s Ministry plays an important role in the development of a new NAP. In Costa Rica, the development of a NAP involves many government agencies, not just in the security sector, but also in the legislature. In addition, its National Institute for Women works at a ministerial level and has taken innovative steps to tackle structural gender inequalities at home, including machismo culture.

Most civil society organizations in the region advocate for whole-of-government efforts as well as a broadening of the agenda beyond traditional armed conflict.[41] They argue that the region grapples with many “gendered consequences of non-conventional armed violence,” and they point to high rates of femicide in the region.32 While several Latin American NAPs have integrated demands for a broader agenda, most remain very externally focused. Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo note that the Paraguayan NAP stands out with ambitious and long-term goals. The Paraguayan NAP defines one of its goals as “the elimination of cultural barriers that hinder the full participation of women in all areas of human society.”[42] The Argentinian NAP includes issues related to human trafficking. The Brazilian NAP includes gender-sensitive initiatives focused on the rights of refugees and refugee seekers in the country. The Chilean NAP expanded the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to include the protection of women and girls from sexual and gender-based violence.[43] The Argentinian, Brazilian, and Chilean NAPs all define protection as meaning not just physical security but also access to sexual and reproductive health.

                                        UN Ranking                  Total                    Male                  Female
  Uruguay 17 1,138 1,055 83 Argentina 42 304 276 28 El Salvador 45 292 263 29 Brazil 47 282 270 12 Peru 52 233 198 35 Guatemala 57 176 155 21 Paraguay 80 31 28 3 Chile 82 30 27 3 Bolivia 83 27 20 7 Mexico 94 13 6 7 Honduras 97 11 7 4 Ecuador 98 10 4 6 Dominican Republic 107 5 3 2 Colombia 108 4 3 1           Totals Region   2,556 2,315 241 Global Totals   81,820 76,596 5,328 Source: United Nations

Another positive driver for gender equality and the WPS agenda, including the development of a WPS NAP, is the extent of global—UN—engagements a country has. The participation in peacekeeping operations is particularly important in this regard. (See Table 4) For example, the Brazilian NAP expired at the end of 2018. Gender equality and the WPS agenda were not a priority for the new Brazilian administration that came to power in January 2019. Yet the administration decided to extend the NAP (developed under the previous administration) in March of 2019 for four years. Indeed, Brazil’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations was considered important and, in that context, the continuation of a NAP became significant.[44]Table 4: Participation in UN Peacekeeping Operations by Countries from Latin America and the Caribbean-Military and Police Combined – August 2020

However, while UN peacekeeping involvement is positively impacting the military, it does not appear to have a similar impact on the national police. Indeed, the police generally scored lower in most countries than did the military regarding implementation of the WPS agenda.

The engagement of international actors in the Colombia peace agreements has also been an important factor in pushing forward a gender equality and WPS agenda. For example, the 2018 Colombian Ministry of Defense’s report Public Policy for a Cross-Gender Approach for the Uniformed Personnel of the Public Force was developed as a requirement of the 2016 peace agreement. It is considered the military’s WPS implementation plan. It calls on the military and the police to make sure that women have equal access and opportunities. It also sets up Gender Observatories at the level of the Ministry of Defense and General Command, as well as inside each military branch and the police.

Other examples of international engagements and commitments that advance a gender equality and WPS agenda at home include: Uruguay, which co-chairs, with Canada, the United Nations GFP Network and is currently working on a WPS NAP; the Dominican Republic, which during 2020, together with Germany, co-chaired the UN Security Council Informal Expert Group (IEG) on WPS; or Mexico, which, since 2019, co-chairs with France the Generation Equality Forum—a global civil society-centered gathering for gender equality. Its work on the Generation Equality Forum, and the fact that Mexico launched a Feminist Foreign Policy in January 2020 and is currently developing a WPS NAP, are certainly not unrelated. High-level international engagements also help civil society organizations at home to press their governments to progress on the gender equality and WPS agendas.

Policy and Practice

Policy and practice examines how political commitment to gender equality and WPS principles is translated into practical action in the security sector. We distinguish four main areas: (1) policy, planning, and staffing, in particular the appointment of GENADs and GFPs; (2) women’s participation in the security forces (gender in the ranks); (3) policies and programs that support women’s participation in the security forces; and (4) training and education on WPS principles.

Policy, Planning and Staffing

Although national level commitment is critical in advancing the WPS agenda, it is not sufficient to realizing better outcomes in terms of gender mainstreaming. Even in countries that have published NAPs, these NAPs do not always require the participating ministries and departments to develop detailed implementation plans. Without such plans, including bureaucratic procedures and processes that mainstream gender in security institutions, change will be fleeting and easily reversible with changing political leadership.

Our analysis found that countries that developed military implementation plans even before or in the absence of a NAP have generally made significant progress in terms of gender mainstreaming. For example, in 2008 the Argentine Ministry of Defense adopted a WPS Action Plan (long before their 2015 NAP was published). It was developed in response to Argentina’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations and led to many “policy reforms in the field of defense and the armed forces.”[45] Participation in UN peacekeeping operations helped to strengthen pre-deployment training on gender issues. It also required the military to establish GENADs and GFPs.37

Indeed, a major indicator of progress with regard to the integration of gender equality and WPS principles is the appointment of GENADs and GFPs. They are critical in helping to mainstream the principles of the WPS agenda in all aspects of the operations of security forces. The role of a GENAD is to provide guidance and advice to senior level commanders on how to integrate gender perspectives into operations and missions, crisis and conflict analysis, concepts, doctrine, procedures, and education and training. GFPs are similarly trained but work at lower levels in the organization to mainstream the WPS agenda across occupational positions.[46]

Only a few countries in the region are systematically appointing, training and employing GENADs and GFPs. (See Table 5) Argentina has a robust GENAD and GFP program. It also provides gender training through its regional peacekeeping center—trainings that are open to other countries in the region as well. Uruguay, a top regional UN troop contributor, co-hosts, with Canada, the UN GFP network. It has appointed GFPs in both the military and the police, but these GENADs are all double-hatted—that is, they have other responsibilities as well. Neither the military nor the police have appointed full-time GENADS. In some countries, for example in Mexico and Peru, the security institutions have established gender equality institutions that have certain GENAD functions. However, most often these institutions work more in the human resources sphere, rather than the policy and planning spheres. Most often, they do not report directly to the highest command levels.

Gender in the Ranks: Women’s Participation in the Security Forces

All countries in our survey have low women’s participation rates in their military and police forces. (See Table 6) The promotion rates for women are even lower. In general, women have made greater inroads in the police than in the military. In the national police forces, all positions are officially open to women. That said, some of our investigators also reported that the practice does not always align with the formal rules. In some countries, women are not assigned to work “on the streets.” In addition, as women have made inroads within the police, some countries have begun to impose caps, thereby limiting women’s access. Such is the case in Trinidad and Tobago, where no more than 30% of the force is allowed to be women. There is also a waiting list for women who want to join the police.

In four out of 14 countries, women continue to be officially barred from some military occupations. (See Table 7) In addition, even if in theory all positions are open, women often face restrictions in practice, particularly in terms of where they are utilized. Many teams reported that data on military deployments reveal that women are far less likely to be deployed on operational missions.

Country            The country       The country       GENADs are     The country       has  appointed          has appointed    assigned for       has gender                             Gender Advisors         gender focal              pecific                 equality                                 (GENAD).            points (GFP).            missions.             offices/units.
Argentina                        Yes                        Yes                                                  Yes Brazil                                     Yes   Chile                                    Yes Yes Yes Colombia                                  Yes Costa Rica                                Yes Dominican Republic                 Yes Yes Ecuador                                    Yes Guatemala                                Yes Mexico                                     Yes Panama                                    Yes Paraguay                                  Yes Peru                                         Yes Trinidad and Tobago                   Yes Uruguay                                                       Yes                       Yes                       Yes

Table 5: Gender Advisors and

Gender Equity

Offices

Country                  Military        Percent of          Senior            Police             Senior                                                     Women          Military                                Police                                                   Deployed         Women                               Women
Argentina 17.3% 8% nd nd nd Brazil 7.6% 8% nd 9% nd Chile 10% 10% nd 34% 15% Colombia 6% 1.5% 1% 9% 2% Costa Rica na na na 18.7% di Dominican Republic 20.8% 5.1%-8% 4% 15% 4.7% Ecuador 2.7% di nd 15% di Guatemala nd 8% nd 16% nd Panama na na na 16.2% 14.9% Peru 10% di .5% 18% .4% Paraguay nd 10% nd Nd nd Mexico 12.4% 1-3% 2.5% 10% 19% Trinidad & Tobago 14.3% na nd 29% nd Uruguay                     11%                7%                1.7%             25.6%               3% nd=no data (data not provided or data not available) na=not applicable (these countries have no military forces or they do not deploy) di=data incomplete (not enough data to calculate percentage)

Table 6: Women’s

Participation as a Percentage of the

Total Force

Working on “the streets” and military deployments are generally career enhancing assignments;  the restrictions women face in this regard likely contributes to them being less competitive for promotions. These restrictions may explain why few women are represented at the highest levels in  the military or police.

Lastly, in terms of long-term policy and planning, we found that only four countries have active recruitment programs or set targets to raise the number of women in the force.

Table 7: Policy and Practice

Country Are all  Are there  Do they How much Is WPS Is  positions  recruitment  provide paid gender Monitoring  open to targets? uniforms &   maternity/ training & Evaluation  women (military/ equipment paternity provided ? conducted?  in the  police) adapted to leave  military?  women? is provided?   
Argentina Yes Yes/UNK Yes 90 days/10 days Yes Yes Brazil       No       No. There are  some caps/No.  There are local  caps No 180 days/5 days Yes No Chile No No/No Yes 126 days/UNK Yes Yes Colombia No No/No Yes 126 days/8 days Yes Yes Costa Rica Yes NA/No Yes 120 days/2 days Yes Yes Dominican Republic   Yes   Yes/Yes, but there are local caps No 98 days/7 days Yes Yes  Ecuador Yes No/No No 80 days/15 days Yes Yes Guatemala Yes No/No No 84 days/UNK Yes No Mexico Yes Yes/No No 90 days/10 days No No Panama Yes NA/ No Yes 98 days/3 days Yes Yes Paraguay No No/No Yes 126 days/UNK Yes Yes Peru Yes No/No No 98 days/UNK No Yes Trinidad and Tobago   Yes   No, there is a  30% cap Yes 90 days/3 days Yes No Uruguay                      Yes                 Yes/Yes                No             91 days/10 days            Yes                Yes NA=not applicable because they have no military forces UNK=unknown-data was not provided during data collection

More generally, it must be noted that data on women’s participation and promotion rates were elusive in many countries. Either the data are not being collected and tracked over time, or the country refuses to publish the data. One country indicated that data on women in the military were considered confidential and not publicly releasable.

Many organizations that track numbers and the composition of armed forces around the world, such as the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies, generally do not collect sexdisaggregated data. The only known detailed survey of women in the armed forces and the police dates from 2010 and was carried out by the Argentine think tank RESDAL.[47]

Women-Friendly Policies and Programs

To increase women’s participation in the security forces, it is also important to have policies and programs that make military and police service possible on a personal level. Women tend to leave the military and police at higher rates than men when they have children or encounter a hostile work environment. Therefore, it is imperative that the military and police implement policies that make it possible for women to have a fulfilling career by ensuring that their organizations are inclusive, free of harassment, and accommodate family needs for women who often remain primary caregivers.

In all countries reviewed, both the military and police provide paid maternity leave for women, although the length of time varies greatly—from 80 days to 18 weeks. Many countries also provide a few days of paid paternity leave. Some countries offer varying levels of childcare and family leave, while others offer none.

A healthy and productive work environment also requires that sexual harassment and abuse is not tolerated, that it is strictly monitored, and that offenders are prosecuted. Most countries, particularly those involved in peacekeeping, provide basic human rights training, with a portion of the training directed specifically toward preventing sexual and gender-based violence in the areas of operations. However, the same level of training and attention is not being given to eradicating sexual harassment and abuse within a country’s own ranks. Data from countries that track and address harassment, including the US, Canada and Australia, show that sexual harassment and abuse of women in the ranks is pervasive in military organizations around the world.[48] Therefore, it is critical that military and police organizations address this behavior if they want to keep women in their organizations.

