This paper critically examines the implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), arguing that dominant narratives in the region emphasizing women’s victimhood obscure their agency and capacity for peacebuilding. Drawing on personal insights, policy reports, and case studies from Afghanistan, Gaza, Iran, and Syria, this analysis examines how the WPS framework can be refined to better reflect the region’s socio-political realities. By incorporating local narratives and contextual examples, the paper proposes strategies for empowering women as active agents of peace, not passive recipients of protection.
25 Years of WPS and a Region in Crisis
Twenty-five years after the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, the WPS agenda remains far from fully realized in the MENA region. Conflicts persist in Syria, Gaza, Yemen, and Afghanistan, while systemic repression in Iran and other countries continues to silence women’s voices. Yet amidst these adversities, women have emerged as critical actors in peacebuilding. From organizing underground schools in Afghanistan to leading protests in Iran, they have demonstrated remarkable resilience. However, these contributions are often excluded from formal policymaking and international narratives, reducing women to victims in need of rescue rather than recognizing them as strategic agents of change.
Women’s Agency in Conflict Zones: Case Studies from Afghanistan and Gaza
In Afghanistan, women’s resistance under the Taliban regime is both historic and ongoing. For example, Mahbouba Seraj, a Nobel Peace Prize nominee, has operated a women’s shelter and media outlet advocating for women’s health and rights despite Taliban threats. Similarly, the Afghan women’s network has continued to coordinate humanitarian responses and advocacy campaigns even after the regime change in 2021.
In Gaza, women have led grassroots initiatives providing psychological support and food distribution networks in refugee camps. During the escalation of conflict in 2023, the Women’s Affairs Center in Gaza documented numerous women-led responses to internal displacement, underscoring how women sustain communities amid devastation. These narratives, drawn from the Stimson Center report and interviews conducted by Human Rights Watch, exemplify how women in conflict zones sustain community resilience by assuming roles as informal diplomats, educators, and frontline providers of humanitarian aid.
Structural Failures of the WPS Agenda in MENA
The WPS Agenda often fails to advance meaningful participation of women in MENA, as demonstrated by a 2024 policy analysis that critiques the top-down implementation of the WPS initiatives across the MENA region. One example is Libya’s post-2011 peace negotiations, where only two women were included among twenty participants, despite the sustained activism and organizational leadership of Libyan women at the grassroots level. This case reflects a broader regional trend in which superficial numeric inclusion is prioritized over women’s meaningful and substantive participation in peace processes. Furthermore, the Jordanian government adopted a national WPS action plan in 2018, yet grassroots women’s groups report limited access to implementation funds. Their marginalization illustrates how the agenda is often shaped by international donor priorities rather than community needs.
Cultural Adaptation of WPS: Lessons from Tunisia and Morocco
Tunisia’s 2017 law on violence against women addresses economic and political violence in the country. The law was developed with input from both feminist NGOs and Islamic legal scholars, illustrating how Islamic values can align with WPS principles when locally framed. Morocco’s ‘Moudawana’ family law reform of 2004 was another milestone in the legal expansion of women’s agency in MENA. This reform supports women’s rights regarding travel, divorce, and self-guardianship in a patriarchal society, bolstering the third pillar of the WPS framework — Prevention. These examples demonstrate how culturally grounded legal reform can harmonize with global WPS objectives and make the implementation of WPS more effective.
Iran and the Sanctions Paradox: Feminist Resistance in Isolation
Iran provides a distinctive case for WPS analysis. Despite not being a conventional conflict zone, Iranian women live under what can be described as “structural violence”—a system of repression, discrimination, and isolation exacerbated by international sanctions. Since the 2022 death of Mahsa Jina Amini in police custody, the grassroots movement ‘Zan, Zendegi, Azadi’ (Woman, Life, Freedom) has galvanized feminist resistance in Iran and abroad. Women like Narges Mohammadi, winner of the 2023 Nobel Peace Prize, have exposed human rights violations within Iranian prisons while organizing against gender apartheid. According to Human Rights Watch, many women have been detained since the start of the protests, with numerous reports of torture or solitary confinement.
Iranian women in the diaspora have also been influential in documenting abuses and calling for global feminist solidarity, challenging the traditional boundaries of the WPS agenda. The WPS framework often overlooks countries under sanctions, assuming a binary between war and peace. However, Iranian women’s daily struggles under a securitized, patriarchal regime and punitive economic conditions demand broader interpretations of conflict, protection, and participation.
Rethinking the Four Pillars of WPS Through a MENA Lens
The four pillars of the WPS agenda—Participation, Protection, Prevention, and Relief & Recovery—must be reimagined through the lens of the MENA region, where women’s lived experiences in conflict and authoritarian contexts challenge traditional policy frameworks. Participation, for instance, should not be limited to formal peace negotiations but must encompass women’s active engagement in informal governance structures. In Syria, the Mazaya Women’s Center in Idlib exemplifies this broader definition by training women in leadership and trauma support, enabling them to contribute to local governance even in areas controlled by extremist groups. Similarly, the concept of Protection must move beyond narrow interpretations focused solely on gender-based violence to include systemic threats like economic deprivation, displacement, and the collapse of public services. The case of Yemen, where maternal mortality has dramatically increased due to the disintegration of healthcare infrastructure, illustrates the urgent need to expand this pillar’s scope.
Prevention efforts should target the structural roots of violence, including authoritarianism, sectarianism, and institutional corruption. Tunisia’s transitional justice process, which integrated women’s testimonies of repression following the revolution, presents a compelling model for a comprehensive approach to prevention. Relief and Recovery should prioritize trauma-informed approaches, the rebuilding of community trust, and equitable access to education. In Afghanistan, where girls’ schooling has been banned under Taliban rule, underground networks of women educators are sustaining learning environments, often at significant personal risk.
To complement and reinforce these four pillars, a fifth—Political Accountability—should be formally recognized. This pillar would serve to monitor and enforce both state and international actors’ commitments to WPS principles, ensuring that rhetoric is matched by responsibility and action, especially in regions prone to regression and impunity.
Policy Recommendations for Local and International Actors
To advance the WPS agenda meaningfully in the MENA, local and international actors must coordinate transformative and context-specific interventions. Regional governments must prioritize the development and implementation of national WPS action plans that are co-designed with grassroots women’s organizations and backed by dedicated budget lines. One key failure in implementing the WPS agenda has been the exclusion of civil society voices from state-led processes, resulting in superficial and largely symbolic commitments. Legal reforms should also decriminalize dissent and institutionalize protections for women human rights defenders, many of whom face repression under authoritarian regimes, as seen in both Iran and Syria.
International institutions and donors must shift their focus from funding short-term, externally imposed aid projects to investing in long-term feminist organizing and leadership development. This includes reevaluating sanction regimes to ensure exemptions for women-led NGOs and civil society initiatives, especially in countries like Iran, where sanctions have paralyzed civic engagement. Civil society actors across the region must work toward building transnational coalitions—such as the emerging Afghan-Iranian collaborations on refugee education—that pool resources, expertise, and political capital.
In light of growing digital threats and political repression, there is an urgent need to train a new generation of women leaders in conflict journalism, digital safety, and policy advocacy. Recent feminist initiatives have highlighted how digital spaces that were once seen as liberatory are increasingly becoming sites of surveillance and harassment, requiring targeted strategies to secure women’s online presence and participation.
Finally, think tanks and academic institutions have a responsibility to decentralize the WPS dialogue. Hosting regional conferences in cities such as Tunis, Amman, or Beirut can shift the intellectual gravity away from Western capitals, while promoting scholarship in Arabic, Persian, and Kurdish will ensure that knowledge production around peace and security is truly indigenous. These recommendations, if adopted collaboratively, can bridge the persistent gap between global mandates and local realities, revitalizing the WPS agenda across the region.
Conclusion: Reimagining WPS Beyond the West
The WPS agenda must evolve to reflect the voices and visions of those it claims to serve. In the MENA region, women are not merely survivors of violence but architects of peace, resistance, and resilience. Their stories—from Gaza’s aid networks and Afghanistan’s underground schools to Iran’s protest movements and Yemen’s healthcare activism—should inform the future of global peace policy. Civil society actors across the region must work toward building transnational coalitions that pool resources, expertise, and political capital. By embracing these regional solidarities, the WPS agenda can better bridge the persistent gap between global mandates and local realities, ensuring a more just and effective peace policy.
About the Author
Maryam Rezaeizadeh is a public policy researcher and practitioner specializing in gender, security, and Middle Eastern affairs. She is currently a Faculty Assistant and Mentor for the Persian House at the University of Maryland’s Persian Flagship Program and a contributor to the Middle East Perspectives program at the Stimson Center. Maryam has held research roles at the Stimson Center, Wilson Center, and Center for International Policy (CIP), focusing on women’s political agency, digital activism, and informal peacebuilding in conflict zones. Her academic interests lie at the intersection of international security and social justice, with a particular emphasis on empowering women and marginalized groups in the Middle East. She holds a master’s in public policy from the University of Maryland and has published widely on gender-based resilience under authoritarian regimes.
Gallagher, Nancy, “Amnesty International and the Idea of Muslim Women’s Human Rights,” Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 1, no. 3 (Fall 2005): 96–107.
On May 13th, WIIS Research Director Dr. Karin Johnston and WIIS Fellows Duilia Mora Turner and Dr. Joan Johnson-Freese, alongside Dr. Gabriela Hoberman, spoke at the 10th annual Hemispheric Security Conference at Florida International University on women, peace, and security. Their insights on the whole-of-society approach to security and conflict showed the real-world impact of the WPS agenda. WIIS is grateful to the FIU Jack D. Gordon Institute, Fundación Taeda, and FIU LACC for spotlighting this essential work.
By WIIS Senior Fellow Dr. Joan Johnson-Freese
On April 29, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth announced via Instagram that the Defense Department (DOD) would “proudly” end the Women, Peace & Security (WPS) program, despite its legal authority. This was a reversal of President Trump’s administration’s demonstrated global leadership in 2017 with the passage of the WPS Act. But others in the Trump administration must now stand up and protect the baby it birthed, because the stated justifications for dismantling WPS are based on little more than myths. More to the point, accumulated evidence and statements of military leaders substantiating the operational utility of WPS for complex contingencies and military operations can only mean that eliminating the DOD WPS program is emphatically not in U.S. national interest.
President Donald Trump signed the bipartisan WPS Act on October 6, 2017. Congressional sponsors of the Act included then Congresswoman Kristi Noem and Senator Marco Rubio. In June 2019, the US Strategy on WPS was delivered to Congress by first-daughter and WPS champion Ivanka Trump. At that time, then Congressman and former National Security Advisor, Mike Waltz, co-chaired the bipartisan Congressional WPS Caucus. This Act and Strategy made the United States the first country in the world to have legislatively mandated implementation of principles related to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), which recognized the need for and role of women in security affairs and to have a plan for doing so. Rubio praised the program as recently as April 1, 2025, at the International Women of Courage Awards Ceremony.
The Strategy included four Lines of Effort (LOE):
Seek and support the preparation and meaningful participation of women around the world in decision-making processes related to conflict and crises;
Promote the protection of women and girls’ human rights, access to humanitarian assistance, and safety from violence, abuse, and exploitation around the world;
Adjust U.S. international programs to improve outcomes in equality for, and the empowerment of, women; and
Encourage partner governments to adopt policies, plans, and capacity to improve the meaningful participation of women in processes connected to peace and security and decision-making institutions.
Administration efforts could be reasonably rationalized as pulling government WPS programs back to these LOEs, which some critics claim have strayed beyond intent. But, according to many individuals working on WPS programs within the military, these efforts will snuff out all activity by spuriously lumping WPS in with eradication of Diversity, Equity and Inclusivity (DEI) programs and by categorizing it as “all about women,” diminishing U.S. lethality and warfighting capabilities.