Finally, uniforms, equipment, and facilities must be adapted to accommodate women to optimize women’s performance and retention. Only half of the countries in our survey provide women-specific equipment. (Table 7 above). Requiring women to perform in uniforms and equipment designed by and for men degrades women’s performance, causes injuries, and can result in safety hazards. Furthermore, failing to provide bathrooms and safe billets also drives women out of military and police organizations.

In sum, security forces seeking to increase women’s participation must ensure that there are familyfriendly programs available to support women’s long-term participation, address sexual harassment and abuse within the ranks, and provide uniforms, equipment, and billets for women. While countries in the region score well in terms of maternity and paternity leave policies, much work remains to be accomplished in the other areas.

WPS Training and Education

Applying a gender lens to military and police organizations and operations requires training and education. It is not an intuitive process. The countries that participate in UN peacekeeping operations receive human rights and WPS training during pre-deployment training. Indeed, when countries engage with the UN, particularly in the context of contributing troops to UN peacekeeping operations, they are expected to meet certain UN WPS training requirements. However, for many countries, gender and WPS training ends with UN missions.

Some countries have more systematically integrated gender training into their entry, mid- and senior-level training and education programs. That said, this training is more likely to be found in the military than the police. Police training generally focuses on responding to and preventing domestic, sexual, and genderbased violence.

GENADs and GFPs require specialized training. Such training remains limited. A few countries like Argentina provide WPS training for the military. Costa Rica has mainstreamed gender throughout police training programs. Costa Rica is unique in the region for creating a gender training program that addresses masculinity and machismo culture.

Figure 6:

Masculinity Flyer

Eleven countries in the region host peacekeeping training centers. Many of these centers have not integrated gender and the WPS agenda in their curriculum in a systematic manner.[49] Helping these centers build up their WPS and gender equality curriculum and provide specialized courses for GENADs would be an obvious first step towards more robust training on WPS and gender equality  in the region.

Monitoring, Reporting, and Evaluation

Monitoring and evaluation are critical for learning and understanding whether progress is being made in implementing the WPS agenda. Monitoring and evaluation also had the lowest average scores. There are three main reasons for the low scores. First, even when countries have developed NAPs, strategies or implementation plans, they are often written without clearly defined and measurable goals and benchmarks. Second, countries generally do not appoint or support independent oversight bodies. Most governments are wary of such bodies and/or the involvement of civil society in the oversight of policies. Third, there is a dearth of sex-disaggregated data being collected or made available for evaluation.

The best monitoring and evaluation programs are independent, transparent, and involve civil society. Some country teams reported that monitoring and evaluation does occur, but the reports and data produced by entities in these countries can only be accessed by requesting them through government transparency programs, or they may not be available at all.

Costa Rica has the most robust monitoring and evaluating systems in the region. They are provided by Costa Rica’s National Institute for Women, which functions as a ministry. This ministry-level Institute has a national council responsible for decision-making at the national level. Furthermore, the Institute provides advice and has oversight over gender mainstreaming in all of the government ministries, including the Ministry of Public Security.

Some countries have robust independent civil society networks that provide some external monitoring and evaluation functions and keep pressure on governments to advance gender equality and the WPS agenda. For example, Colombia has a robust civil society network with 57 distinct organizations that promote the principles of UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda. It also has a Women Peace and Security Observatory, a coalition of civil society organizations that is actively lobbying the government to adopt a WPS NAP.[50] In some countries, the think tank and academic community are important players. For example, in Brazil, the Igarapé Institute has a considerable amount of expertise with regard to the WPS agenda and women in the military. Similarly, in Argentina, RESDAL has undertaken important work in this regard. The analysis by these institutions are important in collecting best practices and advancing the WPS agenda in the region. More generally, the Gender Division of the UN’s Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC or CEPAL in Spanish) plays an important role in gender mainstreaming in the region and collecting data.

Recommendations and Concluding Remarks

To advance the gender equality and WPS agenda in the security forces in the region, the following actions should be taken at the national and regional levels.

National Actions

All countries in the region have strong normative gender equality frameworks in place. This should provide a solid basis for governments in the region to apply the political will necessary to develop WPS NAPs. The most effective NAPs are whole-of-government efforts that engage all governmental and  non-governmental stakeholders and cover the entire range of security challenges, including human security and non-military security challenges. More specifically:

  • All government agencies, including military and police forces, should develop implementation plans with clear goals and benchmarks for measuring progress;
  • Governments must back up their commitment to NAPs and implementation plans by pledging the necessary resources—personnel and financial—to ensure effective implementation;
  • Legislatures must become actively involved in the development of WPS NAPs. They should require the executive to present NAP updates at regular intervals and pass budgets with dedicated funding streams for NAPs and implementation plans;
  • Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be transparent and include members of civil society. Civil society actors are critical to ensuring transparency and providing expertise in the effective implementation of WPS NAPs.

The increase of the number of women in police and military organizations and the integration of gender perspectives in operations require actions at different levels.

  • Military and police organizations should develop organization-specific WPS implementation plans. This can be accomplished even in the absence of a nation-wide WPS NAP. Countries, such as Argentina and Colombia, have developed and effectively implemented military implementation plans before NAPs were developed.
  • In terms of gender balance, the military and police should remove all exclusions and caps that limit women’s full participation in the security forces. They should also develop recruitment programs and establish targets to increase the number of women in the ranks. Military and police should regularly collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in the ranks.
  • In terms of integrating gender perspectives in operations and more generally the development of a gender mainstreaming strategy, the military and police should appoint Gender Advisors (GENADs). GENADs help with the development of organizational gender mainstreaming strategies, make sure that police and military exercises and operations have integrated a gender analysis, and advise on the education and training of soldiers and officers with regard to the WPS agenda. To be effective GENADs should be located at the highest command level. In addition to GENADs, military and police organizations should appoint Gender Focal Points (GFPs) at lower levels of the organization.

GFPs are key to ensuring that implementation takes place at all levels.

International and Regional Actions

There is a great deal of expertise in Latin America and the Caribbean that should be capitalized on for the good of the entire region. Unfortunately, the exchange and learning among security forces in the region is ad-hoc, uneven, and non-systematic. Countries in the region, including the United States government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM), should create a WPS Center of Excellence for military and police security forces that can support the integration of the WPS agenda throughout the region. The Center—a multilateral governmental venture—should seek to actively engage non-governmental stakeholders. The Center would function as a regional hub to support military and police forces in the region. Areas of responsibilities would include:  

  • Research: encourage national and regional collaborative research efforts and focus on topics supporting the integration of the WPS agenda into security forces, such as measures to eliminate barriers for women’s participation in military and police forces, monitoring and evaluation practices, collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data on gender balances in the forces.
  • Education and Training: facilitate the development and delivery of WPS and gender curriculum and training for the military and police.
  • Convening of stakeholders:exchange best practices.
  • Technical support: for the development of WPS NAPs and implementation plans, particularly implementation plans for the military and police.

More specifically, the US Government (US DoD and US SOUTHCOM) should embed WPS discussions in all engagements, including in all security and military senior leader engagements. They should also incentivize women’s participation in any externally funded training programs they provide to regional partners by requiring that a certain percentage of military and police women participate in the training.

Concluding Remarks

It has been twenty years since UNSCR 1325 was unanimously adopted by the UN Security Council.

In the subsequent years, there has been slow but steady progress in realizing the purpose and intent of 1325. Many nations around the world, and six in Latin America and the Caribbean, have adopted WPS National Action Plans.

The concepts and terms gender balance, gender perspective and gender mainstreaming are better understood and becoming embedded within the operational activities of security institutions. Nations that are further along with gender mainstreaming have begun to realize the value of adopting a gender perspective to achieve better security outcomes. That said, normative thinking and behavior on complex social issues is slow to change, but change does happen. It requires concerted, continuous and systematic efforts by all.

Lastly, the success of gender mainstreaming efforts is closely related to the involvement of civil society. Global studies have shown that the most successful WPS NAPs are those that have the active involvement of civil society organization at every step of the way. This finding is not surprising, since gender mainstreaming is ultimately about debunking regressive gender stereotypes that exist within  our societies.

References

1. Gender Equality, WPS and NAPs

Boutron, Camille, “Engendering Peacebuilding: The International Gender Nomenclature of Peace Politics and Women’s Participation in the Columbian Peace Process,” Journal of Peacebuilding and Development, Vol. 13, No. 2 (2018), pp. 115 – 121.

Davies, Sara E. and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019).

De Jonge Oudraat, Chantal and Michael E. Brown, The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020).

Drumond, Paula and Tamya Rebelo, 1325 and Beyond: Moving Forward the WPS Agenda in Latin America, WIIS Policy Brief (July 2020).

Drumond, Paula and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4 (2020), pp. 462 – 484.

Drumond, Paula and Tamya Rebelo, Implementing the “Women, Peace and Security” Agenda in Brazil: An Assessment of the National Action Plan, Strategic Paper 31 (Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute, August 2019).

Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Regional Report on the Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action in Latin American and Caribbean Countries (Santiago: United Nations, 2019).

Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean, Gender Equality Plans in Latin America and the Caribbean: Road Maps for Development, Studies 1 (Santiago: United Nations January 2019).

Folly, Maiara and Giannini Renata, Achieving Gender Equality: Best Practices for the Implementation of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda, Igarapé Institute Strategic Note (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Igarapé, March 2017).

Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and Peace Research Institute Oslo, Women, Peace and Security Index 2019/2020: Tracking Sustainable Peace Through Inclusion, Justice, and Security for Women, (Washington D.C., USA; GIWPS and PRIO, 2019).

Giannini, Renata and Perola Pereira, Building Brazil’s National Action Plan: Lessons Learned and Opportunities, LSE Centre for Women, Peace and Security Working Paper Series, (London, UK; London School of Economics and Political Science, 2020).

Giannini, Renata et al., A agenda sobre mulheres, paz e segurança no contexto latino-americano: desafios e oportunidades, Igarapé Institute Strategic Article (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Igarapé, March 2018).

Hamilton, Caitlin et al, Twenty Years of Women, Peace and Security National Action Pland: Analysis and Lessons Learned (Sydney: University of Sydney, March 2020).

Humanas Colombia, 20 Años Exigiendo que el Gobierno Colombiano se conecte con la Paz y la Seguridad de las Mujeres, (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, July 2020).

Jacevic, Mirsad Niki, “WPS, States and the National Action Plans,” in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 273 – 292.

Kurtenbach, Sabine, “The Limits of Peace in Latin America,” Peacebuilding, Vol. 7, No. 3, (2019),  pp. 283 – 296.

Marchetti, Ximena Gauche, “Planes de Acción Nacional sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad: Experiencias Comparadas y Proyecciones para el Caso Chileno,” Revista de Derecho, Vol. 30 No. 2 (2017),  pp. 203 – 223.

Marín Carvajal, Isabela and Eduardo Álvarez-Vanegas, “Securing Participation and Protection in Peace Agreements: The Case of Colombia”, in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 461 – 474.

Meyer Mcaleese, Mary K., “WPS and the Organization of American States,” in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 413 – 427.

Swaine, Aisling, “Globalising Women, Peace and Security: Trends in National Action,” in Rethinking National Action Plans on Women, Peace and Security, edited by Sahla Aroussi (Amsterdam: IOS Press, 2017), pp. 7 – 27.

Urrutia Arestizábal, Pamela; Ana Villelas Ariño y María Villegas Ariño, Seguridad Feminista: Aportaciones Conceptuales y Desarrollo Actual, (Barcelona: Institut Catalá Internacional per la Pau, 2020).

Unión Nacional de Mujeres Guatemaltecas, Por una Vida Plena con Libertad, Justicia y Paz: Consulta Latinoamericana para el Estudio Mundial sobre la Implementación de la Resolución 1325, (Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala; UNAMG, May 2015).