DEI, WPS…TOMATO/TOMAHTO
DEI and WPS have different origins and different goals. In the case of WPS, women’s involvement is sought in security-related fields for the added value they bring to both understanding operational environments and in terms of workforce requirements. Often, however, DEI and WPS are conflated, with WPS dismissed as merely “more DEI.”
Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) programs grew out of social justice efforts to bring and retain minorities – including women – into jobs, professions, and institutions where they traditionally had been largely excluded. DEI programs initially were run through human resources departments, often focused on numbers and quotas and sometimes ham-fisted and poorly executed. Though well intentioned, they undeniably created considerable bad blood within workforces.
Unlike DEI, which operates as a human resource tool, WPS operates as a strategic tool. WPS grew out of decades of civil society experience and empirical research, showing that women play critical roles in security matters, broadly defined, and that policies and programs affect men, women, boys, and girls differently. That research includes evidence that if a nation scores high on gender inequality, it is more than twice as likely to be a fragile state and has more than three times the chance of having a less effective and more autocratic and corrupt government. States with high gender inequality also have more than one and a half times the chance of being violent and unstable. In addition, violence within the “first political order” (the home) correlates to violence becoming the de facto method of problem solving nationally. Finally, when women are involved in negotiating peace agreements, the probability of the agreement lasting at least two years increases by 20%, and peace agreements are 35% more likely to last at least 15 years when women participate. WPS principles are intended to be part of security operations – from analysis, planning, and through to execution.
The four U.S. government organizations charged with implementation of the 2017 WPS Act are Defense, State, Homeland Security, and (the almost defunct) United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Clearly, WPS has been recognized as a Whole of Government (WOG) security framework. And yet, it is being shunned in favor of “lethality and warfighting.” The irony there is that while WPS works to abate conflict, it also offers considerable additive value to lethality and warfighting capabilities.
Not Just About Women
WPS has a branding problem, self-inflicted by its title. The emphasis on women is in recognition that women have traditionally been excluded from security affairs. In reality, WPS is a whole of society approach to security and conflict.
Understanding an operational environment is key to developing a successful strategy for addressing whatever goal is sought, from avoiding conflict to stabilization to winning a battle – as the US quickly learned in Iraq and Afghanistan. Part of understanding an operational environment is understanding the expectations culture places on people in that environment. Those expectations are traditionally based on an individual’s biological sex but called gendered expectations because they are sociologically determined by culture. Women in Bangladesh, for example, are culturally expected to remain at home and wait for help even when a natural disaster is approaching. Further, women in Bangladesh are not usually taught to swim and wear bulky garments for coverage related to religion. Hence, it is not surprising that more women die in floods there than men. But the same gendered expectation of women would not hold true for women, based on their sex, in other cultures and parts of the world.
There are gendered expectations for men as well. More than 8,000 boys and men were killed in Bosnia in 1995 not because they were soldiers, but because they were male and therefore might become soldiers. In some countries, boys are not considered men until they marry and have children. Yet in some of those same countries, a man must pay a “bride price” to marry. If he cannot afford that price, he cannot become a man. That gendered cultural reality allows groups like Boko Haram to offer “brides” as recruiting bonuses.
Talking about gender is not inherently about gender ideology in the sense it is sometimes mischaracterized – as a transformational rejection of biologically grounded sexuality – but as a way to understand the rules a society or culture imposes on individuals based on sex. A cisgender male student in one of my WPS classes, an Army Major and career intelligence analyst, well-stated the importance of “seeing” gender. He said he had taken every course offered by the military to intelligence officers over the duration of his career, and nobody had ever talked about gender. After learning and discussing it at length in class over the course of a semester, he said he had done a disservice to those who relied on his reports. He believed this because so much potentially useful information had been left out of his assessments by not considering gender-related information, perspectives, and issues.
Lethality and Warfighting
Secretary of Defense Peter Hegseth is committed to a warrior culture at the Pentagon that is “laser-focused on lethality, meritocracy, warfighting, accountability and readiness.” WPS is not just compatible with this statement; it is a necessary requirement for achieving it. Women add to the talent pool of best qualified persons. Meritocracy and diversity are not mutually exclusive, and they are needed to fill numerous vacancies critical to lethality and warfighting.
While the doors are still open to women in all fields of the military, at least for now, there is a difference between opening the door and accommodating individuals toward maximizing each individual’s potential success. “Accommodating” women is, however, often mischaracterized as “women seeking special treatment.” WPS recognizes that policies and programs treat men and women differently, not out of favoritism or preferential treatment but out of the systemic blindspots and absence of intentional query into their impact. It is not just a woman, for example, who might need the size of a gun grip changed to allow her to perform at her top level; the same could easily also be true for a man with small hands.
USAF Lt. Gen. (ret) Mary O’Brien was part of a 2019 team that made a business case for the professional development of women in the Air Force, but one that was applicable across the services and to men and women. Called the “5R” model, it provides a rubric for evaluating personnel actions based on quantifiable metrics for five criteria: Recruitment, Retention, Resources, Readiness and Risk. The intent is to make recruitment attractive to retain the best candidates – men and women – so that resources are not being constantly spent to train new people but, rather, to assure that forces are ready to fight, thereby reducing risk to the force and the mission.
Women also provide access to information and areas critical to mission success, as demonstrated by support units like the women in the Marine Corps Female Engagement Teams and the Army’s Cultural Support Teams who served alongside Special Operations units in Afghanistan to interact with local women and children who were off-limits to men. That interaction also included body searching women and children potentially carrying guns or explosives, including suicide bombs.
Lethality depends on a skilled workforce. Future wars will likely be “information technology” heavy, thereby requiring primarily brains, not brawn. Men and women with interests and capabilities in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM), intelligence, and linguistics, among others, will be needed to plan and execute strategies that will require less emphasis on combat jobs and more on high-tech. Recent studies show that the number of women entering STEM fields is increasing faster, by 31%, than the number of men entering STEM fields (up 15%). Not recognizing the value women add to security communities, including the military, creates disadvantages, not advantages.
Competitive Advantage and Winning
The Trump administration demonstrated global leadership in 2017 with the passage of the WPS Act. Subsequent strategies operationalizing the WPS framework were moving forward as understanding of intent and value expanded. Continuation, as recently stated by retired Marine Corps officer Jane Stokes, “would provide the essential competitive advantage that America needs to achieve its strategic competition goals in today’s complex global security environment. WPS offers a framework to place the most essential individuals in the right places, based on their abilities, and to solve America’s greatest challenges.” WPS maximizes America’s potential to “win” against its enemies, now and in the future. Dismantling serves no national security purpose. Indeed, it puts the nation at risk.
Published May 6, 2025. The opinions expressed here are solely the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Women In International Security or its affiliates.
About the Author
WIIS Senior Fellow Dr. Joan Johnson-Freese served as a University Professor and Chair of the National Security Affairs Department at the Naval War College (NWC) between 2002-2022. She has also been part of the Government Department faculty of Harvard Extension School and Harvard Summer School since 2004, where she teaches courses on Women, Peace & Security, Leadership in War and Peace, and Grand Strategy and US National Security.
As a political scientist, she has published multiple articles on aspects of Women, Peace & Security, particularly focusing on raising awareness regarding the framework generally and within security communities specifically, believing that you can’t implement what you don’t know about. She is the author of “Women, Peace & Security: An Introduction” (2018) and “Women v Women: The Case for Cooperation” (2022). Over the arc of her academic career, her research also focused on space security, authoring seven books in that field and over 100 published articles, many with a particular focus on the Chinese space program. She has testified before Congress on multiple occasions about space issues and served on the National Academy of Sciences Space Studies Board.
NATO is committed to integrating Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) across all its tasks in the 2022 Strategic Concept and the revised NATO Policy on WPS endorsed by Heads of State at the 2024 NATO Summit in Washington, D.C. The NATO Strategic Concept referenced the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda for the first time in 2022. This was a significant move since it elevated a gender perspective from the margins to a more central position in the Alliance’s agenda. The revised NATO Policy on WPS endorsed by Heads of State in 2024 reinforces this. The endorsement reflects the reality that the WPS agenda, and a gender perspective, is all the more relevant as the Alliance returns to a primary focus on deterrence and defense following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.1 Russia is indeed waging a deeply gendered war in terms of the use of conflict-related sexual violence, but also in its broader attack on NATO values, including gender equality, through the promotion of “traditional” family values. This Policy Brief looks ahead to consider the question of what NATO’s commitment to WPS, as outlined in the Strategic Concept and the revised NATO WPS Policy, would look like if it were realized in practice, specifically through the NATO WPS Action Plan due for renewal in 2025. To do so, it engages with how WPS and a gender perspective have been institutionalized in NATO, noting that advances in this agenda have often not taken the “usual” or proscribed route within the Alliance. It is, therefore, an area ripe for innovation in terms of its implementation. The WPS agenda is now in a strong position at NATO with buy-in from its Member States.2 The next step is realizing the strategic vision for WPS’ implementation set out in the revised NATO WPS Policy (2024) through the development of the NATO Action Plan on WPS due in 2025. Such an approach would drive the Alliance’s long-term WPS priorities into the future and ensure WPS’ institutionalization at all levels, political and, especially, military. It must rely on gender-responsive leadership to strengthen existing gender expertise across the Alliance and ensure accountability. Realizing Women, Peace, and Security as an Asset for Operational Effectiveness The WPS agenda emerged from UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, adopted in 2000, and the nine follow-up resolutions. It recognizes women’s agency and calls for women’s participation in peace and security while acknowledging the gendered impact of conflict, which often disproportionately impacts women. These two aspects of the WPS agenda are mutually reinforcing.3 The realization of UNSCR 1325 relied on insiders and outsiders to the Security Council, including civil society, which remain crucial knowledge brokers of WPS.4 NATO’s initial formal policy engagement with WPS in 2007 did not come with civil society involvement; rather, it built on a concern related to the status of women in NATO forces on the one hand and operational requirements vis-à-vis Afghanistan, specifically counterinsurgency, on the other. This has set NATO apart from the UN Security Council and other national and regional level engagements with WPS that have been premised on civil society consultation. It also demonstrates the nexus between WPS and a gender perspective in NATO’s approach.5 However, since 2014 the Alliance has consulted civil society formally on its WPS policy, the first time it has done so on any policy area.6 The Civil Society Advisory Panel (CSAP) on WPS provides an important pool of expertise for NATO to draw on in strengthening its approach to WPS.7 NATO’s engagement also did not come out of the blue. It mapped onto decades of organizing within the Alliance to strengthen the status of women in the armed forces of the Alliance, including through the then Committee on Women in NATO Forces (CWINF), which first met in 1961. It was through CWINF that senior military women organized meetings in the 1960s on issues concerning the recruitment and retention of women in the armed forces and successfully advocated for the committee’s formal recognition in 1976. From 2002, CWINF led on NATO’s WPS work, introducing the topic within the Alliance and including the monitoring of the agenda’s implementation among Allies. In 2009, CWINF became the NATO Committee on Gender Perspectives (NCGP), recognizing its expanded remit to monitor and support NATO’s implementation of WPS by promoting the integration of a gender perspective into the design, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation of policies, programs, and military operations. NATO’s engagement with WPS has relied upon decades of military women’s advocacy within NATO and now benefits from broader institutional buy-in, including from men. However, the agenda has always gained traction when it has been perceived as providing “added value” for the Alliance, including improving operational effectiveness. For example, the Alliance would not have engaged formally with the agenda when it did without its involvement in Afghanistan through the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) from 2001-2014.8 Afghanistan saw a “new” way of fighting with counterinsurgency operations (COIN), given the reality that at the operational and tactical levels there was a need to incorporate a gender perspective, as the central focus of the campaign was the Afghan population. This led to the deployment of Female Engagement Teams and Cultural Support Teams, which instrumentalized gender as a “new strategic asset,” demonstrating that the U.S. (and, by extension, NATO) was “no longer fighting its battles with outmoded methods.”9 In NATO’s current operations in Iraq, Kosovo, and the Baltics, the military continues to have a key role in implementing WPS, with states such as Canada driven to lead on the agenda through Canada’s commitment to its own Feminist Foreign Policy and because of the perceived added value it provides to supporting operational effectiveness.10 This is not to say there are no significant challenges to living up to WPS in practice. For example, Canada was recently criticized for not apologizing to an employee who had been sexually assaulted by a NATO soldier while deployed as part of NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence in Latvia.11 WPS has also been seen as valuable to NATO in building partnerships. A key example is NATO’s partnership with Sweden before its bid for NATO membership. Sweden’s involvement in ISAF helped shape NATO’s early views on WPS and gender perspectives as operational assets.12 Despite Sweden’s nonalignment stance at the time, it deepened its partnership with NATO through WPS, notably supporting gender integration in Afghanistan and providing diplomatic backing for NATO’s WPS efforts, such as at the 2012 Chicago Summit.13 However, Sweden’s case also reveals WPS’ vulnerability within NATO. While WPS was central to the NATO-Sweden partnership, any mention of it was omitted when Sweden began formal NATO membership talks. This suggests that Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy—an approach it pioneered and which became a core aspect of its international stance, conflicted with its NATO aspirations.14 Beyond Sweden, NATO partnerships have played an integral role in the Alliance’s understanding of WPS, with initial NATO WPS policies adopted jointly by the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC).15 The agenda has thus provided “added value” for NATO by providing a “safe” non-contentious issue and diplomatic tool for NATO to build relationships with partners whose interests might usually differ. For example, Austria proved critical in supporting NATO’s adoption of a policy on WPS in
Japan, set geopolitically apart from NATO but increasingly important for a potential pivot to the Indo-Pacific, initially built its partnership with NATO on WPS, providing a Voluntary National Contribution to NATO HQ to support NATO’s WPS work in 2015 for two years. Another area in which WPS has run counter to “business as usual” at NATO, though again has added value, is with respect to the role of civil society and promoting the Alliance’s image in global politics. At a national level, and indeed at the European Union level, civil society as knowledge brokers of WPS have been heavily involved in developing WPS policies. As a defense Alliance, such policy consultation requires a level of transparency and openness that NATO did not engage in, in any policy area.16 Likewise, many civil society advocates of WPS with roots in pacifism remained skeptical of NATO’s engagement with WPS; consequently, there was no civil society lobbying for NATO to engage with WPS at the time. Therefore, NATO remained one of the exceptions among actors—states and international organizations, implementing WPS only in 2014 and establishing a mechanism for formally consulting civil society in the WPS policy-making process for the first time. This has not been without challenges, but it represented a significant commitment to open NATO’s WPS work to outside scrutiny and a recognition that such consultation can strengthen NATO’s policy.17 Institutional Drivers and Leadership on WPS at NATO On the political side, the creation of the Secretary General’s Special Representative (SGSR) on the WPS position in 2012 has provided important impetus for NATO’s WPS work and has been recognized by the UN as an example of best practices given the high-level reporting of the role.18 Yet, the establishment of the position was far from a done deal prior to the 2012 Chicago Summit, and it took some NATO officials by surprise.19 Norway offered to fill in the role from 2012-2014. At this time, institutional challenges remained to fulfilling the SGSR’s mandate, including the position within the NATO structure and rank. This was a topic for discussion from 2014 to 2017, with the Netherlands putting forward and sponsoring an ambassador for the position. The high-level SGSR has successfully raised awareness of NATO’s WPS work externally and taken the lead on WPS development internally.20 The SGSR is now recruited via the regular NATO recruitment process, which has meant bringing the funding for it “in-house” from the civil budget. As part of the Office of the Secretary General, this reflects progress on the WPS agenda at NATO. The open competition also brings the process in line with the recruitment for Assistant Secretary General positions, even if certain Allies still dominate particular portfolios here, bringing into question how “open” such competition is.21 In practice, most Allies with a WPS National Action Plan have seen the benefit of promoting the agenda as a foreign policy tool to support their wider influence, including at NATO, so it remains a politically lucrative position for Allies to secure.22 The SGSR on WPS remains the main point of accountability for implementing WPS at NATO, as outlined in the current Action Plan. However, the WPS agenda also spans across the areas of responsibility of several Assistant Secretary Generals (ASGs), from Innovation, Hybrid and Cyber to Defence Policy and Planning and Operations and Public Diplomacy. Various WPSrelated initiatives have emerged from these ASGs, most recently, a Public Diplomacy campaign to counter gender disinformation on social media.23 That withstanding, to fully achieve the genderresponsive leadership committed to in NATO’s WPS Policy, and to prevent the agenda from being siloed on the political side or solely managed by the SGSR and their office, there is a need for each ASG to have specific actions in the upcoming Action Plan. In this way, each ASG will share accountability for the implementation of the WPS agenda, even if the SGSR remains the driver and a crucial guide for coherent WPS implementation at NATO. On the military side, the NATO Committee on Gender Perspectives (NCGP) serves as a prime example of the critical role institutional drivers play in successfully implementing the WPS agenda within NATO. As an advisory body to the Military Committee (MC), the NCGP has been at the forefront of institutionalizing gender perspectives and operationalizing the NATO WPS policies.24 It began back in the 1960s, exploring every avenue through which women could make the fullest possible contribution to NATO by serving in their national armed forces. Its efforts led to the establishment of the International Military Staff (IMS) Office of the Gender Advisor (GENAD) in 1998. Its role has expanded in recent years and now also supports the implementation of WPS and the integration of a gender perspective within the IMS, marking a significant milestone in institutionalizing gender perspectives.25 Since 2005, it has actively championed the creation of a Military Committee policy document on gender perspectives within NATO, a long-fought goal that was realized in the adoption of the NATO WPS policy last year. This achievement underscores decades of persistent advocacy to fully integrate a gender perspective into NATO’s activities, missions, and operations. However, for the military, there are additional practical challenges in implementing WPS and incorporating a gender perspective, with the primary issue being inadequate resourcing. Gender Advisors (GENADs) positioned throughout NATO, including within the International Military Staff and Strategic Commands, are understaffed and, therefore, unable to fully meet the political ambitions of the WPS agenda. Putting WPS Into Practice Through the Revised NATO Action Plan WPS remained on the margins of NATO’s core business, although, as demonstrated here, it has provided significant value to the Alliance in several areas. Its elevation to a deliverable of the Strategic Concept and the revised NATO WPS Policy providing a strategic vision to the agenda indicates a novel phase in NATO’s engagement and an attempt to make WPS part of the Alliance’s core business. The Strategic Concept states that NATO “will promote good governance and integrate climate change, human security, and the Women, Peace, and Security agenda across all our tasks. We will continue to advance gender equality as a reflection of our values.”26 While the inclusion of WPS is significant though not guaranteed, how it has been framed in the Strategic Concept affects how WPS will be understood within NATO moving forward. So far, the implementation of the WPS agenda and a gender perspective have added value to NATO, particularly by improving operational effectiveness and supporting women in NATO forces.27 As the Secretary General has stated, integrating a gender perspective is “not only the right thing to do but the smart thing to do.”28 The absence of WPS in the Strategic Concept’s sections on Deterrence and Defence, as well as Crisis Prevention and Management, is significant since the document guides the entire Alliance. The updated NATO WPS Policy addresses this gap by aligning it with NATO’s core tasks and the four pillars of the WPS agenda. However, the Strategic Concept missed the opportunity to include this directly, meaning those not fully convinced of WPS’s importance would need to consult the WPS Policy separately to understand its relevance. Crucially, the NATO Policy on WPS introduces the concept of gender-responsive leadership “to ensure NATO leaders strengthen their gender expertise, work towards gender equality and are accountable for the implementation of the WPS Agenda.”29 Such an approach will be key to realizing an effective WPS agenda at NATO and should be integrated into the Action Plan. It should start from the top down, with the Secretary General mainstreaming WPS into public-facing remarks as a matter of course, not as an exception. In addition, and as outlined earlier, clear lines of reporting on WPS should be identified for all the Assistant Secretary Generals’ portfolios. This will help address the weaknesses in WPS in the Strategic Concept and draw attention to the importance of NATO’s revised WPS Policy, which is by far the most comprehensive policy to date and sets an ambitious agenda for the Alliance. At present, there is value in ensuring the integration of a gender perspective is reflective of NATO’s WPS priorities and moving beyond the institutional siloing of this topic to ensure the whole of NATO is committed to its implementation across political and military structures. Establishing the SGSR WPS position has been fundamental to moving this agenda forward, as well as approving the latest NATO WPS Policy, which has provided an overarching strategic vision. But now it needs to be translated into practice via the Action Plan, and a crucial part of this will be the actions of NATO leadership across the political and military structures. To summarize, advancements in the integration of a gender perspective in NATO are tempered by remaining challenges. The inclusion of WPS in the Strategic Concept is highly significant. However, while it is referenced in relation to all of NATO’s tasks, it is specifically mentioned only in the context of Cooperative Security, with no direct mention in the sections of the other core tasks (on Deterrence and Defence or Crisis Prevention and Management). This deficiency should be addressed. Secondly, as the revised NATO Policy on WPS (2024) draws attention to, translating the policy commitment of WPS into practice must emphasize WPS’ added value to NATO, including promoting gender-responsive leadership by establishing clear accountability for the Assistant Secretary Generals and their portfolios in mainstreaming WPS across all NATO activities. Finally, it is essential to draw on the expertise of the Civil Society Advisory Panel (CSAP) on WPS and the NATO Committee on Gender Perspectives (NCGP). Futureproofing WPS at NATO As NATO’s engagement with WPS to date has demonstrated, this is a policy area ripe for innovation that adds considerable value to the Alliance at all levels. The next step in supporting NATO’s WPS commitments is to translate Strategic Concept statements and NATO WPS policy commitments into practice through the development of an effective WPS Action Plan. In this regard, four steps would contribute towards NATO’s efforts to put WPS into practice in developing the new NATO WPS Action Plan, which would center on the added value of WPS for the Alliance.
The Secretary General and NATO’s senior leadership should integrate WPS into their public-facing remarks as a matter of routine, given the demonstrated applicability of the agenda to all of NATO’s tasks.
Align efforts with the strategic vision that prioritizes gender-responsive leadership and ensures accountability in implementing WPS across NATO’s political and military structures.
NATO’s political and military structures should better leverage the expertise of the NATO Civil Society Advisory Panel on WPS and NCGP, respectively, using it as a resource to support gender-responsive leadership in their work.
Ensure that policy commitments are translated into concrete actions by providing the NATO Military Authorities with adequate resources—especially in terms of human resources and dedicated gender structures—to implement these initiatives effectively.
On March 8, 2024, Women In International Security (WIIS) and the Embassy of Liechtenstein held an in-person discussion with State Department Assistant Secretary of State Anne Witkowsky, Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations, and an expert panel on the U.S. Global Fragility Act (GFA) and approaches to integrating a gender perspective in the 10-year country implementation plans to stabilize conflict-affected states and prevent the escalation of violence in fragile contexts. In line with the GFA, the Biden administration presented the 10-year plans for advancing U.S. government efforts for conflict prevention and stabilization in four countries (Haiti, Libya, Mozambique, and Papua New Guinea) and the region of Coastal West Africa (Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, and Togo). To be effective, however, the GFA’s Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability (SPCPS) and country implementation plans must integrate a gender perspective in advancing gender equality and the principles enshrined in the Women, Peace, and Security agenda. The WIIS event discussion will focus on the GFA, and the detailed implementation plans released by the U.S. government to highlight how gender perspectives have been integrated into the detailed 10-year plans for the four partner countries and one region under the SPCPS.