Velasco Ugalde, Ana Laura, UNSCR1325 and the WPS Agenda: A Feminist Response to Authoritarianism, WIIS Policy Brief (June 2020).

Women In International Security, 1325 and Beyond: Winning Essays, (Washington, DC: WIIS, 2020)

NAPs can be accessed at https://wwww.peacewomen.org and https:// www.wpsnaps.org

2. Women in the Military and Peacekeeping

Abdenur, Adrina Erthal, Enhancing Peacekeeping Training Through Cooperation: Lessons from Latin America, Policy Brief (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, June 2018).

Baldwin, Gretchen and Sarah Taylor, Uniformed Women in Peace Operations: challenging Assumptions and Transforming Approaches (New York: International Peace Institute, June 2020).

De Jonge Oudraat, Chantal, et al, Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR

1325 and its Related Resolutions – The 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015). For a description of the NATO project and the country scorecard reports see https://www.wiisglobal. org/programs/unscr-1325-nato/

Donadio, Marcela and Cecilia Mazzota, La Mujer en las instituciones armadas y policiales: Resolución 1325 y Operaciones de Paz en América Latina, (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2009).

Donadio, Marcela et al, Women in the Armed Forces and Police Forces: Resolution 1325 and Peace Operations in Latin America (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2010).

Egnell, Robert, et al, Gender, Military Effectiveness and Organizational Change: The Swedish Model (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2014).

Esparza, Diego; Santiago Arca Henon & Hope Dewell Gentry, “Peacekeeping and civil–military relations in Uruguay,” Defense & Security Analysis, Vol. 36 No. 3 (2020), pp. 314-334.

Ghittoni, Marta, Lea Lehouck and Callum Watson, Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations:

Baseline Study ( Geneva: DECAF, July 2018).

Giannini, Renata; Maiara Folly and Mariana Lima, Situações Extraordinárias: a inclusão de mulheres na linha de frente das forças armadas, Igarapé Institute Strategic Article (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, August 2017).

Hardt, Heidi and Stefanie von Hlatky, “NATO’s About-Face: Adaptation to Gender mainstreaming in an Alliance Setting,” Journal of Global Security Studies, Vol. 5, No.1 (2020), pp. 136-159.

Haring, Ellen, “Gender and Military Organizations” in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, eds., The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 90 – 112.

Hurley, Matthew, “Watermelons and Weddings: Making Women, Peace and Security ‘Relevant: at NATO Through (Re)Telling Stories of Success,” Global Society, Vol. 32, No. 4 (2018), pp. 436-456.

Jenne, Nicole, “Civilianizing the armed forces? Peacekeeping, a traditional mission for the military,” Defence Studies, Vol. 20 No. 2 (2020), pp. 105 – 122.

Jenne, Nicole and Fiorella Ulloa Bisshopp, “Female Peacekeepers: UNSC Resolution 1325 and the Persistence of Gender Stereotypes in the Chilean Armed Forces,” International Peacekeeping (October 14, 2020).

Karim, Sabrina and Kyle Beardsley, Equal Opportunity Peacekeeping: Women, Peace and Security in PostConflict States (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).

Perera, Fabiana Sofia; and Lieutenant Colonel Duilia Mora Turner, eds., Twenty Years, Twenty Stories: Women, Peace and Security in the Western Hemisphere (Washington, DC: William J. Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies, 2020).

Masson, Laura, Militares Argentinas: Evaluación de Políticas de Género en el Ámbito de la Defensa, (Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires: Universidad de la Defensa Nacional, 2020)

Newby, Vanessa F and Clotilde Sebag, “Gender Sidestreaming? Analyzing Gender Mainstreaming in National Militaries and International Peacekeeping,” European Journal of International Security (November, 2020), pp. 1-23.

Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations (NCGM), A Military Guide to the United Nations Security Council Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security, (Stockholm, Sweden; NCGM,  April 2020)

Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations, Whose Security? Practical Examples of Gender Perspectives in Military Operations (Stockholm: Nordic Centre for Military Operations, 2015).

Razakamaharavo, Velomahaniha T., Luise Ryan and Leah Sherwood, Improving Gender Training in UN Peacekeeping Operations, WIIS Policy Brief (Washington, DC: WIIS, February 2018).

Wilén, Nina, “Female Peacekeepers’ Added Burden,” International Affairs, Vol. 96 No. 6, (November 2020), pp. 1585 – 1602.

3. Useful listservs and websites

Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF), https://www.dcaf.ch,

Igarape Institute, https://igarape.org.br/temas/consolidacao-da-paz/

London School of Economics Centre for Women, Peace and Security, https://www.lse.ac.uk/womenpeace-security/research/Rethinking-Policy-Advocacy-Implementation

NATO, Allied Command Transformation – Gender Advisor. The website contains on-line education and training modules and toolkits,  https://www.act.nato.int/gender-advisor

Pass Blue Women, press agency, https://www.passblue.com/category/women/

Red de Seguridad y Defensa de America Latina, https://www.resdal.org/

UN Women, https://www.unwomen.org/es

UN Peacekeeping, Department of Peace Operations, https://peacekeeping.un.org/es/department-ofpeace-operations

WILPF’s Women, Peace and Security, https://www.peacewomen.org/

Women In International Security, https://www.wiisglobal.org/wiis-wps-scorecard-security-forces-inlatin-america/

The WomenStats Project at www.womanstats.org

Women’s UN Report Network, listserve (also in Spanish, Portuguese, French), https://wunrn.com/

WPS National Action Plans, https://www.wpsnaps.org/

About the Authors

Dr. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat is President of Women In International Security (WIIS) since February 2013. She has held senior positions at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)

North America; the US Institute of Peace; Center for Transatlantic Relations, Paul H. Nitze School of

Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University; Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, DC; and the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) in Geneva. Dr. de Jonge Oudraat has published extensively on a wide array of international security issues. She is co-editor with Dr. Michael E. Brown of The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, July 2020). De Jonge Oudraat received her PhD in Political Science from the University of Paris II (Panthéon).

Dr. Ellen Haring is a Senior Fellow at Women In International Security where she directs the Combat Integration Initiative. She is the former CEO of the Service Women’s Action Network. Haring’s research and work focuses on women and gender in the military. She is a West Point graduate and a retired US Army colonel. She holds a PhD in Conflict Analysis and Resolution from George Mason University, and she has taught at the US Army Command and General Staff College, the US Army War College and Georgetown University. Haring has published numerous articles and papers on a wide array of military and security-related topics. She guest lectures, has testified before Congress as a subject matter expert, and has been a guest speaker on foreign and domestic news shows.

Dr. Diorella Islas Limiñana is a Fellow at Women In International Security and an independent security consultant on intelligence, transnational criminal organizations and national security policies. She is Adjunct Faculty member in the Countering Transnational Organized Crime (CTOC) program at the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies in Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany. She has worked as a consultant for the Royal United Service Institute in London, and as a security analyst at the Center for Information and National Security in Mexico City. She holds a PhD in Politics, Languages and International Studies from the University of Bath and a MA and a BA from Tec de

Monterrey, Mexico City Campus. She has taught at the Bader International Study Center of Queens University and delivered guest lectures at different universities and organizations around the world.

Ana Velasco is a Fellow at Women In International Security and a Researcher at Observatorio Nacional Ciudadano, a leading Mexican NGO focused on issues of security and justice. Previously, she worked as an international news reporter in Mexico, and she has held a diplomatic position for the Mexican Secretariat of Economy in Germany. Velasco is the winner of the “1325 and Beyond” international essay competition organized by WIIS and the Heinrich Böll Stiftung. She recently finished a MA in Gender, Violence and Conflict at the University of Sussex with Distinction, and she is about to start her PhD in International Relations at the same institution.

Project Participants*

Aguirre, Johanna (Panama)

Almeida, Katherine (Dominican Republic)

Aquino, Massiel (Dominican Republic)

Arboleda, Naomi (Dominican Republic)

Argueta, Ann Marie (Guatemala)

Arias, Jeannette (Costa Rica)

Baez Racalde, Maria Gloria (Paraguay)

Baires, Emily (Guatemala)

Balcazar, Mauel (Mexico)

Barriga Abarca, Lourdes Aurelia (Peru)

Barrios, Silvana (Argentina)

Beltran Del Portillo, Maria Fernanda (Colombia)

Broce, Rosa (Panama)

Canto, Maria Belen (Argentina)

Capellan, Belgica (Dominican Republic)

Cardenas Hidalgo, Maria Andrea (Ecuador)

Cerdas, Loreley (Costa Rica)

Chaves, Andrea (Argentina)

Colon, Victor (USA)

Cordon, Mireya (Colombia)

Dantas, Stela (Brazil)

Davila Calderon, Martha Jenneth (Colombia)

De Anda Martinez, Erika (USA)

Depaz, Leidy (Peru)

Donadio, Marela (Argentina)

Drumond, Paula (Brazil)

Espaillat, José Rafael (Dominican Republic)

Ferreira Costa, Ivana Mara (Brazil)

Ferreto, Yorleny (Costa Rica)

Fischer, Andrea (Chile)

Flores, Nancy (Guatemala)

Fundora, Cristobal (Panama)

Galan Paniagua, Sonia Maria (Guatemala)

Giannini, Renata (Brazil)

Gil Rosado, Maria Teresa (Dominican Republic)

Gonzalez, Pedro (Chile)

Henandez, Francia (Dominican Republic)

Hernandez, Brianna (USA)

Hormazábal, Javiera (Chile)

Ignacio, Mercedes (Dominican Republic)

Islas, Diorella (México)

Jarpa, Carolina (Chile)

Jeremias da Silva, Jessika Kelly (Brazil) Jiménez Morales, Karen (Costa Rica)

Jorge, Ramon (Dominican Republic) Justynski,

Ashley (USA)

Lancaster-Ellis, Karen (USA)

Layman, Matthew (USA)

Lopez Portillo, Ernesto (Mexico)

Made, Dominga (Dominican Republic) Manes,

Amb. Jean (USA)

Marcial, Cynthia (Argentina)

Marulanda Castano, Diana Marcela (Brazil)

McCann, Elizabeth (USA)

Méndez, Elvira (Panama)

Mendoza Cortes, Paloma (Mexico)

Miranda Vargas, Inaraquel (USA)

Montenegro, Nadia (Panama)

Ortiz, Nereyda (USA)

Otto, Fomina (Chile)

Pacheco, Gloria (Costa Rica)

Pagtakhan, Elisabet (USA)

Paredes Escobar, Byron Gabriel (Ecuador)

Parra, Veronica (Chile)

Pena, Elisama (Dominican Republic)

Perera, Fabiana (USA)

Placencia Almonte, Albania (Dominican Republic)

Porras, Silvia (Costa Rica)

Ramirez Herrera, Carolina (Dominican Republic)

Rebelo, Tamya (Brazil)

Rey Pinto, Eva María (Colombia)

Reynoso Barrera, Jonas (Dominican Republic)

Rivas, Reina Margarita (Colombia)

Rodriguez-Acosta, Cristina (USA)

Rogers, Rhea (Belize)

Rojas, Valeska (Chile)

Rojas Ballestero, Fiorella Andrea (Costa Rica)

Sahid Garnica, German (Colombia)

Salguero, Miguel (Argentina)

Sanabria, Diana (Ecuador)

Sancho, Carolina (Chile)

Sanjines, Karen (Jamaica)

Santolalla, Guillermo (USA)

Santos, Maria Dolores (Ecuador)

Seron, Christian (Chile)

Silva Freire, Maria Eduarda Laryssa (Brazil)

Sprinkle, Abby (USA)

Suarez, Hilda (Argentina)

Summers, Becky (USA)

Talamoni, Ana Florencia (Argentina)

Turner, Duilia (USA)

Typrowicz, Jennifer (USA)

Russ, Sarah (USA)

Velasco-Ugalde, Ana (Mexico)

Villalba, Laura     (USA)

Volia, Zoila (Costa Rica) Weiss, Cornelia (USA)

Williams, Dianna (USA)

* Project participants includes those who participated in at least one of our workshops and/or our country research teams.

[1] In this project we are examining military forces and national police forces (police that operate at the national level not at the local or municipal level).

[2] The methodology was developed by Women In International Security (WIIS) in the context of a NATO sponsored project that sought to assess how well NATO member and partner states had integrated the principles of gender equality and the WPS agenda in their military institutions and operations. See Chantal de Jonge Oudraat et al., Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its Related Resolutions- the 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015).

[3] See Executive Order, Instituting a National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security (Washington, DC: The White House, December 19, 2011). This Plan was subsequently updated in June 2016.

[4] See Women, Peace and Security Act of 2017, Public Law 115-68-October 6, 2017 (Washington, DC: GPO, 2017).

[5] See US Strategy on Women, Peace and Security (Washington, DC: White House, 2019).

[6] See US DOD, Women, Peace, and Security: Strategic Framework and Implementation Plan (Washington, DC: US DoD,  June 2020), p.7.

[7] Ibid.

[8] See Chantal de Jonge Oudraat et al., Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its Related Resolutions – The 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015). For a description of the NATO project and our country scorecard reports, see: https://www.wiisglobal.org/programs/unscr-1325-nato/.

[9] The term “police” in this tool does not include local or municipal police. The police agencies that are included are those police agencies that also send police officers to UN peacekeeping operations.

[10] For more see wiisglobal.org.

[11] This is a statement that has also been recognized and subscribed to by the US Department of Defense. See US DOD, Women, Peace and Security (2020), p.10.

[12] In the Southern Hemisphere the legal framework for human rights even predates the UDHR. The American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, (adopted in May 1948 in Bogota, Columbia) was the first human rights instrument that recognized equal rights for all people. It was followed in 1969 by the American Convention on Human Rights. The 1969 American Convention on Human Rights requires states to adopt domestic legislation to give effect to these rights.

[13] They were particularly important in integrating Human Rights in the UN Charter and the UDHR.

[14] For more see Marcela Donadio et al., Women in The Armed and Police Forces: Resolution 1325 and Peace Operations in Latin America (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2010). More generally see also Ellen Haring, “Gender and Military Organizations” in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, eds., The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 90 – 112.

[15] In October 2015, the UN Security Council, in Resolution 2242, called for the doubling of the number of female peacekeepers (military and police) within five years. In August 2020, the UN Security Council also adopted Resolution 2538 which recognized “the indispensable role of women in increasing the overall performance and effectiveness of peacekeeping operations.” It also stressed the need to increase the participation of uniformed women in peacekeeping operations.

[16] In 2013, CEDAW adopted General Recommendation 30 on women in conflict prevention, conflict, and post-conflict situations. This strengthened the links between the WPS agenda and CEDAW.

[17] NATO/EAPC Women, Peace and Security Policy and Action Plan, 2018. NATO committed to the three “I”s: Integration: making sure that gender equality is considered as an integral part of NATO policies, programs, and projects guided by effective gender mainstreaming practices; Inclusiveness: promoting an increased representation of women across NATO and in national forces to enhance operational effectiveness and success; and Integrity: enhancing accountability with the intent to increase awareness and implementation of the WPS agenda in accordance with international frameworks.”

[18] See Mary K. Meyer Mcaleese, “WPS and the Organization of American States,” in Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True, eds.,  The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), pp. 413 – 427.

[19] See, for example, Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4 (2020), pp. 462 – 484; See also Donadio, Women in the Armed and Police Forces (2010). In 2019 Brazilian Navy Lieutenant Commander Marcia Braga received the UN Military Gender Advocate of the Year award for her work in the UN operation in the Central African Republic.

[20] See Drumond and Rebelo, Global Pathways or Local Spins?

[21] See for example, Fabiana Sofia Perera and Lieutenant Colonel Duilia Mora Turner, eds., Twenty Years, Twenty Stories: Women, Peace and Security in the Western Hemisphere (Washington, DC: William J. Perry Center for Hemsipheric Defense Studies, 2020). See also Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations, Whose Security? Practical Examples of Gender Perspectives in Military Operations (Stockholm: Nordic Centre for Military Operations, 2015).

[22] See Renata Avelar Giannini et al., A agenda sobre mulheres, paz e segurança no contexto latino-americano: desafios e oportunidades, Hemisphere (Rio de Janeiro, Brasil: Instituto Igarapé, March 2018). 12  See, for example, studies by the McKinsey Institute and the World Economic Forum.

[23] For many practical examples see Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations, Whose Security? Practical Examples of Gender Perspectives in Military Operations (Stockholm: Nordic Centre for Military Operations, 2015).

[24] The UN’s 2028 target for women in military contingents is 15% and 25% for military observers and staff officers. The 2028 target for women serving in formed police units is 20% and 30% for individual police officers. In 2020, women constitute 4.8% of military contingents and 10.9 % of formed police units in UN peacekeeping missions. See Peackeeping.un.org.

[25] Cited in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat et al., Gender Mainstreaming: Indicators for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 and its Related Resolutions – The 1325 Scorecard: Preliminary Findings (Brussels: NATO, 2015), p. 7.

[26] This definition is based on the UN ECOSOC definition of 1997. See also Helene Lackenbauer and Richard Langlais, eds., Review of the Practical Implications of UNSCR 1325 for the Conduct of NATO-led Operations and Missions (Stockholm: Swedish Defense Research Agency (FOA), 2013), p. 55.

[27] See UN Women website unwomen.org “Gender Mainstreaming.”

[28] For example, in the United States and Brazil, the WPS agenda and gender equality efforts were not supported by the Donald J. Trump and Jair Bolsonaro administrations. Yet in both cases, the WPS agenda had gained some champions within the foreign affairs and defense establishments. These establishments had also put in place certain processes to integrate gender perspectives. Together, the champions and the institutional processes were able to safeguard some of the efforts that had been started before the advent of the new administrations. In addition, in the United States the US Congress had adopted the WPS Act in 2017, which had broad bi-partisan support. It was a big factor in safeguarding some of the WPS capacities that had been developed earlier. The Act also allowed the expansion of WPS activities in the military with regard to training and the appointment of GENADs in the Combatant Commands. The US Congress even set aside some money for the latter.

[29] See de Jonge Oudraat et al, Gender Mainstreaming (2015), p. 10-11.

[30] See scorecard template in Annex 2 and the scoring protocol in Annex 3.

[31] See country scorecards and narrative reports at the WIIS website (provide link here).

[32] See ECLAC, Regional Report on the Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in Latin America and Caribbean countries, 25 years on, LC/CRM.14.4 (Santiago: United Nations, 2019).

[33] See IDEA, Gender Quotas Database (Stockholm: IDEA @idea.int).

[34] See ECLAC, Regional Report on the Review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in Latin America and Caribbean countries, 25 years on, LC/CRM.14.4 (Santiago: United Nations, 2019), p. 17.

[35] See Ellen Haring, “Gender and Military Organizations” in Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown, The Gender and Security Agenda: Strategies for the 21st Century (London: Routledge, 2020), p. 90.

[36] Nicole Jenne and Fiorella Ulloa Bisshopp, “Female Peacekeepers: UNSC Resolution 1325 and the Persistence of Gender Stereotypes in the Chilean Armed Forces,” International Peacekeeping, (October 14, 2020), p. 21.

[37] For strategies to increase women’s participation in national military organizations, see Haring, “Gender and Military Organizations.”

[38] See Georgetown Institute for Women Peace and Security and the Peace Research Institute Oslo, The WPS Index 2020 (Washington, DC: GIWPS, 2020); Oxfam and Development Finance International, Fighting Inequality in the Time of Covid-19:

The Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index 2020 (Oxford: Oxfam, 2020).

[39] Costa Rica is unique in the region as one of only a few countries with no military. It was assessed based on the security provided by the national police.

[40] See Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins? National Action Plans in South America,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4 (2020), pp. 462 – 484.

[41] For more general analysis of NAPs globally see Caitlin Hamilton, Nyibeny Naam and Laura J. Shepherd, Twenty Years of Women, Peace and Security National Action Plans: Analysis and Lessons Learned (Sydney: Sydney University, March 2020). 32  Drumond and Rebelo, “Global Pathways or Local Spins?” p. 1. See also Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, 1325 and Beyond:

Moving Forward the WPS Agenda in Latin America, WIIS Policy Brief (July 2020); and

Ana Laura Velasco Ugalde, UNSCR1325 and the WPS Agenda: A Feminist Response to Authoritarianism, WIIS Policy Brief (June 2020), p. 1. Velasco notes the Covid-19 crisis and the call for staying at home has exposed the violence at home.

[42] Cited in Drumond and Rebelo, Global Pathways or Local Spins? p. 12. See also Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, 1325 and Beyond: Moving Forward the WPS Agenda in Latin America, WIIS Policy Brief (July 2020).

[43] Ibid.

[44] For more on Brazil’s NAP see Renata Avelar Giannini and Perola Abrue Pereira, Building Brazil’s National Action Plan: Lessons

Learned and Opportunities (London: LSE, March 3, 2020 – blog); Paula Drumond and Tamya Rebelo, Implementing the “Women,

Peace and Security” Agenda in Brazil: An Assessment of the National Action Plan, Strategic Paper 31 (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, August 2019). See also https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/2019-07-31_AE-31_Women-Peace-andSecurity-National-Action-Plan.pdf.

[45] Argentine NAP: p. 10. Government of Argentina, National Action Plan of the Argentine Republic for the Implementation of Resolution Nº1325/2000 of the Security Council of the United Nations. (Argentina, 2015) at: https://www.peacewomen.org/ sites/default/files/Argentina%20NAP%202015%20(English).pdf and see the Spanish version at: http://servicios.infoleg.gob.ar/ infolegInternet/anexos/250000-254999/252151/Dto1895.pdf. 37  Today Argentina leads the region in WPS implementation.

[46] See UN Secretary General, Departmental Focal Points for Women in the Secretariat, ST/SGB?2008/12 (New York: United Nations, August 1, 2008). See also UN Women, Gender Focal Points and Focal Points for Women @ unwomen.org; and United Nations, Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Policy: Gender Responsive United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (New York: United Nations, February 1, 2018).

[47] RESDAL obtained much of its data through freedom of information mechanisms. See Marcela Donadio et al., Women in the

Armed Forces and Police in Latin America: Agender Approach to Peace Operations (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2010). See Renata Avilar Giannini, Maiara Folly and Mariana Fonseca Lima, Situacoes extraordinarias a entrada de mulheres na linha de frente das Forcas Armadas brasileiras (Rio de Janieri: Igarapé Institute: 2017). We do not know to what extent the US government is collecting data on the number of women in military forces around the world and how it applies that data to its International Military Training and Education (IMET) programs.

[48] The US DoD tracks the incidence rate of sexual harassment and assault in the ranks and publishes annual reports on their Sexual and Prevention Website. This is a Congressionally mandated annual requirement. https://www.sapr.mil/. See also Government of Canada, 2019 Sexual Misconduct Incident Tracking Report https://www.canada.ca/en/department-nationaldefence/corporate/reports-publications/sexual-misconduct-tracking-report.html. In Australia, the Chief of the Army came out strongly against sexual harassment and abuse. See Australia’s Chief of the Army addresses to soldiers on sexual assault in the ranks. https://vimeo.com/71028162.

[49] Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay. See Adriana Erthal Abdenur, Enhancing Peacekeeping Training Through Cooperation: Lessons from Latin America, Policy Brief (Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, June 2018).

[50] See Humanas Colombia, 20 Años Exigiendo que el Gobierno Colombiano se conecte con la Paz y la Seguridad de las Mujeres, Pronunciamiento (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, July 2020) at https://www.humanas.org.co/alfa/dat_particular/arch_contenidos/ i_e_73153_q_PRONUNCIAMIENTO_R1325.pdf; Also from Humanas Colombia, see Observatorio Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad (a group actively lobbying for a WPS NAP), Cumplimiento del Estado Colombiano con la Resolución 1325 de 2000: Informe de monitoreo del año 2017 y primer semestre de 2018, (Bogotá, Colombia: Humanas, December 2018) at https://www.humanas.org. co/alfa/dat_particular/ar/ar_9042_q_R1325informe.pdf.