Marvin Dee Mathelier and Tahina Montoya
The Global Fragility Act (GFA) and its subsequent Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability (SPCPS) constitute a fundamental shift in the way the U.S. government will act to address the root causes of violence in fragile states and stabilize conflict-affected areas. Given bipartisan support and congressionally mandated funding, the GFA is designed to produce a coordinated strategy that builds on lessons learned and prioritizes building partnerships with local communities and civil society actors. In terms of implementation, the GFA requires a whole-of-government approach and interagency process with regular reporting mechanisms applied to five high-priority countries over a ten-year period.
In Spring 2023, four years after the passing of the GFA, the U.S. State Department released a 10-Year Strategic Plan for four priority countries and one priority region. Haiti is one of the SPCPS-designated priority states, along with Libya, Mozambique, and Papua New Guinea, as is the region of Coastal Western Africa (which includes Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, and Togo). The SPCPS specifically links the U.S. Strategy on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) to its work, recognizing that the root causes of violent extremism are gendered and thus intimately linked to structural inequalities and discriminations that must be addressed to reduce state fragility. Haiti’s own 10-Year Strategic Plan identifies severe gender inequality and Gender-Based Violence (GBV) as elements that undermine Haiti’s stability.
With the SPCPS specifically calling attention to drivers of conflict that are deeply gendered, this policy brief argues that country implementation plans must consider a whole-of-government (WOG) approach that integrates a gender perspective. Haiti’s implementation plan must also recognize Haiti’s complex history and how it has contributed to the gendered dimensions of Haiti’s current violence—political, economic, cultural, and structural—and integrate these factors into the tailored approach emphasized in the GFA’s strategic documents.
The policy brief begins with an assessment of current conditions in Haiti and then turns to the question of why current conditions are so intractable. Using Haiti as a case study, the policy brief shows how consideration of a country’s history and gender-specific issues are factors that must be considered when developing tangible solutions, as doing so is necessary to promote long-term stability. The policy brief then presents a set of recommendations that can strengthen the Haiti implementation plan and programmatic objectives in critical areas: formalize the informal sector workforce to empower women, reform education policy, increase support to the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, and mobilize the Haitian diaspora in support of U.S. assistance to Haiti.
Haiti: The Current Situation
In addition to the 2020 COVID pandemic, 2021 was a devastating year for Haiti. Multiple protests and demonstrations have since occurred in response to high inflation and rising food and gas prices. The poverty-stricken country also saw an alarming increase in criminal and gang activity, a sign of the weakening authority and the incapacity of the Haitian National Police to control the gangs. Tensions escalated when, on July 7, 2021, a group of 28 foreign mercenaries broke into the home of President Jovenel Moïse and assassinated him. Only five weeks later, on August 14, 2021, a 7.2 magnitude earthquake hit the southern claw of Haiti, causing billions of dollars worth of infrastructure damage and affecting the lives of over 1.2 million people.
In the wake of these political, economic, and social crises, human rights violations over the past two years have escalated and accelerated. Women and children are particularly vulnerable. The number of kidnappings and abductions has tripled since 2021 as gangs use women and children for financial gain or tactical advantage. Of the 5.2 million Haitians requiring humanitarian aid (nearly half the population), three million are children. Severe malnutrition and cholera outbreaks are overtaxing a failing healthcare system, and gender-based violence is rampant.
It is estimated that gangs control 90% of the capital, Port Au Prince, instilling fear through the use of violent tactics such as kidnapping, rape, and murder to control areas. Occasionally, to further aggravate the populace, and in an attempt to oust Prime Minister Ariel Henry from power, these gangs block off access to fuel and goods, preventing access to other parts of the country. This further exacerbates food shortages that, if left unchecked, can lead to a man-made famine.The international community’s hesitancy to get involved has left citizens with few choices, leaving many to combat gangs on their own. Some citizens have retaliated by taking extreme actions of their own, such as burning gang members in the road as a deterrent.
On October 23, 2023, after intense pressure from both the Haitian government and human rights organizations, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) approved a Kenyan-led security mission to help the Haitian National Police combat gang violence. However, on October 24, 2023, Kenya’s High Court blocked the deployment of Kenyan police to Haiti after a petition was filed challenging the government’s deployment decision, and Kenya’s parliament has yet to schedule a debate on the issue, a ruling the High Court is expected to make on November 9.
Roots of Systemic Failure
For Haiti, the current violence that handicaps efforts to stabilize the country and protect at-risk groups has roots in Haiti’s tumultuous history, which has been shaped by foreign intervention and occupation, crippling debts, weak governance structures, and devastating natural disasters.
Independence and Struggle: 1800-1900. Haiti became the first free Black republic on January 1, 1804, when a band of slaves raised an army to defeat France. To recoup and compensate for its economic losses, the French demanded reparations totaling 150 million francs ($20-30 billion in today’s currency). Debt payments consumed over 80% of Haiti’s revenues for the subsequent 122 years. The fear of political contagion from Haiti’s successful slave rebellion led countries, including the United States, to withhold recognition of Haiti’s sovereignty or offer any support for the young country.
U.S. Occupation: 1915-1934. The U.S. occupation of Haiti was designed to quell the political and economic turmoil plaguing Haiti and, through a campaign known as the Banana Wars, to protect U.S. financial assets and economic growth in the Western Hemisphere. Many atrocities and human rights violations, including torture, forced labor, and religious persecution against voodoo practitioners occurred during the U.S. occupation of Haiti. Additionally, under the guise of protecting Haiti’s financial assets, the U.S. took custody of over $500,000 from Haiti’s national bank, roughly equivalent to $15,351,300 billion in current dollars.The loss of these funds had significant impacts on the country’s economic development and stabilization, and especially on Haiti’s social fabric and education system.
Despite promoting the goal of creating 1,074 schools in Haiti, the U.S. built only 306, much lower in comparison to schools constructed by the U.S. in Cuba (2,600) and the Philippines (1,000). For children in those countries, this support resulted in a significant increase in access to both schools and education. Rather than develop schools to promote education for all Haitians, the U.S. provided agricultural training for predominantly black Haitians, while their mixed-race peers continued their education at the limited and exclusive French-based curriculum schools in Haiti. This specifically limited black Haitians’ ability to acquire critical skills and knowledge, further widening the education and socio-economic gaps for black Haitian children.
The Duvalier Regime: 1957-1986. The 30-year reign of terror of François and Jean-Claude Duvalier that led to the killing of over 50,000 men, women, and children contributed to a massive exodus of Haitian citizens. This “brain drain” of highly educated and skilled Haitians had a devastating effect on the country’s social and economic development and placed the country in a perpetual cycle of poverty. Haitian citizens continue to struggle while members of the Haitian diaspora secure more economic growth and send remittances back to Haiti, often the only income many families have. Women, in particular, were severely affected by the impacts of emigration and economic crises, as most were forced to work almost exclusively within the informal sector. Statistics show the staggering cost: in 2021, the World Bank reported that “vulnerable employment” among Haitian women had reached 83.5%.
2004 and Beyond: 2004 ushered in a crushing series of humanitarian, political, and economic crises that continued to disproportionately impact women and children in Haiti. This began with the second coup of Haitian President Bertrand Aristide on February 29, 2004, which in the wake of Aristide’s ouster led to the establishment of the UN peacekeeping mission Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti (MINUSTAH). Peacekeeping forces worked with the Haitian National Police to support police efforts to reduce violence. Unfortunately, trust in MINUSTAH evaporated as tensions grew. Corruption and GBV were endemic; serious incidents of sexual abuse by UN peacekeepers against local citizens occurred, but few were held accountable for their actions. A severe cholera outbreak traced back to a sewage leak from a MINUSTAH base resulted in the loss of over 10,000 lives, and the UN was slow to accept responsibility.The withdrawal of MINUSTAH troops in 2019 left much destruction, loss of life, and a glaring security gap, creating an opening for gangs to take control of the country.
Finally, with more than 96% of its population exposed to hurricanes, floods, and earthquakes, Haiti has become even more vulnerable to natural disasters. A 2010 earthquake killed 222,570 people, injured over 300,000, and displaced 3.5 million Haitians.In 2016, Hurricane Matthew killed around 250,000 people and wiped out 120% of its GDP. The destructive earthquake that hit Haiti on August 14, 2021, was followed two days later by Tropical Storm Grace, causing massive flooding and landslides and worsening the already desperate conditions on the ground.
All these systemic issues and intractable problems, combined with a lack of faith in the government, have forced Haitians to fend for themselves. For women, this meant relying increasingly on the informal sector, primarily selling goods on the street and making the hard decision to use their financial resources to feed their children, pay for medical bills, or decide which of their children was most eligible to go to private school. This overwhelming conundrum created a practice with serious repercussions for poorer Haitians. With little money to send their children to school, a legalized form of child labor or slavery called Restavèk developed. With the creation of this system, limited resources drove many families to send their children to other, presumably wealthier, families who had the relative means to provide education, shelter, and food in exchange for their children’s service.
Current Impact on Women and Children
Gender-Based Violence (GBV)
With the ongoing turmoil in Haiti, marginalized groups such as women and children continue to be disproportionally impacted. GBV and violence against women and children are used as a deterrent to control a community. A Health Policy Watch study that evaluated the use of rape as a weapon of war in Haiti stated that “80% of the women and girls who participated in this research had been victims of one or multiple forms of sexual violence by one or more perpetrators. In 33% of the cases, the assailants were described as bandits, gang members, or kidnappers. 14% of the victims were only 10 to 18 years old.”
Unemployment Rate & Informal Work Sector
Haiti’s unemployment rate is currently 15.73%. Women make up 62% of the labor force, and nearly half of the Haitian women are heads of households, but they do not work in the formal sector. Women constitute more than 75% of the informal economy in Haiti, where they sell produce and other items on roadsides to support their families with no benefits, health insurance, or other job protections.
Lack of Representation in Politics
Unsurprisingly, women’s political representation in Haiti is negligent. In 2019, women constituted only 2.54% of the Haitian parliament, though as of January 2023, there is no functioning parliament at all in the country. Haiti established a Gender Equality Policy in 2014 and the Haitian Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights (MCFDF) in 1994. Nevertheless, the plan has not been effectively implemented, and the MCFDF faces chronic underfunding (0.01—0.05% of the national budget), government and parliamentary hostility, and little political will to change the status quo.
Restavèk System
As noted, a modern version of child slavery known as Restavèk remains prevalent in Haiti. Studies have shown that male and female children who have been “restavèks” (more than half of whom are girls) likely never attended school and are more prone to experience sexual, physical, and emotional violence in childhood than non-restavèk children (See Figure 1). Some children do return home, but with few options available to them, many turn to prostitution, join gangs, or become beggars, which only continues the poverty-stricken cycle in Haiti. The Haitian government has attempted to crack down on this practice, but many families continue to resort to the only means they can afford to feed their children and families.
Figure 1: Restavèk vs Non-Restavèk Children
Access to Education
Education in Haiti is valued but not accessible to all since 85% of schools in Haiti are private schools. Families understand the power and opportunities an education can bring and, if they have the means, are willing to pay more than 40% of their income to send their children to school. In families with multiple children, children may skip a year to let their siblings go to school or, as is often the case, preference is given to boys under the assumption that it will be easier for them to find jobs. Parents often have no money to pay for their daughter’s education, and it has been known that some girls ask their male counterparts for money in exchange for sex in hopes they will make enough money to afford an education. Additionally, while the global average for “mean years of schooling” is 8.7 years, Haiti’s is a mere 5.6 years, placing it 124th out of 150 countries.
An Opportunity for Change: The Global Fragility Act
The U.S. 10-year Strategic Plan for Haiti identifies key factors that contribute to Haiti’s fragility (including the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse and increased criminal gang activity) and delves into gender-specific issues that continue to contribute to the countries’ instability, namely, GBV and gender inequality that disproportionately impacts women and girls. It specifically highlights the creation of a working group that consulted 230 individuals from different facets of the Haitian government and civil society. But gaps remain.
It is particularly important that a detailed implementation plan arising from interagency discussions successfully integrate a gender perspective. However, a growing list of documents referenced for GFA implementation (see Figure 3) has made an already complicated effort more onerous.
Figure 3: U.S. Government Documents: WPS and GFA
December 2017
The United States Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017
June 2019
The United States Strategy on Women, Peace, and Security
December 2019
Global Fragility Act
December 2020
The U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability
December 2020
2020-2024 The USAID Strategic Framework: Haiti
April 2022
Announcement of GFA Priority Countries and Regions
March 2023
U.S. Department of State Integrated Country Strategy
March 2023
Publication of Country and Regional Plan Summaries
Despite multiple failed attempts by Haiti and the international community to address existing complex conflict dynamics, the Global Fragility Act and its 10-Year Strategic Plan for Haiti offers an opportunity to course-correct if implemented with a gender-sensitive lens alongside the people of Haiti. We offer four tangible recommendations that help codify how gender-conscious GFA implementation could look like in Haiti. They provide a unique and crucial approach to stabilizing Haiti’s fragile situation through the lens of gender-centric solutions.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Recommendation 1: Increase Women’s Economic Agency in the Workforce
Through the support of the DoS, DoD, and USAID under the GFA, the Haitian government should create a joint coalition with the Haitian Ministry of the Economy, local government officials, and local NGOs to develop a pilot project for supporting the women-led informal sector. While most plans would center their efforts in the capital, specifically in Port-au-Prince, this plan is better suited for development and implementation in Cap Haitian, the second-largest city in the country. With over 190,000 people, Cap Haitian is in the northern tip of Haiti and has thus far been shielded from the violence currently engulfing key cities in Haiti. Through monitoring mechanisms and data collection, a pilot case will provide lessons learned for implementing programs tailored to support women’s agency in more fragile and conflict-ridden environments. This approach has positive multiple effects, and it will address the persistent insecurity women face socially and economically and help ensure they are in a space that enables economic growth for their families and encourages career development.
Recommendation 2: Enhance the Ministry of Women’s Affairs
While the Haitian government has established laws addressing gender equality, policymakers are noncompliant with the laws. Enhancing the capability of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs is needed to oversee and enforce these laws, though it is doubtful the Haitian government will extend the resources and staff to support the Ministry’s work. International assistance can provide financial support for the Ministry’s activities, such as developing education and gender awareness programs for men, women, and children or building women’s economic empowerment. Collaboration among diverse international stakeholders that provide training, business advice, and increased access to financial resources or that work to build women’s business leadership and ownership in emerging markets will strengthen the Ministry’s capacity to empower more women.
Recommendation 3: Education for Children
Education is the key driver to economic growth within a country. A highly educated and skilled labor force will increase the quality of work in all sectors and will contribute to increased income, tax revenue, and better-quality public education. To get there, with the help of GFA entities, Haiti should establish an education initiative similar to the approach conducted in the High Performing Asian Economies (HPAE) that includes Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and China. Although different in culture, government structure, and region, these countries were able to shift from developing countries to leading economies within half a decade. With high rates of investment in education, the governments were able to reallocate funds towards human capital such as schools and other necessary training, which helped each respective economy grow. This is a challenge for Haiti–not just because of government instability and scarce resources for education, but because of structural inequalities in the education system itself that must be eliminated to spur greater economic growth in the country. Nevertheless, making progress towards quality universal education must be a political priority.
Recommendation 4: Mobilizing the Haitian Diaspora
Despite significant international assistance to Haiti–$13 billion between 2011 and 2022 alone–Haiti remains an impoverished failed state. Earlier efforts have failed for many reasons, among them, poorly managed projects, local capacity limitations, corruption, and a political and economic elite complicit in gang violence and unwilling to implement structural changes to address state instability. An approach that has not been optimized is leveraging the Haitian diaspora to advance develop-driven, long-term solutions for Haiti, with the diaspora working hand in hand with the U.S. government and Haitians on the ground. Outside of the Haitians on the ground, there is no other group that understands the complexity and issues within the island nation or that contributes more to Haiti’s GDP: around two-thirds of Haiti’s GDP comes from remittances, showing that the Haitian diaspora not only influences but drives and deeply cares about Haiti’s success.
The Global Fragility Act and the 10-year strategic plan for Haiti can lead to novel implementation approaches by incorporating members of the diaspora while engaging with Haitian civil society organizations, and do so with the intent to leverage Haitian diaspora expertise. This includes engaging with organizations like the U.S. National Haitian Elected Officials Network (NHEON), a U.S.-based organization of Haitian-American politicians who can be an additional voice and liaison between Haitian citizens and U.S. organizations working towards implementing the GFA. We also recommend exploring the opportunity to grant voting rights to Haitians living abroad. While Haitians living abroad are eligible for dual citizenship, they cannot currently vote in Haitian elections. Doing so would insert a diversity of views and weaken the ability of corrupt politicians to manipulate voters, in the hope that diaspora voters would help to push the Haitian government to be more accountable to its citizens.
Conclusion
While Haiti’s history has contributed greatly to its current situation, and prior policies (with the best of intentions) have failed to alter Haiti’s current state, the Global Fragility Act is, undoubtedly, currently the best option to address fragility in Haiti. Though a challenge, cooperation between U.S. government agencies working with Haiti’s citizens and the diaspora to develop and implement the above-listed recommendations would contribute to addressing key concerns of GBV, employment, education, and safety, all of which are discussed in the guiding frameworks that have been identified as key documents for GFA implementation in Haiti. Despite the delay in implementation, the GFA is a policy that provides a significant opportunity for change. If implemented alongside the people of Haiti in a gender-sensitive way, the GFA can address fragility in innovative ways that will work for Haiti and its people.
Antigua and Barbuda does not have an official WPS NAP.
Overall Assessment
Antigua and Barbuda have yet to adopt a NAP but have made concrete progress in addressing the security of women and girls through other avenues. The country is working toward gender mainstreaming and integrating gender perspectives into a wide range of policies, programs, and initiatives related to peace and security—notably in climate change policies and gender-based violence (GBV) programs. The government shows a commitment to integrating gender equality and WPS principles in the national police and defense forces and mainstreaming gender in other parts of its administration, such as the Department of the Environment. Still, more can be done to provide more and sustained funding for gender mainstreaming and greater participation of women in its security forces. The government should augment its efforts by appointing trained Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points in its security forces and implement a data-driven and results-based monitoring and evaluation mechanism to ensure efficient and effective implementation of its gender equality plans.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Antigua and Barbuda is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Optional Protocol to CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, Antigua and Barbuda have adopted a national policy framework on gender equality, enacted relevant and progressive legislation, and worked towards increasing women’s participation in decision-making positions. Like other Caribbean nations, Antigua and Barbuda identifies climate change as a primary security concern and has developed national plans and policies to address the impacts of natural disasters and climate emergencies.[1] Recognizing the disproportionate effects of climate change on women and girls, the government acted to develop gender-responsive plans and programs to address these effects.
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
Antigua and Barbuda does not have a WPS NAP. However, over the past two decades, the government successfully implemented the following gender-responsive policies and national gender action plans:
National Policy Framework: Antigua and Barbuda adopted “The National Gender Policy (2013-2018),” which provides a strong foundation for addressing women’s rights and gender equality, recognizes the importance of women’s participation in peacebuilding, and emphasizes the importance of protecting women and girls during armed conflict;[2]
Gender Responsive Implementation: During the process of updating the “National Determined Contributions 2021,” Antigua and Barbuda made sex-disaggregated data for gender analysis more accessible and developed a series of national surveys to create an evidence base “of the differentiated impacts of climate change on men and women and the role of women as agents of change and on opportunities for women;”[3]
Legal Measures: Antigua and Barbuda took steps to align its legal framework with the principles of the WPS agenda. The Domestic Violence Act (2015) criminalizes domestic violence and provides legal remedies for survivors.[4] The Sexual Offences Act (1995) was amended to strengthen protections against sexual violence and harassment;[5]
Gender-Based Violence: Antigua and Barbuda recognizes the urgency of addressing gender-based violence (GBV) and has taken steps to combat it. A series of national strategic plans were developed and updated in the past decade, outlining the government’s approach to addressing GBV, setting out strategies for prevention, support services for survivors, and measures to strengthen the legal and institutional response to GBV.[6]
Antigua and Barbuda increased its efforts to advance gender mainstreaming to fight climate emergencies and its effects on women and girls. The Department of the Environment took the lead in several initiatives:
Developed creative gender-responsive frameworks, including climate financing for women and girls, recruited young women professionals as M&E consultants, and established a fund through which vulnerable communities, including women, can access support;[7]
Adopted a Gender Action Plan focusing on building women’s capacity to access the scientific and technical fields;[8]
Developed a Gender Manual to guide the Department’s National Gender Focal Points and other local agencies on how to mainstream gender into their daily activities.[9]
The government of Antigua and Barbuda partnered with the Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency (CDEMA), the regional inter-governmental entity for disaster management, to launch a gender-responsive early warning system in the country.[10]
Military and Police
The Royal Police Force of Antigua and Barbuda (RPF) planning documents and operational planning processes reference WPS principles. National policies and documents include legal protection of vulnerable persons (women, girls, and boys) from domestic violence and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). Information specific to the Antigua and Barbuda Defence Force (ABDF) was unavailable.
Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points
Data were unavailable to confirm whether the military and national police forces have appointed Gender Advisors or Gender Focal Points.
Gender in the Ranks
The ABDF is a small military force. Out of an estimated 245 members, 50 are women (20%).[11] Its main priorities include internal security, prevention of drug smuggling and trafficking, protection from marine pollution, and relief services during natural disasters. Since the ABDF’s founding, all positions are open to men and women.
Training, Education, and Exercises
Training of government officials, law enforcement agencies, and civil society organizations addresses gender issues in the context of peace and security. Gender-sensitive training programs and workshops have been conducted to sensitize stakeholders, including police, judges, magistrates, and court personnel, on “the basic concepts of gender and GBSV, victim-blaming and other forms of re-victimization, and the relevant support services available to both survivors and perpetrators.”[12]
The Directorate of Gender Affairs has trained over 300 police officers on domestic violence legislation and gender-based violence, among other related topics.[13] Authorities also reported that several domestic violence programs include law enforcement and army officers training.[14]
The ABDF and RPF have also received training on conducting gender-sensitive firearms investigations. The United Nations Office of Disarmament Affairs partnered with both forces to teach participants how to apply gender perspectives to criminal firearms investigations. By adopting this approach, investigators have identified evidence of gender-based violence and equipped security personnel with the necessary skills to conduct a gender-sensitive and rights-based approach.[15]
Work Environment
The RPF has promoted gender mainstreaming in its policies. The RPF does not publicly provide official guidelines or policies. However, the government has partnered with academic institutions and international organizations like the UN to strengthen its commitment to gender mainstreaming. On March 4, 2023, the RPF partnered with the American University of Antigua-AUA Campus, convening over 200 policewomen to present on topics aimed at empowering female police officers.”[16] While the RPF does not publish current sex-disaggregated employment rates, women comprise more than 200 of the estimated 750 staff members of the RPF—over 26% of the total force.[17] All positions and ranks are open to women and men in the RPF.
Family Policies
No publicly available documents outline family leave policies specifically for the ABDF or RPF. Labor laws in Antigua and Barbuda provide 13 weeks of maternity leave but no statutory paternity leave.
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
As in many countries, women in Antigua and Barbuda are adversely affected by gender-based violence. Acknowledging this, the RPF launched the Special Victims Support Unit (SVSU) in 2017, handling all cases of domestic and intimate partner violence, sexual assault, and other gender-based related crimes.[18] The SVSU comprises officers who have received specialized sensitization training to meet the needs of survivors of gender-based and sexual violence. There is no publicly available information on workplace harassment, abuse policies, or training for the ABDF and RPF personnel.