Joan Johnson-Freese, Susan Markham 
 

INTRODUCTION

There are currently two main frameworks regarding gender equality and women’s participation in international policy and conflict resolution: the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) framework, codified in the landmark United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 in 2000, and the feminist foreign policy framework (FFP) that became prominent in 2014 when Sweden became the first government to formally adopt a feminist foreign policy. Over the past decade, a tension has existed between the civil society advocates who were/are involved in the development, passage, and implementation of UNSCR 1325 and those academics and practitioners who favor the newer, feminist framework. Surprisingly (or not), an unpublished mapping exercise in 2019 between the two groups found very few people who worked on both frameworks or who were using the WPS framework as a foundation for the newer FFP. What we argue here is that the goals of both frameworks—gender equality and peace—are the same, and that the tension largely rests on differences in approach. In this piece, we provide background on both frameworks, what they have in common, some critiques, how they might approach current events, and recommendations on a way forward. What we suggest is that while these differences in approach are not insignificant, both frameworks would benefit from greater acknowledgement of and closer coordination with the other, so that more progress can be made within the gender equality movement.

BACKGROUND

Women, Peace and Security

The opening for ratification of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Political Rights (ICESCR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), both in 1966, in many ways represented the heyday of human rights activity at the United Nations. Unfortunately, however, it was quickly realized that many of the countries that had voted in support of those treaties had not assumed and did not recognize that the treaty provisions would also apply to women. Human rights were not inherently considered women’s rights. The United Nations subsequently followed up with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1979. Though as of 2015, 189 countries have signed and ratified CEDAW (the United States signed but never ratified), many have done so with qualifications that render their commitments toothless. Hence when First Lady Hillary Clinton declared “women’s rights are human rights, and human rights are woman’s rights” at the 1995 Beijing Conference on Women, she was stating what many had thought obvious decades before but had since come to understand as a continuing battle. 

Civil society groups continued to carry on the battle for gender equality through the United Nations, doing so not “just” as a matter of social justice, but as a security issue as well. An increasing amount of case study and empirically-based research demonstrated the multiple roles of women in security-related affairs, the gendered differentiated effects of conflict on men, women, boys and girls, and the linkage between gender equality, stability, and good governance. Regrettably, social justice issues are too often considered “desirable” though expendable issues on governmental agendas, or “just too hard.” Security issues, however, tend to resonate more strongly with decisionmakers. Ultimately, through the efforts of civil society groups, UNSCR 1325 was unanimously passed in 2000.

Implementation of UNSCR 1325 was left to states, through National Action Plans (NAPs). As of 2021, 98 countries have adopted NAPs. Many of the early countries to adopt NAPs were Scandinavian countries already strong in gender equality. It took the United States 11 years to do so, finally accomplished while Hillary Clinton was Secretary of State. Of those countries with NAPs, only 36 percent have budgets attached, evidencing that the Women, Peace and Security framework has seen much more rhetorical than actual support in many countries.

The first iteration of the Women, Peace and Security Act in the United States was introduced in 2012.  It was again initiated by a coalition of civil society organizations that championed the cause to bi-partisan congressional members and staffers. The Act was revised and reintroduced in both the 2013-2014 and 2015-2016 sessions of Congress, eventually gaining bi-partisan sponsorship in both the House and the Senate. In 2017, the U.S. Congress passed the Women, Peace and Security Act. It was signed by President Donald Trump, making it the law of the land. Passage of the Act in 2017 was symbolically important as it provided support for those in government seeking to take action regarding gender equality. It gave them a “hook” on which to hang actions. The Act also required the president to submit a government-wide implementation strategy to Congress.  Initially, however, the Act was passed without funding attached. For a President who was confronted at the White House in 2017 by a crowd of protesting women estimated at three times the number who attended his inauguration, signing the Women, Peace and Security Act was a no-cost act of support for women.

After an implementation strategy for the Women, Peace and Security Act was delivered to Congress in 2019, the federal agencies charged with its execution (the Department of Defense, the Department of State, the U.S. Agency for International Development, and the Department of Homeland Security) began working on their individual implementation strategies. The Defense Department, for example, outlined three objectives: 1) to exemplify a diverse organization that allows for women’s meaningful participation across the development, management, and employment of the Joint Force; 2) that women in partner nations meaningfully participate and serve at all ranks and in all occupations in defense and security sectors; and 3) that partner nation defense and security sectors ensure women and girls are safe and secure and that their human rights are protected, especially during conflict and crisis.[1] Regrettably, in many instances support has been slow and often more rhetorical and performative than actual, as indicated by budgets, policies, and women’s representation in decision-making roles. In performative allyship, those with privilege and position profess solidarity with a cause or policy, often to distance themselves from potential scrutiny or to position themselves for praise. This vocalized support is disingenuous and potentially harmful to marginalized groups by signaling to subordinates that real action is neither needed nor sought and that no one will be held accountable for inaction. That makes active oversight by Congress imperative.

Feminist Foreign Policy

Feminist foreign policy theory was born of the academic ideas of ethical foreign policy and feminist international relations and became prominent in 2014 when the Swedish coalition government, led by Sweden’s Foreign Minister Margot Wallström, adopted a feminist foreign policy.[2] In this first practical application, feminist foreign policy is posited on the conviction that sustainable peace, security, and development cannot be achieved if women, who comprise half the world’s population, are excluded. As the Swedish Foreign Ministry’s website states, “The policy is a response to the discrimination and systematic subordination that still characterises everyday life for countless women and girls all over the world. Feminist foreign policy is an agenda for change to strengthen the rights, representation and resources of all women and girls.”[3] Regarding rights, the Swedish Foreign Service promotes all women’s and girls’ full enjoyment of human rights, which includes combating all forms of violence and discrimination that restrict freedom of action. Regarding representation, the Swedish Foreign Service promotes women’s participation and influence in decision-making processes at all levels and in all areas, and seeks dialogue with women representatives at all levels, including in civil society. With respect to resources, the Swedish Foreign Service works to ensure that government resources are allocated to promote gender equality and equal opportunities for all.[4] In the first three years of implementation, Sweden worked to raise the visibility of and combat destructive masculine norms and to strengthen countries’ capacities to prosecute perpetrators, assist crime victims, and reintegrate soldiers. Sweden also contributed to a growing body of knowledge about the link between the uncontrolled spread of weapons and sexual violence against women.[5]

Since 2014, several countries have announced different versions of a feminist foreign policy. Norway has developed both an Action Plan for Women’s Rights and Gender Equality in Foreign and Development Policy 2016-2020 and a National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security.[6]Canada’s feminist International Assistance Policy, announced in 2017, targets gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls at its core: “This is a matter of basic justice and also basic economics. We know that empowering women, overseas and here at home, makes families and countries more prosperous.”[7] The French government’s feminist foreign policy, adopted in 2019, says that gender equality should be considered in all issues, from poverty reduction to sustainable development, peace and security, defense and promotion of fundamental rights, and climate and economic issues.[8] Other countries have followed suit (Mexico in 2020, Luxembourg in 2021, Spain in 2021, and Germany in 2022).

In addition, there are discussions about incorporating a feminist approach to foreign policy taking place in the European Union, Chile, Denmark, Malaysia, Norway, New Zealand, South Africa, the United Kingdom, and the United States.[9]Governments, however, are many-armed creatures, sometimes with activities of one arm having no relation to another. Interest in or adoption of a feminist foreign policy does not inherently mean a gender-equal society, or even full government support of women. Mexico, for example, has expressed interest in a feminist foreign policy, though it has one of the highest global rates of violence against women.

The International Center for Research on Women (ICRW), a non-profit center headquartered in Washington, D.C., hosts both the Coalition for a Feminist Foreign Policy in the United States and the Global Partner Network, which consists of more than 30 governments and leading civil

society groups who are working to advance the field of feminist foreign policy. The working definition the Coalition for a Feminist Foreign Policy in the United States uses for feminist foreign policy: “Feminist foreign policy is the policy of a state that defines its interactions with other states, as well as movements and other non-state actors, in a manner that prioritizes peace, gender equality and environmental integrity; enshrines, promotes, and protects the human rights of all; seeks to disrupt colonial, racist, patriarchal and male-dominated power structures; and allocates significant resources, including research, to achieve that vision. Feminist foreign policy is coherent in its approach across all  its levers of influence, anchored by the exercise of those values at home and co-created with feminist activists, groups, and movements, at home and abroad.”[10]

In 2020, ICRW separately released a global framework for feminist foreign policy that was developed following more than a year of research and global consultations with over 100 organizations in more than 40 countries. In order to inform the fledgling field of feminist foreign policy, this framework attempts to provide an outline, including five key ingredients necessary for countries considering a feminist foreign policy: the purpose of the policy within the government’s specific context; the definition of feminist foreign policy for the government; the scope or reach of the policy (what parts of the government will be impacted?); the  intended outcomes of the policy and benchmarks to achieve over time; and a government plan to operationalize it.[11]

COMMONALITIES AND CRITIQUES

While there are differences in the WPS and FFP frameworks, both seek to expand global peace and security, increase women’s participation and leadership, integrate gender into humanitarian responses, and change the political and governance structures that reinforce gender inequality.

Peace and Security

One major commonality between the WPS and FFP frameworks is a redefinition of the concepts of peace and security. Norwegian peace activist Johan Galtung first differentiated negative peace and positive peace in the 1960’s. Negative peace is defined as the absence of violence but without a society’s tendencies toward harmony and stability, whereas positive peace is more lasting and built on sustainable investments in economic development and institutions and characterized by societal attitudes that foster peace.[12] WPS exemplifies positive peace through inclusiveness and consideration of gendered perspectives of policies and programs that lead to increased stability of all political orders.  Yet a critique of the WPS framework is its focus on the protection of women and girls. The argument is that the WPS framework not only solidifies the militarized state but, in some cases, provides justification for conflict. The U.S.-led War on Terror, for example, was at least in part framed as a “fight for the rights and dignity of women.”[13]  University of Sydney Professor Laura Shepherd argues that multiple logics behind the “prevention” pillar—a logic of peace, a logic of militarism, and a logic of security—creates a paradox that “collapses back into a logic of security”[14] contrary to the ultimate goal of peace. That is, in order to have peace, security must be obtained and retained through a heavy military presence and potentially military action, thus justifying such.

In a similar vein, feminist foreign policy seeks to change the very definition of “security” to go beyond the absence of armed conflict to include economic and political security, freedom from a fear of a global pandemic and climate change, and the feeling of safety within one’s own community and home. The “security” issues discussed in FPP would be broadened to include access to drinkable water, the ability to walk home at night safely, the number of weapons in a country outside of the military, and many others. Likewise, the solutions considered would be more diverse. Data used to make those decisions would include information about human rights abuses, rates of child marriage, levels of gender-based violence, and other issues that Texas A&M Professor Valerie Hudson and other scholars have pointed to in several publications that show the connection between gender equality and state stability.[15] Decisions made to protect the interests of a country would cover not only military personnel but civilians on all sides. The voices of those impacted by military activities, sanctions, or other actions would be included. In response, WPS advocates argue that working first on the protection of women, girls, and other vulnerable groups is a necessary precondition to inclusive gender equality and diversity. Women’s safety—the goal of protection—is necessary to ensure that women and girls have the ability to work toward other goals of economic and political power and can use their agency to shape their lives.

Women’s Representation

To reach the goals of gender equality and peace, both the WPS and FFP frameworks aim to increase the representation of women in country and global policy-making processes and activities. One of the four core pillars of the Women, Peace and Security framework focuses on the increased participation of women at all levels of decision-making in conflict prevention, management, and resolution, and in post-conflict relief and recovery efforts. But the WPS framework works within conventional peacemaking and post-conflict governance structures that accept conflict as inevitable. Subsequently, this framework has been criticized by Melbourne Law School Professor Dianne Otto, who argues that “the WPS agenda has served to refocus feminist attention from … making armed conflict impossible, to making armed conflict safer for women … as an end in itself.”[16]Thereby, WPS can be perceived as a more incremental approach to positive peace, whereas FFP is more transformational.