Equipment and facilities
No information on gender-specific equipment or facilities is publicly available.
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
The government of Antigua and Barbuda monitors and evaluates the implementation of gender mainstreaming within various government agencies and ministries. It works closely with several UN agencies, including the UNDP, UNEP, and UN Women, to promote gender-inclusive initiatives. Antigua and Barbuda also regularly submit voluntary reports to international organizations on its efforts to promote gender equality and women’s rights. These reports update the country’s progress and challenges in implementing gender-related policies and initiatives.
However, the ABDF and the RPF appear disconnected from the gender mainstreaming initiatives by the government and do not monitor, evaluate, or report gender-responsive programming. More publicly available information regarding monitoring and evaluation requirements from these security organizations would provide more transparency. The government acknowledges that advancing in gender integration requires the collection of sex-disaggregated data; more needs to be done both in the collection and public distribution of such data.[19] Information on whether the RPF and ABDF have appointed gender advisors or gender focal points was not available.
Recommendations
Overall, Antigua and Barbuda have advanced gender equality and gender mainstreaming considerably. The government has implemented policies and programs to promote and advance women’s rights at all levels of society and made political and financial commitments to promote gender equality and the security of women and girls. Yet, more can be done to achieve the goals set forth by UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions.
For the Government of Antigua and Barbuda:
Adopt a WPS NAP, drawing inspiration from existing gender-responsive laws, frameworks, and policies and engaging with key stakeholders, including government agencies and the security sector, civil society organizations, and women’s groups in its development.
Conduct monitoring and evaluation to ensure gender mainstreaming within security forces, gathering sex-disaggregated data to support the process.
Commit to gender-responsive budgeting to track progress in training, programming, and institutional capacity building related to gender mainstreaming goals in the security forces.
For the ABDF:
Ensure all ranks receive anti-harassment and abuse training and make ABDF policies publicly available.
Work with government agencies to collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on female participation in the force.
Develop a monitoring and evaluation mechanism to assess progress in implementing gender equality and WPS principles over time.
Recruit Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points to support ABDF leadership.
For the RPF:
Commit to a monitoring and evaluation mechanism that engages civil society and utilizes sex-disaggregated data to guide future planning, programming, and policy decisions.
Promote gender-sensitivity and sexual harassment prevention training to ensure all police officers and law enforcement personnel have access to such training.
Recruit Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points to ensure the integration of gender perspectives in RPF policies and programs.
Barbados – Summary Report
WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status
Barbados does not have a WPS NAP.
Overall Assessment
Barbados has demonstrated a moderate amount of political will and has taken several steps in recent years toward implementing the WPS agenda. Women remain underrepresented in the military but do not face sex-based restrictions on promotion. In the police force, women are more proportionally represented, and the force has a strong orientation toward the prevention of gender-based violence (GBV). Future actions taken by the government of Barbados toward achieving WPS principles depend on committing funding and staff to transform institutional policies and culture to advance gender equality and WPS principles in security sector forces.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Barbados is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, the current National Strategic Plan (2005-2025) mentions gender equity and equality as areas of strategic note.[20] Barbados established a Bureau of Gender Affairs whose mandate is the integration of a gender perspective in all national development plans to achieve gender equality.[21] Barbados also adopted the Domestic Violence Protections Order Amendment Act 2016, which empowers the Royal Barbados Police Force (RBPF) with robust emergency protection orders in cases of gender-based violence.[22]
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policies
The principles of WPS and gender-based violence are mentioned in police strategic documents and operational policy processes. The RBPF has created an action plan for addressing domestic violence and GBV.[23]
Women in the Barbadian military have achieved the highest level of enlistment distinction for a soldier.[25] All positions in the military and police forces are open to women.
Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points
There are no Gender Advisors (GENADs) or Gender Focal Points (GFPs) in the Barbados Defence Force (BDF) or the RBPF, though the country has gender equality offices and units.
Training, Education, and Exercises
Barbados provides updates to the Organization of American States MESECVI, which examines adherence to the Belém do Pará Convention. The MESECVI 2019 reported that the Barbados police conducts training “in relation to women’s Human rights[sic].”[26] Barbados has hosted intervention programs focused on encouraging nonviolent lifestyles for men.[27] In 2022, Barbados was one of six country police forces in the Caribbean to form a community of practice to improve responses and mitigation measures against gender-based violence.[28]
The 2005-2025 National Strategic Plan signaled an intention to conduct gender sensitivity training “at all levels of the public services, private sector, and the community.”[29] Police officers receive training from the Family Conflict Intervention Unit (FCIU) on domestic violence, as do new recruits.[30] Information pertaining to training for military personnel was unavailable.
Work Environment
Women in Barbados are entitled to at least 12 weeks of maternity leave.[31] The Barbados government announced on July 29, 2023, that paternity leave will be available in 2024.[32] No data were available regarding uniforms and equipment. Police stations in Barbados cite inadequate facilities as a notable constraint in integrating women into the force.[33]
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
Police strategic action plans highlight the responsibility to protect civilians from GBV and domestic violence. Toll-free domestic violence reporting lines are maintained at each station.[34]Data on anti-harassment and abuse policies in the RBPF and BDF were unavailable.
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
Information on the monitoring and evaluation mechanisms for the military and police forces was unavailable. While the Barbados national police publish police statistics, the data collected are not sex-disaggregated.[35] The Bureau of Gender Affairs collects data, but the Bureau’s limited resources make data collection difficult.[36]
Recommendations
For the Barbados government:
Adopt a WPS NAP, engaging with key stakeholders, including government agencies, civil society organizations, women’s groups, and local communities throughout the process;
Provide necessary resources to maintain a monitoring and evaluation mechanism to ensure the effective implementation of gender integration policies;
Secure better funding and staff for the Bureau of Gender Affairs and for collecting sex-disaggregated data and data analysis to assess progress in gender integration.
For Barbados Defence Force:
Appoint fully trained Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points to implement gender mainstreaming in military policy, planning, and operational documents;
Evaluate sexual harassment and sexual exploitation and abuse policies for personnel and provide sexual harassment and abuse prevention programming and training in all ranks;
Evaluate institutional policies and practices (e.g. family leave, childcare, sexual harassment and abuse policies, promotion opportunities, hostile work environment) that work to recruit, promote, and thus retain women in the force.
For the Royal Barbados Police Force:
Appoint a Gender Advisor or Gender Focal Point to promote gender mainstreaming and gender-responsive policies in the force;
Collect sex-disaggregated data to ensure better analysis and evaluation of measures needed to improve police services;
Ensure that sexual harassment and abuse prevention policies for police personnel are in place and training in sexual harassment/abuse and GBV programs are mandatory for all police and law enforcement officers.
The government of Belize has made a significant commitment to gender equality and gender mainstreaming. Belize’s 2020 WPS agenda for its security forces is a big step towards achieving gender equality and inclusion in the Ministry of National Security of Belize. The Belize Police Force (BPF) performs better in terms of women in the ranks—over 25% as opposed to 6% of women represented in the Belize Defense Force, signaling the need for the defense force leadership to review recruitment policies as well as existing institutional policies and practices that are often hurdles to women’s participation in security forces. As the Belize government steps up its efforts to address growing gender-based violence, it must also act to decrease gender-based violence in its security forces through prevention training and the enforcement of existing zero-tolerance policies.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Belize is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, Belize’s interest in the WPS agenda has grown over the past decade. In 2020, the Ministry of National Security launched the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda for the security forces in Belize to “empower women as equal partners in the development of a prosperous and stable Belize, especially in achieving our national security goals.”[37] In the Belize National Security and Defense Strategy 2018-2021, Goal 3 aimed to “provide the necessary environment for a prosperous and stable Belize.” The Strategy further includes an objective to “[i]mprove investment in gender equality and youth development.”[38]
As in many countries, gender-based violence incidents in Belize have increased. The rise in gender-based violence prompted the government to pass a National-Gender Based Violence Plan of Action (2010-2that led to legislative reform and the establishment of a domestic violence unit in the Belize National Police, among other actions.[39] However, the Belize Ministry of Human Development acknowledged that the impact of these changes was limited, and it is still unclear whether the plan will be renewed in the current decade.[40]
The creation of the Ministry of National Security’s WPS agenda demonstrates the political will to advance gender equality and the rights of women in Belize. Other efforts to improve the conditions of women are the regular publication of “Gender-Based Violence Statistics” through the Belize Crime Observatory and the Women and Family Support Department of the Ministry of Human Development, which works to “promote gender equality and equity” among its citizens.[41]
The National Women’s Commission acts as “a strategic advisory body to the Government of Belize on issues of gender.”[42] The Commission addresses threats and mistreatment a person may suffer when reporting gender violence. It has opened a virtual space for the person submitting the complaint to report any unprofessional behavior while filing the report.
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
As mentioned earlier, Belize’s National Security and Defense Strategy 2018-2021 states that gender equality is a strategic objective. In January 2022, the Government of Belize announced the beginning of stakeholder consultations for the National Security Strategy 2022-2027, which included the participation of members from the security forces, government, private sector, and civil society.[43] However, no further information about the 2022-2027 Strategy is publicly available online.
The Ministry of National Security’s WPS agenda (2020) aims to set the framework “to increase women’s participation in efforts to promote security, maintain peace, and prevent conflict.”[44] The Ministry has focused on recruiting and promoting more women, education, and training in sexual- and gender-based violence in security forces and implementing the WPS agenda.
The Women’s Department of Belize released a handbook in 2012 on sexual violence, which presented definitions, response protocols, risk reduction actions, and other relevant information regarding sexual violence.[45]
Gender in the Ranks
The Belize Police Force has over 500 female police officers. Currently, 25% of police officers serving are women.[46] In March 2023, the BPF held a ceremony celebrating the promotion of 62 female police officers to positions ranging from constable to senior superintendent.[47]
In contrast, just over 90 female officers in the Belize Defence Force (BDF) are women and constitute only 6% of the total number of BDF officers.[48] There have been allegations of assault in the military, though the BDF maintains a zero-tolerance policy towards sexual harassment and assault. Progress is evident in the 2023 officer selection board decisions, where five of the ten recruits are women. Five women recruits are in officer training programs in the United States and will be commissioned as second lieutenants in the BDF.[49] All positions in the Belize military and police forces are open to women.
No data were available on the appointment and training of Gender Advisor and Gender Focal Points in the military or police forces.
Training and Education
Members of the BPF and BDF have access to training and education opportunities on gender mainstreaming and GBV. Members of the BDF also participate in region-wide WPS training to encourage more effective gender integration in the military.[50]
Work Environment
According to the Belize Labour Act, women receive fourteen weeks of maternity leave in any public or private industrial or commercial undertaking and every branch of government.[51] The law does not provide for paternity leave or parental leave.
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
In February 2022, the Ministry of National Defence and Border Security and the Ministry of Home Affairs and New Growth Industries established the Joint Sexual Violence Prevention and Response (JSVPR) Programme for the security forces that will provide response services when sexual assault occurs within the Belize security forces.[52]
In 2019, the Belize organization Our Circle, a national organization that supports family units formed by LGBTQ+ persons, received funding to address gender and diversity issues in the Belize Defence Force and to conduct “a review of welfare policies which already exist not only from a gender equality perspective but also a sexual orientation and gender identity approach.”[53] Part of the initiative involved training a cohort of peer educators to provide training in the ranks and work to ensure the BDF has the guidance and data to ensure a safe environment for all service members. Although there is no more information on the advancement of this project, it shows the collaboration between civil society organizations, a regional non-governmental organization, and the security forces in Belize.
Monitoring and Evaluation
The Belize Crime Observatory collects sex-disaggregated data on gender-based violence.[54] This information is publicly available online, making it possible to observe the trends of gender violence in Belize and assist policymakers in creating more effective policies and strategies against this phenomenon.
Recommendations
For the Belize Government:
Adopt a WPS National Action Plan (NAP) based on the new Women, Peace, and Security Agenda and following the National-Gender Based Violence Plan of Action;
Update the National Gender-based Violence Plan of Action of 2010 to meet current and updated goals and strategies to achieve them;
Update the Revised National Gender Policy of 2013, upload it on their official publications, and give maintenance to the webpage to access information.
For the Belize Defense Force:
Evaluate strategies to increase the number of female recruits and address gaps in institutional policies and practices (e.g., family leave, childcare, sexual harassment policies, promotion opportunities) that often impact the recruitment of women and their decision to remain in the force;
Evaluate sexual harassment and sexual exploitation and abuse programming for protecting military personnel within the ranks and make the data publicly available;
Deploy trained Gender Advisors or Gender Focal Point officers;
Ensure sex-disaggregated data is collected, analyzed, and made publicly available;
Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation.
For the Belize Police Force:
Consider appointing a Gender Advisor and Gender Focal Point officer;
Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the ranks are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for all law enforcement officers;
Collect sex-disaggregated data and make the data publicly available;
Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation.
While Bolivia does not have an official NAP, it has made significant strides to advance the WPS agenda and develop comprehensive strategies to address the challenges faced by women in the country. The government’s commitment to gender equality and gender mainstreaming is reflected in its declaration of 2022 as the “Year of the Cultural Revolution to Dismantle Patriarchy for a Life Free from Violence Against Women.” National institutions and mechanisms have been established to support women in the ranks and counter discrimination, gender harassment, and gender-based violence (GBV). More attention is needed in establishing work-life integration policies for security institutions, such as maternity and paternity leave and family leave. The military and national police forces have comprehensive monitoring and evaluation tools to assess progress in gender equality initiatives and programs. Nevertheless, developing an official WPS NAP could solidify Bolivia’s standing as a progressive regional leader, driving positive change and fostering greater gender equality and security.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Bolivia is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Bolivia signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment and is a signatory of the American Convention on Human Rights “Pact of San José, Costa Rica.”
At the national level, Bolivia’s constitution, adopted in 2009, recognizes women’s rights and promotes gender equality. Article 8, Section 15 obligates the state to take all necessary measures to prevent and eliminate GBV and designates power to the president to create ministries and enact laws that promote gender equality.[55] In January 2022, after conducting years of analysis on the factors contributing to gender inequality, the Bolivian government announced that 2022 would be the “Year of the Cultural Revolution to Dismantle Patriarchy for a Life Free from Violence Against Women.”[56] The government followed up with comprehensive laws to criminalize various forms of GBV and the provision of services for women and girls who are victims of domestic and intimate partner violence, rape and sexual assault, sexual harassment, and femicide.”[57][58]
Foreign policy documents, including the Bolivia Foreign Policy Plan and the Plan for Economic and Social Development 2021-2025, also support the government’s policy of dismantling patriarchy and call for strengthening regulatory frameworks to address and dismantle the structural causes of violence against women.[59]
Finally, the country has established institutions and mechanisms to promote gender equality and women’s rights:
The Ministry of Justice and Institutional Transparency has a Directorate of Gender Equality (Dirección de Igualdad de Género) that is responsible for coordinating and implementing policies and programs related to gender equality, the promotion of women’s rights, and the elimination of gender-based discrimination;
The National Council of Women is under the Ministry of Justice and Institutional Transparency. It advises the government on policies and strategies to promote gender equality and women’s rights. The Council brings together representatives from government agencies, civil society organizations, and women’s rights advocates to ensure cohesion and proper implementation;[60]
The “Multisectoral Plan to Dismantle Patriarchy and Promote Women’s Right to Practice the Right Way of Living” also advocates for women’s rights by implementing policies and coordinating initiatives.[61]
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
Several policies are in place that testify to the political commitment of the military to implement WPS principles. The “Strategic Plan to Dismantle Patriarchy and the Prevention of Violence Against Women” identifies the military and police as principal actors in preventing violence against women and advancing gender equality.[62]
Gender in the Ranks
The most recent Institutional Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Defense 2016-2020 cited goals and quotas to increase the participation of women in all ranks of the Bolivian armed forces. The government has worked closely with UN Women and the Bolivian Ministry of Justice to recruit more women.[63] The government set a goal of increasing the number of women in the armed forces to 8.65% by 2020.[64] This goal was surpassed; as of 2021, women accounted for an estimated 10% of the armed forces.[65]Current projections estimate that by 2025, women will make up 11.7% of the total military force, though that number will likely be higher due to these efforts.[66] Women in Bolivian security forces face other challenges as well, including corruption, abuse of power, and mistreatment of women officers by their male counterparts.[67]
In terms of the Bolivian Police Corps (PNB), women comprise 16.25% of officers. The PNB likewise does not have official policies linked to the WPS agenda. However, as part of the government’s plan to dismantle patriarchy, the PNB was identified as a leading actor in combatting GBV and violence against women. According to the Strategic Institutional Plan for Bolivian Police 2016-2020, a strategic objective is to equip police with training, equipment, and infrastructure to protect women from violence.[68]
For the armed forces and the police, all positions of all ranks are open to women, and the principles of WPS, though not specified as such, are integrated into military programming, strategy, and planning.
Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points
According to publicly available documents, GENADs are currently serving in the PNB. They are fully trained and serve at senior levels. Information on whether the Bolivian armed forces retain GENADs or Gender Focal Points (GFPs) was unavailable.
Training, Education, and Exercises
In adhering to the government’s overall strategy of decolonization and dismantling patriarchy, the armed forces and national police receive specialized training and education on these principles. According to government sources, 4,240 armed service members received specialized training with “a focus on decolonization, dismantling patriarchy, and the fight against racism and discrimination.”[69] Various police units received specialized training on best practices for addressing gender-based violence and crimes against women and combatting human trafficking, which disproportionately affects women and girls.[70]
Work Environment
The Ministry of Defense instituted a Gender Equity program to prevent GBV, raise awareness of the issue, and encourage more women to consider careers in the military and defense institutions. This program allows for the gradual increase of women in military service and has created a more equitable work environment for women.
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
In 2016, the Ministry of Defense established several mechanisms, measures, and policies to ensure the recruitment and retention of women in the armed forces. These included a series of anti-harassment protocols in the workplace, manuals for gender units, and an inspection guide to ensure proper implementation.
Despite progress, there are documented cases of gender violence and discrimination in the military. Between 2019 and 2021, the General Directorate of Human Rights and Intercultural Affairs in the Armed Forces received 340 cases of violations of human rights and gender violence and discrimination. According to the most recent publicly available information, 168 patients were registered in 2019, 91 in 2020, and 81 in 2021. The reduction by year in the number of complaints by women is likely attributable to the implementation of Law 348 (called “the law that grants women a life free of violence”)[71] and various gender initiatives by the armed forces, which establishes four ways to report harassment: complainants can report directly to the Ministry of Defense, Force Commanders, the supervisor in their unit, or a designated person in their larger military unit. Under these initiatives, victims receive psychological, legal, medical, and social work support and are encouraged to report their complaints to the Public Ministry and Special Force to Combat Violence.[72]
Women police officers in Bolivia likewise face sexism, harassment, and abuse by male colleagues. Women make up an estimated 16.25%, or 6,500, of the 40,000-person police force and have, historically, been undervalued. Recognizing this problem, the Ministry of Government launched the “Mujer Policia y FELCV Digna” program in 2021, spearheaded by Lt. Colonel Jannet Montecinos.[73] The program aims to investigate complaints of sexism and verbal or physical harassment against women police officers by their colleagues.[74]
Family Policies
Bolivia has maternity and family leave policies for women and men. Women are entitled to 90 days of maternity leave, broken down into 45 days before the expected due date and 45 days after the child’s birth. Men receive three days of paid paternity leave. There are no provisions for parental leave.[75]
Equipment and Facilities
Information about equipment and facilities for women in security forces is not publicly available.
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
Despite the absence of a WPS NAP, the Bolivian armed forces and the national police have developed comprehensive tools for monitoring the success of various gender equality initiatives and programs. The Gender Council, established by the Ministry of Defense, developed measures and mechanisms to evaluate gender equality progress, both in the rate of women graduating from Bolivia’s Military College and in the recruitment and promotion of women in the military. GENADs serve in the police force under Lt Colonel Montecinos to monitor and evaluate the “Mujer Policia y FELCV Digna” program and identify gaps in implementing gender equality principles.[76]
Recommendations
For the Government of Bolivia:
Adopt a robust WPS NAP that aligns with national gender plans and policies and engage with civil society actors, women’s rights groups, and other key stakeholders throughout the NAP development process;
Adequately fund sexual and gender-based violence training in security forces;
Incorporate gender-responsive budgeting to track progress in training, programming, and institutional capacity building related to gender mainstreaming goals in the security forces;
Evaluate institutional policies and practices (e.g., family leave, childcare, promotion opportunities, hostile work environment) that work to recruit, promote, and thus retain women in the military and police forces.
For the Armed Forces of Bolivia:
Clarify and adequately resource maternity, paternity, and family leave policies specific to the armed forces and police;
Appoint GENADs and GFPs to support leadership and staff, provide technical expertise, and ensure effective implementation of gender mainstreaming in security institutions;
Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data and integrate it into the monitoring and evaluation process to encourage goals of increasing women’s participation in security fields;
Mandate gender-sensitive, GBV, and anti-harassment training for service members in all ranks.
For the Bolivian Police Corps:
Provide adequate support and resources to conduct gender-sensitive, GBV, and anti-harassment training for police officers in all grades;
Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data and goals and integrate them into the monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation;
Revise institutional policies and practices that will improve the recruitment, promotion, and thus retention of women in the police force.
Despite electing the first woman Prime Minister in the Caribbean in 1980, Dominica faces challenges in direction and transparency to implementing gender mainstreaming initiatives in its government and the Commonwealth of Dominica Police Force (CDPF). Dominica has no military forces, though it is a member of the Regional Security System (RSS), a regional security alliance in the Caribbean. Given the scarcity of publicly available information and data in regional and international bodies before 2022, it is unclear whether the Dominican government is committed to adopting a NAP.
Regarding gender equality at the civil society level, Dominica established the Bureau of Gender Affairs to build partnerships for gender-related programming. Dominica has adopted a National Gender Policy, but little public information is available to evaluate programmatic initiatives and their effectiveness, including whether such programming extends into the CDPF. Dominica’s commitment to adopting the WPS agenda and its principles is thus an open question, but there is much room for improvement. The government should be encouraged to commit the political will and the necessary resources to adopt legal measures and policies to advance gender equality and the WPS principles in the security forces.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Dominica is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) though not the Optional Protocol to CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, gender equality is mentioned twice in the national constitution of Dominica, which was revised and updated in 2014.[77] Few domestic or foreign policy documents are made publicly available. There is no mention of WPS or women’s security more broadly in official national or foreign policy documents made publicly available.
The primary government ministry that works on issues of gender is the Bureau of Gender Affairs, which develops partnerships for gender-related programming within civil society.[78] No documents made publicly available by the Bureau identify the national police as actors or collaborators in gender equality initiatives or in gender-based violence (GBV) prevention programs. The Bureau is the primary governmental partner executing Dominica’s 2006 National Policy and Action Plan for Gender Equity and Equality in the Commonwealth of Dominica (NPAP).This plan signaled the government’s shift in focus from “women’s empowerment” to “gender equality.”[79] The document further outlines that the Bureau has the responsibility to institutionalize gender mainstreaming, develop gender-responsive policies, and ensure policy implementation at various government agencies.[80]
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
Following the NPAP adoption, Dominica’s government adopted the National Gender Policy in 2006, which promotes gender equality, sustainable development, and social justice.[81] Little information about recent initiatives or programming is made publicly available, though this does not necessarily indicate the absence of efforts to fulfill the National Gender Policy. There is some indication that the Bureau of Gender Affairs is active though struggles to implement gender mainstreaming across ministries and government agencies because of a lack of resources.[82]
Nevertheless, recent data that would aid in understanding strategies, plans, or practices related to gender equality in civil society and in institutions such as the national police are unavailable, as Dominica does not regularly report on gender-related data to the same degree as other countries in the Latin American and Caribbean region.