Like WPS, the goal of FFP is to increase the number of women serving in elected and non-elected political and government positions, in peace processes, in military and peacekeeping missions, and in development and humanitarian activities. FFP seeks to increase the number of feminist voices that will advocate for gender equality in all sectors, beyond peace and security, such as in the economy and climate adaptation, including a country’s own government as well as its government partners. A critique of this approach is that feminist foreign policy is too broad; it can’t just add more women and change everything all at one time – change requires incrementalism. The real-world implications of executing a feminist foreign policy are complicated. For instance, in Sweden, even with female leadership and a feminist foreign policy, the government has struggled to find a balance between human rights and its own arms industry.[17]

Post-conflict and Humanitarian Settings

UNSCR 1325 urges local actors, Member States, and UN agencies to adopt gendered perspectives in peace operations, negotiations, and agreements, in acknowledgement that policies and programs affect men, women, boys and girls differently, and to include women in the resolution and recovery phase of conflict. It identifies women as active agents rather than passive recipients. This is important because it identifies women’s participation as a right, not something that men are giving women out of goodwill, and as a post-conflict benefit to all parties. Research has shown that including women in peace negotiations increases the potential of peace agreement lasting two or more years by 20 percent, and increases by 35 percent the probability of peace agreements lasting 15 years or longer.[18] Additionally, including women starts to erode the idea of women as weak, meaning that the feminine will no longer be synonymous with weakness and fragility. The resolution empowers women and allows them to demand that they are heard and incorporated into processes at all levels.[19] The critique here is that the considerations of women and girls are rarely included in peace negotiations and simply haven’t been taken into account, and that there is no mechanism for holding countries or other implementing organizations accountable for including women and gendered perspectives in peace negotiations.

Similarly, the FFP framework calls for a feminist approach to humanitarian response that at its core centers the experience of women and people subjected to multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination. This focus highlights a wider array of concerns than considered in traditional paradigms, including the threat of gender-based violence, access to sexual and reproductive health, access to education, and the burden of unpaid care responsibilities in times of crisis. It urges the U.S. government to take steps to change its own humanitarian approach as well as pushing for change throughout the global humanitarian system.

Institutional Change

Both frameworks agree that reframing the discussion of peace and security involves shaking the very foundations of the patriarchy, a system that until recently was the exclusive purview of men and that deploys decision-making power through warlords, political elites, government security communities, and the intricately linked military-industrial machine. Within the WPS framework, protection does not inherently or exclusively refer to women being physically (or any other way) being protected by men. It does, however, recognize that there are individuals made vulnerable through cultural, political, legal, economic, gender-related and sexual-orientation structures. It creates agency because it is only through agency that women will have the opportunity to participate in the kind of preventive actions that can lead to positive peace. 

In response, FFP would argue that this approach is too focused on the individual rather than the system. The FFP framework seeks to change the institutions and processes themselves. It wants to diversify more than just the voices in the room; it wants to expand the information collected, analysis conducted, and solutions considered to go beyond the traditional decision-making process. This strategy covers defense, development, and diplomacy programs conducted in other countries and how governments operate internally. Resources, both in terms of budget allocations and human investments, would be redistributed to reflect governments’ different priorities. Less would be spent on weapons and more would be spent on human infrastructure; more would go to multilateral organizations and those focused on global goals. WPS critics would say that even with provisions for structural agency, the entrenched nature of those in power through cultural norms and expectations forces a process of slower, more incremental change.

APPLYING WPS AND FPP TO CURRENT CHALLENGES

Democracy

In 2021, the annual Democracy Index found that less than ten percent of countries worldwide were considered “full democracies” and rated the United States a “flawed democracy” for the fifth year in a row. Though countries leaning toward populism and authoritarianism vary in many aspects, what they share are leaders who identify as rebels, bullies, and tough guys who flaunt authority, disregard civility, and encourage others to do so as well, such as Presidents Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil, and Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines. Further, as American journalist Peter Beinart pointed out, authoritarian leaders “use gender to discredit one political order and validate another.”[20] Many have targeted women, individually or as a group, as their evil-elite punching bags.

To address this issue, the WPS framework would return to concepts within UNSCR 1325 that have been fleshed out through nine additional security council resolutions: participation of women in all levels of decision-making, protection from sexual and gender-based violence, prevention of violence, and advancement of relief and recovery measures. Within this context, FFP would go beyond a focus on increasing individual women’s political participation to disrupt the colonial, racist, patriarchal, and male-dominated power structures. It would support human rights activists and civil society organizations engaged in women’s rights movements globally, alter patriarchal political institutions, including parties and parliaments, and address issues such as violence against women in politics that serve as barriers to women serving in public life. 

Reproductive Rights

The United States was considered a global leader in women’s reproductive rights five years ago, considered a critical aspect of women’s individual agency, but it became a global outliner with deep regression in that area during the Trump administration.[21] The Biden-Harris administration took several key actions to advance sexual and reproductive health and rights in its first year, trying to reverse the Trump Administration rollback. In his second week in office, President Biden issued an executive memorandum on women’s health at home and abroad which stated that it is the policy of the U.S. government to support sexual and reproductive health and rights. It rescinded the global gag rule, withdrew the United States from the so-called Geneva Consensus Declaration, and directed the U.S. Secretary of State to restore funding for United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).[22] But, based on the leaked Alito-authored draft court decision, Trump-appointed conservative Supreme Court justices appear ready to take American women’s reproductive rights back to the 1970’s by overturning Roe v Wade (1973).  The implications are staggering, not just regarding reproductive rights, but as a further indication of the U.S. moving away from democratic rule to populist authoritarianism.[23]

The WPS framework does not address reproductive rights or abortion in UNSCR 1325 or in any of the subsequent resolutions, or in the U.S. Women, Peace and Security Act. Feminist Foreign Policy, on the other hand, includes bodily autonomy and freedom from discrimination, violence, coercion, exploitation, and abuse as a key tenet. And while the current U.S. administration has taken steps to stop or reverse U.S. government backsliding on the issue, including potentially after the judicial demise of Roe v Wade, FFP advocates continue to push for more, such as a permanent repeal of the global gag rule, also known as the Mexico City Policy.[24]

Afghanistan

The U.S. government’s withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 was an utter failure by most accounts. While 124,000 people were airlifted out of Afghanistan before the last troops flew out on August 30, 90 percent of the Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) holders were left behind with their families. The number of Afghans who remain in danger because of their association with the 20-year American presence in their country must be counted in the hundreds of thousands.[25]Afghanistan is now facing one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. The Afghan economy has no cash to pay salaries or buy food. Western aid has been suspended because the Taliban government includes designated terrorists, and as a result, millions of Afghans face acute malnutrition and starvation in the coming months.[26]

In this case, within the WPS framework, the U.S. government would have included a push for women to be involved in the negotiations with the Taliban in 2019-2020. Many Afghan, global, and U.S. activists did make the case before and during the negotiation process, during which the Trump administration ignored implementing its own (bi-partisan, Trump-signed) WPS Act.[27] A Feminist Foreign Policy would have gone further. The scope of the issue would have been expanded from ending the war to ensuring strong Afghan institutions that serve its citizens and turning the country back over to its people. The balance of power and those engaged in the negotiation process would have been modified to include both the American and Afghan people rather than the U.S. military and the Taliban. 

NEXT STEPS AND CONCLUSION

Five years after the passage of the WPS Act in the United States, with the subsequent government-wide 2019 strategy and departmental strategies now in place, incremental progress in implementing the WPS framework is evident. Funding is being approved and allocated, for example, to offer meetings, workshops, and courses on Women, Peace and Security to members of security communities from many other countries, both in the U.S. and abroad. Those who participate in these events (men and women) say that attendance, and the gender push for gender empowerment from U.S. organizations, including the military, is making a slow but positive difference in their militaries and countries. A Women, Peace and Security Congressional Caucus was formed in 2020. Its focus is “to ensure that progress towards women’s empowerment and inclusion is a strong priority of U.S. foreign policy.”[28] Efforts of the Caucus have included receiving briefs from various departments on their efforts to implement the Women, Peace and Security framework and expressing support for women in Afghanistan during the evacuation operations in 2021. Ensuring progress of the WPS Act, at home and abroad, requires proactive measures and holding those responsible for implementation accountable.

As this work continues, those pressing the U.S. government to adopt a feminist foreign policy need to acknowledge the work of those who developed and implemented the WPS Act. That legislation took more than a decade to be created and passed in a bi-partisan fashion. Newer actors in this space might benefit by engaging with the activists who started their work around the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing and then focused on the UN Security Council before turning to country-specific NAPs and legislation. There must be lessons learned about Hill staff and member relationships, allies in non-traditional departments and offices, messages that were effective, and budget strategies that have worked.

Moreover, the combined community can work together to increase women’s representation in U.S. foreign policy through the Leadership Council for Women in National Security (LCWINS), the Civil Society Working Group on Women, Peace and Security, or the Coalition for a Feminist Foreign Policy in the United States. Research and advocacy must continue to make the link between both frameworks and the promotion of democracy. And both WPS and FFP advocates can continue to push for the integration of the needs of women and girls in humanitarian and post-conflict settings and programs.

So far, however, Women, Peace and Security framework implementation seems to have remained focused on work done or to be done “over there,” wherever outside of the United States that happens to be, neglecting the important point that there are internal as well as external components to WPS. Similarly, one of the core principles of FFP is that there is coherence across all aspects of foreign policy that extends across domestic and foreign policy, with both realms embracing the same feminist values. That means structural and cultural constraints to gender empowerment within U.S. institutions must be addressed as well. For example, while women in the military are no longer denied access to combat positions, they still do not receive the same encouragement and support necessary for success to join those previously prohibited positions as men do.

While differences in approach for WPS and FFP are not insignificant, both frameworks would benefit from closer coordination with the other. There are many opportunities to support the work of the other, as much progress is still needed in the United States and globally to reach gender equality, women’s empowerment, and a safer world.

This publication was prepared by the authors in their personal capacity. The opinions expressed here are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect the official views or policy of Women In International Security.

About the Authors

Joan Johnson-Freese is a Senior Fellow with Women in International Security, a University Professor at the Naval War College in Newport, RI and teaches Women, Peace & Security at Harvard University. She is the author of multiple articles on the topic, as well as Women, Peace & Security: An Introduction (2018) and Women vs Women: The Case for Cooperation (April 2022). The views expressed are the author’s alone and do not represent those of the U.S. government, Department of Defense or the Naval War College.

Susan Markham is a partner at Smash Strategies, a strategic advisory firm helping businesses, non-profit organizations, and philanthropists who want to leverage their commitment to empowering women and girls. She is the author of multiple articles on feminist foreign policy, gender equality, women’s political participation, and economic empowerment.

[1] Department of Defense, “Women, Peace & Security Strategic Framework and Implementation Plan,” June 2020, p. 7, https://media.defense.gov/2020/Jun/11/2002314428/-1/-

1/1/WOMEN_PEACE_SECURITY_STRATEGIC_FRAMEWORK_IMPLEMENTATION_PLAN.PDF.

[2] Karin Aggestam, Rosamond A. Bergman, Annica Kronsell, “Theorising Feminist Foreign Policy,” International Relations. 2019;33(1):23-39. doi: 10.1177/0047117818811892.

[3] Government of Sweden: https://www.government.se/government-policy/feminist-foreign-policy/

[4] “Handbook for Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy,” 

https://www.government.se/492c36/contentassets/fc115607a4ad4bca913cd8d11c2339dc/handbook—swedensfeminist-foreign-policy—english.pdf.

[5] Government of Sweden: https://www.government.se/information-material/2017/10/swedens-feminist-foreignpolicy–examples-from-three-years-of-implementation/.

[6] Norway, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “Women’s Rights and Gender Equality,” https://www.regjeringen.no/en/topics/foreign-affairs/the-un/innsikt/womens_rights/id439433/

[7] Government of Canada, “Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy,” https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/issues_development-enjeux_developpement/priorities-priorites/policy-politique.aspx?lang=eng.

[8] France, Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs, “Feminist Diplomacy,” https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/french-foreignpolicy/feminist-diplomacy/.

[9] Soto, Daniela Sepulveda. “The Pandemic Underscores the Need for Feminist Foreign Policy,” The Gender Policy Report, University of Minnesota, July 27, 2021, https://genderpolicyreport.umn.edu/thepandemic-underscores-the-need-for-feminist-foreign-policy/.

[10] Rachel Clement and Lyric Thompson. “Toward a Feminist Foreign Policy in the United States,” ICRW, https://www.icrw.org/wpcontent/uploads/2021/09/ICRW_FFPUSA_2021.pdf.

[11] “Feminist Foreign Policy: A Framework,” https://www.icrw.org/wpcontent/uploads/2021/07/FFP_Framework_EN_June2021update.pdf.

[12] “Our understanding of the term ‘peace’ has evolved significantly over the last 2,500 years,” https://positivepeace.org/what-is-positive-peace.

[13] “War on Terror as a “fight for the rights and dignity of women”: a discourse analysis of the U.S. ‘liberation’ campaign for Afghan women,” https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2100&context=etd.

[14] Laura J. Shepherd, “The paradox of prevention in the Women, Peace and Security agenda,” European Journal of International Security, September 30, 2020, https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-journal-ofinternational-security/article/paradox-of-prevention-in-the-women-peace-and-securityagenda/5D47238B224CFD8BFEE1CEDD4A1E76CF.

[15] Books by Valerie Hudson and others include Sex & World Peace (2012) and The First Political Order: How Sex Shapes Governance and National Security Worldwide (2020).

[16] Dianne Otto, “Women, Peace & Security: A Critical Analysis of the Security Council’s Vision,” LSE blog, January 9, 2017, https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/wps/2017/01/09/women-peace-and-security-a-critical-analysis-of-the-securitycouncils-vision/.

[17] “Major arms exporter Sweden to put human rights before weapon sales,” Reuters, June 26, 2015,

https://www.reuters.com/article/sweden-arms/major-arms-exporter-sweden-to-put-human-rights-beforeweapon-sales-idUSL8N0ZC12020150626.

[18] UN Women, “Women’s Engagement in Peace, Security and Recovery,”

https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/Library/Publications/2016/FPI %20Brief-Peace-security-recovery.pdf.

[19] UN RESOLUTION 1325: SIGNIFICANT BUT LACKING, http://peacewomen.org/resource/un-resolution-1325-significant-lacking.

[20] Peter Beinart, The Atlantic, 2019, https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2019/01/authoritariansexism-trump-duterte/576382/.

[21] Martha F. Davis and Fiona de Londras, “Most democracies are expanding abortion access. The U.S. is retracting it,” WBUR, October 21, 2021, https://www.wbur.org/cognoscenti/2021/10/21/supreme-court-abortion-dobbstexas-martha-f-davis-fiona-de-londras.

[22] “Memorandum on Protecting Women’s Health at Home and Abroad,”

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/28/memorandum-on-protecting-womens-health-at-home-and-abroad/.

[23] Hanna Kozlowska, “Where Democracy Falters So Too Do Reproductive Rights,” Foreign Policy, March 16, 2022, https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/03/16/where-democracy-falters-so-do-reproductive-rights/.

[24] “46 Senators Wage Campaign to End “Global Gag Rule” Restricting Abortion Access,” https://truthout.org/articles/46-senators-wage-campaign-to-end-global-gag-rule-restricting-abortionaccess/?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=15622b45-d94e-4820-a28b-89c103fa98c5.

[25] “The Betrayal,” https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2022/03/biden-afghanistan-exit-american-allies-abandoned/621307/.

[26] United States institute of Peace, “Afghanistan,”  https://www.usip.org/regions/asia/afghanistan#:~:text=Afghanistan%20is%20now%20facing%20one,starvation%2 0in%20the%20coming%20months.

[27] Melissa Deehring, “Lessons Learned from Afghanistan: The First Political Order,” The Washington Quarterly, 44, 4, 2022, 7-28.

[28] Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, “Goals of the New Women, Peace and Security Congressional Caucus,” April 29, 2020, https://giwps.georgetown.edu/goals-of-the-new-women-peace-and-security-congressional-caucus/.

By Claire Pamerleau, University of Pittsburgh WIIS Chapter

By Claire Pamerleau, University of Pittsburgh WIIS Chapter

Human agency is slipping out of Afghan women’s hands and into the Taliban’s as the group tightens their grip on women’s social, political, and financial freedoms. This devastating reversal of progress has affected even the youngest generation of Afghan women, as girls’ education is yet another casualty in the war on women’s rights under the Taliban.

Afghan girls in grades seven and above have been unable to go to class for more than nine months—most girls’ schools have been closed since the Taliban’s takeover in August of 2021.[1] The considerable advancements in women and girls’ education made in the 20 years since the Taliban’s first rule have thus been undone in one fell swoop. For perspective, in

2001, less than one million Afghan children were in school, and none of them were girls. By 2020, the number of children in school grew to approximately 10 million, with girls representing 40% of these students.[2] Now, after such progress and effort, millions of children will be robbed of an education by the Taliban.[3]

What makes this affront to women’s rights even more devastating for Afghan girls, though, is the disappointing trajectory of inconsistent messages that raised female students’ expectations. The Taliban had promised to allow women to study at schools and universities even before their takeover in 2021.[4] Senior Taliban leader Zabihullah Mujahid stated on January 15, 2022 that classes for all girls would commence by March 21, the beginning of the new school year in the North.[5] Expectations crumbled when the Taliban broke its promise and sent tens of thousands of adolescent girls home from school the same day classes were meant to reopen. The education ministry had planned on reopening schools for girls (contingent on the requirements that secondary school girls must be taught by women and in separate buildings than men), but higher levels of Taliban leadership canceled the plan and declared girls’ schools to remain closed until future notice.[6]

This sudden reversal of policy demonstrates the internal divisions within the Taliban leadership. The Taliban’s extremist and reformist factions have been unable to come to an agreement on whether women “should” study, as reported by US special envoy for Afghan women Rina Amiri.[7] While the extremist faction supports “original Taliban ideology” and rejects the education and employment of women, the reformist faction consists of many members who are themselves educated and have daughters who are attending school. These reformists therefore recognize the benefits of education and support “a different future” for Afghanistan.[8]

Divisions persist even months after the decision to close girls’ schools. In early June, the reformist line of Taliban thinking was emphasized by Deputy Minister of Education Sheikh Ahmad Shahidkhail, who argued that allowing access to education for “men, women, children and the elderly” is key to building a developing society.[9] Less than a month later, though, Kabul’s grand national assembly of over 4,000 clerics, religious scholars, and tribal leaders failed to address girls’ education, only suggesting that attention be given to religious and modern education.[10] The all-male assembly closed on July 2 after discussing multiple pressing issues and supporting the supreme leader while dancing around the question of whether to reopen schools for girls.[11]

While Taliban-backed news has claimed that girls’ school closures are congruent with “Sharia and Afghan tradition and culture,” many Afghans reject that idea.[12] As stated by one female student, the Taliban’s education policy is “unjust” because “Almighty God said in the Koran that education is mandatory for men and women.”[13] The female students of a Baghlan province religious school echo this sentiment: they have called on the Islamic Emirate (the Taliban’s governing body) and July’s grand assembly to reopen schools, saying both male and female Muslims “[have] the right to education.”[14] In fact, even official Taliban documents “endorse the principle of education for all.”[15]

The devastation that the closing of women and girls’ educational institutions has caused is evident in testimonies from female Afghan students. “Why shouldn’t we go to school? What crime have we committed” one female student cried.[16] Another woman, a university student two months away from graduating, described herself as “cheerful” when attending university but is now “weeping at home every morning” as she and fellow Afghan women “[mourn] their identities”[17] One 24-year-old woman, an agricultural engineer, pushed against her family for her education yet was “the happiest when [she] was going to school.” She later taught agricultural processing and distribution skills to women of different villages, but she must now abandon her teaching opportunity and marry a Talib relative. She laments that her “achievements, aspirations, and dreams are multiplied by zero.”[18]

Indeed, Afghan women and girls are not only losing the opportunity to learn, but also to teach. One woman who formerly taught karate to girls and religious subjects to boys remembers the anxiety that she and her colleagues felt when the Taliban allowed male students and teachers to return to school but remained silent about women. These teachers worried about their livelihoods and providing for their families. This woman decided to protest with her colleagues and draft a resolution for the “rights to study and work,” but she later fled the country for her safety.[19] In another instance, three teachers were fired based on an alleged 10 months of absenteeism, yet their students claim it had only been three months—the time since the new school year started in March after the Taliban took over.[20] Removing women from their teaching positions is stripping them of their livelihoods, and it is only making it harder for female students to obtain an education, as women can no longer be taught by men.

What’s more, as the Taliban restricts access to women and girls’ education, it is increasing access to religious education. The Taliban has turned dozens of secular public schools, universities, and training centers into Islamic seminaries called madrasahs. This plan will leave a devastating trail of students and teachers without education, jobs, and resources. For example, converting the prestigious Abdul Hai Habibi High School into a seminary left its 6,000 students and 130 teachers empty-handed and resulted in the loss of access to its modern library, computers, and science labs.[21] But this is only one high school. The Taliban are hoping to create a “vast network” of madrasahs as part of their overall education plan for Afghanistan. They aim to erase “modern secular education” and generate more Taliban members, as the word “Taliban” itself signifies “students of madrasahs.” This is eerily close to the Taliban’s plan from the 1990’s whereby radical madrasahs “promoted militant ideologies.”[22]

On top of everything, many of the secular schools that are still open are in very poor condition. The department of education for the Nuristan province reported that 70% of its schools are without buildings and must rely on tents.[23] Many classes lack materials like pens and paper in addition to any protection from the heat or rain. Furthermore, some students are risking their safety just to get to school due to poor road maintenance and great distances between villages and schools. One girl asked for help from the government because she and her classmates must climb a mountain with a damaged road to reach their school, and they are “afraid of falling.”[24] Thus, not only are Afghan girls unable to attend class after sixth grade, but for many, their education up until that point is significantly compromised by insufficient resources.

There is some cause for hope, though. Due to a combination of “pressure from parents” and agreements made with UNICEF, some girls’ schools remain open in certain parts of Afghanistan. Despite the lack of publicity, evidence suggests Kabul’s schools and universities are functioning and allowing girls and women to attend.[25] One educational center near Kabul was established for female students and teachers for grades one through twelve and teaches girls in subjects from computers to tailoring. The center provides schooling for around 300 girls, and the enrollment has “surged” since the Islamic Emirate’s establishment, according to one of the center’s teachers.[26] Additionally, the Nimroz province’s education department announced in May that it would “reinstate” the nearly 200 female teachers that lost their jobs during the Taliban’s takeover in August, sending these teachers to “schools in need.”[27]

Afghan women and girl’s education could also eventually improve as the international community applies “pressure tactics.”[28] The US canceled the talks on “key economic issues” with the Taliban after the group abandoned its promise to reopen girls’ schools in March. As Hamad Bin Khalifa University Professor Steven Wright remarked, the Taliban is at a “turning point” whereby they can enact “gradual change” and choose the “path of engagement [with the international community],” or they can instead choose the “path of isolation.”[29] But the Afghan people cannot afford to be subjected to the latter path. Afghanistan is experiencing a humanitarian crisis; the UN reports that “95% of the population is not eating enough food,” with about 58% facing “acute hunger.”[30] Consequently, there is reason to hope that the Taliban could eventually loosen restrictions if put under pressure.

The strategy of applying this pressure, however, is delicate. If all humanitarian aid is revoked, the people of Afghanistan—and the women and girls trapped at home, unable to learn and teach—will suffer.[31] To make sure the Afghan people receive aid while still maintaining economic pressure on the Taliban, the US can funnel its aid through the UN humanitarian organizations that can better relieve the Afghan people.[32]

As the Taliban’s rule advances, the women and girls of Afghanistan are facing more years without proper access to education. Education is not only a human right, but also the starting point for the formation of identities, passions, and careers. Afghan children are deprived of access to safe schools and educational materials, and their opportunities for secular education are being forcefully replaced by Taliban-controlled religious ones. Then, once girls reach the age of adolescence, they are deprived of any access to education unless they are fortunate enough to live in an area where certain centers are still operating. Now, Afghanistan is the world’s only country where secondary school girls are denied an education by their government.[33]

The Taliban has kept female teachers and students in a tortuous cycle of waiting and disappointment through its false promises and silence for too long. Justifications based on Afghan or Muslim tradition are patently untrue, and they act solely as lazy excuses for the Taliban. There are factions within the group that will allow for girls’ schooling, and both sides are desperate for economic relief. If the international community can continue to apply pressure tactics and donate through humanitarian organizations, then the divisions of the Taliban can be taken advantage of, and the women of Afghanistan can be given a chance to learn.

The opinions expressed here are solely the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Women In International Security or its affiliates. 

Notes
[1] Walizada, Toba, “Top UNHCR Official Voices Concerns over Closed Girls’ Schools,” TOLOnews, June 15, 2022, https://tolonews.com/afghanistan-178492; “Taliban Says All Afghan Girls Will Be Back in School by March,” Al Jazeera, January 17, 2022, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/1/17/taliban-says-will-open-all schools-for-girls-across-country.

[2] “Afghanistan’s Girls’ Schools Can – and Must – Stay Open. There Is No Alternative,” Nature News, March 28, 2022, https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-022-00877-y.

[3] Eqbal, Saqalain, “UN: Millions of Children Under the Taliban Rule Have Been Deprived of Education,” The Khaama Press News Agency, June 14, 2022, https://www.khaama.com/un-millions-of-children-under-the-taliban-rule-have been-deprived-of-education-57483/.

[4] “Afghanistan’s Girls’ Schools Can – and Must – Stay Open.”

[5] Ibid; “Taliban Says All Afghan Girls Will Be Back in School by March, Al Jazeera, January 17, 2022, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/1/17/taliban-says-will-open-all schools-for-girls-across-country.

[6] “Afghanistan’s Girls’ Schools Can – and Must – Stay Open.”

[7] Eqbal, Saqalain, “UN: As the Weather Warms, ISIS and the Resistance Front Increase Their Attacks on the Taliban,” The Khaama Press News Agency, June 4, 2022, https://www.khaama.com/un-as-the-weather-warms-isis-and-the resistance-front-increase-their-attacks-on-the-taliban458409/.

[8] “Afghanistan’s Girls’ Schools Can – and Must – Stay Open.”

[9] “Dep. Minister Calls Education ‘Vital’ for Everyone,” TOLOnews, June 7, 2022, https://tolonews.com/afghanistan-178372.

[10] “Tightly Controlled Afghan Assembly Closes with Call for Nations to Recognize Taliban Government,” Gandhara, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, July 2, 2022, https://gandhara.rferl.org/a/afghanistan-taliban-jirga-ends/31926224.html.

[11] Ahmadi, Arif. “Taliban Grand Meeting Did Not Lead to Breakthrough: HRW.” The Khaama Press News Agency, July 4, 2022, https://www.khaama.com/taliban-grand-meeting-did-not-lead-to-breakthrough-hrw/.

[12] “Afghanistan’s Girls’ Schools Can – and Must – Stay Open.”

[13] Walizada, “Top UNHCR Official Voices Concerns.”

[14] “Religious School Students in Baghlan Call to Reopen Girls’ Schools,” TOLOnews, July 3, 2022, https://tolonews.com/index.php/afghanistan-178761.

[15] “Afghanistan’s Girls’ Schools Can – and Must – Stay Open.”

[16] Ibid.

[17] “‘I Went Out and Shouted for Freedom,’” The Fuller Project, September 30, 2021, https://fullerproject.org/story/afghanistan-taliban-ends-education-for-women and-girls/.

[18] Omar, Nargis, “’Being Imprisoned at Home Is What Awaits Me’.” The Fuller Project, September 30, 2021, https://fullerproject.org/story/being-imprisoned-at home-is-what-awaits-me/.

[19] Etemadi, Fatima, “‘Since the Taliban took over, I have lost almost everything,’” The Fuller Project, November 2, 2021, https://fullerproject.org/story/taliban hazaras-women-protest-migrant/.

[20] “Questions Raised About Firing of 3 Female Professors,” TOLOnews, June 5, 2022, https://tolonews.com/afghanistan-178330.

[21] Siddique, Abubakar, “’War on Education’: Taliban Converting Secular Schools into Religious Seminaries,” Gandhara, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, June 25, 2022, https://gandhara.rferl.org/a/taliban-secular-schools-converted-madrasahs education/31914672.html.

[22] Ibid.

[23] Ghorzang, Sadaqat, “70% Of Nuristan Schools Lack Buildings,” TOLOnews, June 27, 2022, https://tolonews.com/afghanistan/provincial-178670.

[24] Ibid.

[25] “Afghanistan’s Girls’ Schools Can – and Must – Stay Open.”

[26] Walizada, “Top UNHCR Official Voices Concerns.”

[27] “Female Teachers Called Back to Nimroz Schools,” TOLOnews, May 6, 2022, https://tolonews.com/afghanistan-177890.

[28] Mohnblatt, Debbie, “US Drops Economic Talks After Taliban Bans Girls’ Schooling. Millions Face Hunger as Islamists Seek International Aid, Recognition,” Jerusalem Post, Mar 29, 2022, http://pitt.idm.oclc.org/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/us-drops economic-talks-after-taliban-bans-girls/docview/2645499321/se-2.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Ibid.

[31] “Afghanistan’s Girls’ Schools Can – and Must – Stay Open.”

[32] Mohnblatt, “US Drops Economic Talks.”

[33] “Afghanistan’s Girls’ Schools Can – and Must – Stay Open.”

Student Blog

By Claire Pamerleau, University of Pittsburgh WIIS Chapter 

The women of Afghanistan are living through oppression that most feared would only return in nightmares.

Since the withdrawal of US troops and the Taliban’s takeover in August of 2021, Afghan women have been left with few options: flee your own country, or stay and have your rights, livelihood, identity—and in some cases, your safety—taken from you.

Many of us around the world remember reading about and seeing pictures of the chaos in Kabul’s airport last fall when thousands of Afghans desperately tried to board the last flights out of the country.[1] For many Afghans, though, fleeing was not an option. The women of Afghanistan who stayed behind are now living through mounting social and economic restrictions.

In August of 2021, Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesman for the Taliban, promised the Taliban would respect women’s rights in accordance with Islamic, or Sharia, law.[2] While this claim was vague, the Taliban did originally state that girls could return to school and that women could leave the house without any chaperones, “encourag[ing]” them to return to work.[3] Furthermore, the Taliban initially assured Afghans that revenge would not be taken, stating “all those who have served the state will be forgiven.”[4]

This tone quickly proved to be disingenuous. By late August, Talibs were seen going through female journalists’ neighborhoods, knocking on doors, and “making lists of women who worked in the media and government.”[5] The Taliban has shut down women-led human rights organizations, and they have replaced the Ministry of Women’s Affairs with the Ministry of Prevention of Vice and Promotion of Virtue, a ministry “notorious” for its violent enforcement of social restrictions.[6]

The social restrictions put in place include revoking freedom of speech for women and girls and limiting women’s means for independent travel.[7] As a result, it has been nearly impossible for most women to keep their jobs (if they have not already been fired). In March 2022, secondary education was banned for girls. Only female “teachers, government employees, and aid workers” have been able to keep their jobs, as these positions cannot be filled by men due to the necessary contact with women and girls. Even female government employees who have kept their jobs are not allowed in the office except to receive paychecks. What’s more, these paychecks are essential in a time of high unemployment; many women are widows and/or are the only providers for their families.[8]

The restrictions have implications for Afghan women’s health as well. Since November of 2021, in the Ghazni province, women cannot be examined by a medical professional without a male chaperone, or “mahram,” present. One story told of a woman who gave birth without a mahram present: she fled the hospital without her baby to escape punishment. Consequently, the 18 hospital employees who treated her were prosecuted by the Taliban for providing healthcare to a woman without a male chaperone.[9]

On May 7, 2022, restrictions tightened further. The Taliban ruled that women must have their faces covered and be accompanied by a mahram in public.[10] This practice is part of Sharia, and supporters see this rule as protection for the “dignity and chastity of women.”[11] The Taliban’s decree further stated that the best way to observe hijab is “not to leave the house” in the first place, and that male relatives of a woman are tasked with enforcing her compliance with this dress code.[12] Indeed, the woman’s guardian (a close male relative or her husband) will be warned if the woman is not obeying the hijab dress code. After the first warning, subsequent incidents of the woman without a hijab in public will result in the male guardian being summoned, imprisoned for three days, then sent to court.[13]

Many Afghan women predicted the implementation of these restrictions and, accordingly, went into hiding. Female judges (who lost their jobs after the Taliban’s takeover) fear they will be killed in a “revenge attack” by either the Taliban or by one of the ex-prisoners who were sentenced by these judges but have since been released by the Taliban.[14] It is believed that 80 female judges remain in hiding in Afghanistan. One former judge had sentenced ISIS and Taliban members to prison during her career and consequently could not safely leave hiding to take her daughter to the hospital for leukemia treatment. “I can’t put all my family at risk if the Taliban recognize me.” Unable to obtain healthcare, her daughter subsequently passed away from leukemia.[15]

Clearly, the state of women’s affairs in Afghanistan is suffering under the Taliban’s rule. While the economic and social restrictions tighten, the international community must search for solutions that consider all Afghan women: those who have fled, those in hiding, and those who have been barred from education, occupations, free movement, and healthcare. We are obligated to try to help awaken these women from their living nightmare.

The opinions expressed here are solely the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Women In International Security or its affiliates.

Notes

[1] “Kabul Breached: Taliban Seize Presidential Palace, Declare ‘War is Over’: The Taliban Said There Will be no Transitional Government and Demanded Immediate Control After Afghan President Asraf Ghani Fled the Country,” The Jerusalem Post, last modified August 16, 2021, English ed.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ferris-Rotman, Amie and Zahra Nader,“ What Afghanistan’s Women Stand to Lose,” The Fuller Project, August 20, 2021. https://fullerproject.org/story/afghanistan-women-taliban/.

[6] Nader, Zahra, “’We Have to Fight Back.’ Afghan Women Are Losing Their Hard-Won Right to Work Under the Taliban,” The Fuller Project. TIME, May 17, 2022; Rasuli, Humaira, “I Will Never Stop Fighting for Afghan Women,” CognoscentiWBUR, June 13, 2022. https://www.wbur.org/cognoscenti/2022/06/13/afghanistan-women taliban-human-rights-humaira-rasuli.

[7] Mehmood, Arshad, “Faces Erased,” Jerusalem Post, May 13, 2022, http://pitt.idm.oclc.org/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/faces erased/docview/2671697115/se-2; Nader, “We Have to Fight Back.”

[8] Nader, “We Have to Fight Back.”

[9] Nader, Zahra and Nargis Amini, “The Taliban Are Harming Afghan Women’s Health,” The Fuller Project, March 2, 2022, https://fullerproject.org/story/afghanistan-taliban-healthcare-restrictions-women/.

[10] Nader, “We Have to Fight Back.”

[11] Mehmood, “Faces Erased.”

[12] Nader, “We Have to Fight Back.”

[13] Mehmood, “Faces Erased.”

[14] Oppenheim, Maya, “Afghan Woman Dies of Leukemia While in Hiding from the Taliban,” Yahoo! NewsIndependent Asia Edition, June 9, 2022,  https://sg.news.yahoo.com/afghan-woman-dies-leukaemia-while133635738.html?guccounter=1&guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly9uZXdzLmdvb2dsZS5jb2 0v&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAABijbutz7IznQNuMbBASrOMToePptsly4RIZJpQzeXMb EPtHb

tl7XJyNqxR4k5Pi1QcgMcXiM7loVQyh_vRsneQ5O7cxE6Supj8lS8Mhsaau_ODEP0jbV dkcPQA9NlmFoqQt5UvjbRF82L7WtmXrtu8pFpju0hWHWJkd2Ocz3iE.

[15] Ibid.

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