Gender in the Ranks
The Commonwealth of Dominica Police Force (CDPF) website states that the force has 444 active personnel.[83] The Dominica police force is recruiting women and expects to increase its forces above 500 police officers. In 2021, it recruited 14 females out of 53 recruits (26%), and in 2022, the Dominican police inducted 51 new trainees, 25% of whom (13) were women.[84] Dominica has no military forces.
Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points
No current data were available.
Training, Education, and Exercises
The Bureau of Gender Affairs conducted police training on gender sensitization and analysis and gender violence and human rights training.[85]
Work Environment
Women in the Dominican police force continue to struggle on many fronts. Despite progress over the past decades—by 2016, women constituted 12% of the police force and served in every police department—promotional opportunities are limited and tend to favor men, women have less managerial support and little to no female mentors, and institutional sexism remains an ongoing concern.[86]
Success will depend on the leadership’s capacity to change policy and practice—by integrating gender mainstreaming and WPS principles in central directives and guidance documents, promotions to leadership ranks, training and education opportunities, and creating a positive climate and environment of trust and respect for all officers.
Family Policies
In Dominica, women are entitled to receive 14 weeks of paid maternity leave. Men receive two days paternity leave. There is no legal requirement for parental leave.
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
Dominica has not adopted legal protections against sexual harassment. Incidents of sexual harassment are addressed–though not adequately–via the Sexual Offences Act. The Act is currently under review and will reportedly be revised to respond to sexual harassment cases fully.[87] No information is publicly available to identify whether the national police force has or enforces anti-harassment or abuse policies. Domestic laws that criminalize rape (including spousal rape) of men and women exist.[88] However, no sexual harassment legislation allows for civil remedies or criminal penalties for harassment in the workplace, schools, or public spaces.[89]
Equipment and Facilities
No information is publicly available.
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
No information is publicly available.
Recommendations:
The Dominican government should act to build a comprehensive strategy to integrate gender equality and the principles outlined in the WPS agenda across government and society and commit the political and financial resources to sustain it.
For the Government of Dominica:
Develop a WPS NAP to identify priorities, responsibilities, and resources to advance gender equality and women’s full participation and advancement in the security sector;
Ensure adequate budgeting and staffing for the country’s Bureau of Gender Affairs to allow for effective gender mainstreaming in government institutions, policies, and practices;
Collect gender-disaggregated data relating to gender equality indicators, including violence against women and girls, and regularly publish the results;
Implement a monitoring and evaluation mechanism that is independent, transparent, and includes civil society in every stage of the process;
Regularly participate in voluntary national reviews as part of UN conventions on women’s rights and work with UN committees to promote gender equality programming.
For the Commonwealth Dominica Police Force:
Develop strategies and policies to recruit, train, and promote increased women’s participation within the police force;
Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the force are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for all law enforcement officers;
Ensure sex-disaggregated data is collected, analyzed, and made publicly available;
Engage with government agencies, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders to ensure transparency and adequate monitoring, evaluation, and reporting in gender mainstreaming initiatives to meet local community concerns.
El Salvador adopted its first WPS NAP in 2017 (2017-2022), developed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Salvadoran Institute for the Development of Women, and the Implementation Committee and Technical Monitoring Committee.[90] In March 2022, El Salvador presented its biannual National Action Plan: Women, Peace, and Security 2022-2024 (Mujeres, paz y seguridad 2022-2024)to strengthen further the implementation of the WPS agenda in the country.[91]
Overall Assessment
El Salvador’s 2017-2022 NAP outlined a series of indicators and objectives and has established a biannual WPS National Action Plan (NAP) for 2022-2024. Alongside several other documents related to gender, El Salvador shows strong signs of prioritizing the implementation of WPS principles, which speaks to the political will demonstrated by the country. Institutionally, the security sector leadership signaled its commitment to gender mainstreaming and implementing WPS principles by appointing Gender Advisors (GENADs) to serve in the El Salvadoran military and police forces.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, El Salvador is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) though not the Optional Protocol to CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, El Salvador’s foreign policy includes gender equalityas one of its main pillars, and the government has developed policies that support actionable programs.[92] The Salvadoran Institute for the Development of Women (Instituto Salvadoreño para el Desarrollo de la Mujer, or ISDEMU) is the most important national gender institution. It is a significant actor responsible for formulating, executing, and monitoring compliance with the National Policy for Women, promoting legislative initiatives on women’s issues, and championing the participation of civil society, women’s organizations, and local communities in their work.[93]
In 2017, the National Civil Police of El Salvador (PNC) adopted an implementation plan that engages all government agencies in meeting WPS objectives.[94] Documentation indicates that the government is prepared to allocate resources and personnel towards WPS implementation, supported by a GENAD and an additional budget allotment.[95] El Salvador’s government website, where most information about its policies is publicly available, reflects the government’s commitment to transparency.
For the Armed Forces of El Salvador, the National Action Plan 2017-2022 supports the active participation of women in the armed forces and calls on the government to increase the number of women serving and integrate a gender perspective in institutional structures. It also obliges the government to educate and contribute to gender training in the national police and the armed forces.[96]
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
The principles of WPS are mentioned in key security documents. The Institutional Policy for Gender Equality in the Justice and Public Security Sector 2018-2027 establishes lines of action to increase gender equality.[97] The Operation Manual of the Armed Forces contains sections on gender violence and gender equality.[98] These documents also note the responsibility to protect vulnerable persons (women and children). Before adopting its first WPS NAP, the El Salvadoran government passed the “2011 Special Comprehensive Law for a Life Free of Violence for Women,” guaranteeing institutional responsibility to protect.[99]
Gender in the Ranks
In July of 2021, the El Salvadoran government announced the addition of 1046 new members (857 men and 189 women) to the military forces.[100] With the 2021 addition, the army now stands at 20,100 members. The government aims for a goal of 40,000 members by 2026.[101] It is unclear whether the government has set a goal for the gender composition of this force.[102]
The gender distribution in the National Police is as follows:[103]
Women
Men
% Women
Administration
1,602
4,256
27.35
Operative
3,169
19,241
14.14
The gender distribution in rank within the National Police is as follows:
Women
Men
% Women
Commissioner
20
116
14.71
Sub Commissioner
16
116
12.12
Inspector Chief
5
93
5.10
Inspectors
14
161
8.00
Sub Inspector
52
544
8.72
Sergeant
104
1497
6.50
Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points
In 2015, the El Salvadoran armed forces created an Institutional Gender Unit (UGI) equivalent to a GENAD. The responsibilities of this unit and its Focal Points are laid out in the Operation Manual published in 2021.[104]The head of the gender unit in the El Salvador police force, Coralia Elizabeth Cuellar, received special gender training before her appointment.[105]
Training, Education, and Exercises
The education and training material of the police at the junior-, mid-, and senior levels have integrated WPS principles.[106] Police personnel receive special training on the protection of vulnerable persons from sexual violence and exploitation. Pre-deployment, they receive training on the protection of the rights of vulnerable persons, cultural awareness, gender perspective, the regards of international law, and specific gender norms in the operational area.
Anti-harassment and Abuse Policies
In terms of anti-harassment and abuse policies within the security forces, there is a code of conduct but no sexual harassment or sexual exploitation prevention program.
Work Environment
The work environment and labor rights, such as maternity leave, are regulated by legal requirements observed in labor legislation.[107] In El Salvador, a woman is entitled to 16 weeks of paid maternity leave. Men receive three days of paternity leave at 100% of regular pay.[108] There are also family leave policies for the military and human resource policies for the National Police.
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
Government institutional indicators have been used for transparency and to identify areas for improvement.[109] Each institution has its transparency site that publishes constant updates, changes, and notes on the status of different task areas and ministerial documents. Likewise, civil society organizations participate in WPS reviews, including the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), working alongside the national police to evaluate the professional level of the institution, its reach, and its budget based on statistical analysis.[110]
The PNC collects sex-disaggregated data mainly for transparency, which are publicly available in the Police Management Results Report (Informe de resultados de la gestión policial).[111]
Recommendations
For the Government of El Salvador:
Engage with civil society organizations to adopt the second iteration of the national WPS NAP;
Restore adequate funding from the general budget for programs advancing gender equality and the WPS agenda;
Continue training on gender-based and WPS principles for the military and the national police;
Make results of sex-disaggregated data available to the public.
For the National Civil Police of El Salvador:
Explicitly prohibit sexual harassment, exploitation, and assault in the National Police Code of Conduct;
Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the ranks are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for all law enforcement officers;
Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation mechanism to improve decision-making and resource allocation.
For the Armed Forces of El Salvador:
Draft and adopt a gender implementation plan and incorporate inclusive language in institutional policy, manuals, protocols, and directives;
Ensure effective sexual harassment and abuse policies for protecting police personnel within the ranks are in place and require gender-sensitive and GBV training for service members at all ranks;
Address gaps in institutional policies and practices, such as promotion policies, that can adversely affect the recruitment and retention of women in the military;
Include more information on pre-deployment training on WPS towards the military in documents made available on the government’s transparency portal.
Though lacking a WPS NAP, Grenada demonstrates a strong political commitment to the principles of gender equality. Various government policy documents, the creation and maintenance of offices that support women’s inclusion, and Grenada’s frequent participation in regional and international gender and human rights reviews are evidence of national and political will to implement WPS principles. Grenada has taken proactive measures by developing multiple strategies and plans to address these areas of improvement. Grenada published a Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) 2014-2024 and the Domestic Violence Act of 2010. Grenada’s strengths are its political commitments to advancing gender equality, addressing violence against women and girls at all levels of society, identifying strategic domestic and international partners to achieve these commitments and its overall transparency and active engagement in regional and international gender and human rights assessments. Nevertheless, high levels of violence against women and charges of sexual harassment and assault in the national police force indicate that more can be done.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Grenada is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Grenada signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
Grenada was one of only 45 countries that chose to participate in the Voluntary National Review process for the United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (2022). The review document proposed several action plans prioritizing SDG goals, including Goal 5: Gender Equality.[112] Grenada also developed a comprehensive national review in 2019 tracking the progress of implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, which highlighted priorities, achievements, and challenges in implementing gender equality fully.[113]
At the national level, the government of Grenada has also enacted several laws and regulations that promote gender equality and protect women’s rights.[114] The Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) 2014-2024 is a comprehensive framework that emphasizes increasing women’s participation and leadership at all levels of decision-making, gender-sensitive training in the public and private sectors, and establishing a Gender Management System with monitoring and evaluation procedures and Gender Focal Points to coordinate and guide the process.[115] The country has also developed several concrete mechanisms in government ministries, including the Gender-based Violence Unit in the Division of Gender and Family Affairs, formerly the Domestic Violence Unit.[116]
Rates of violence against women remain high in Grenada and are of particular concern for government agencies. In the past decade, several protocols were implemented to reduce violence against women and girls, including the National Domestic Violence and Sexual Abuse Protocol and the Strategic Action Plan to Reduce GBV.[117] On June 28, 2023, the Grenada government announced the establishment of a digital platform designed to collect and analyze data on gender-based violence to inform and support better decision outcomes.[118]
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
Police exercises, operations, and activities reference the principles of WPS and gender equality.[119] Grenada does not have a standing military force, though it is a member of the Regional Security System (RSS), a regional security alliance in the Caribbean. Nevertheless, the government has prioritized the strengthening of WPS principles and addressing women’s security, including combating human trafficking, addressing violence against women, and developing policies to address climate crises.[120]
Like many other countries in the Caribbean, Grenada has experienced grave impacts of climate change, particularly drastic changes in rain patterns, warming ocean temperatures, a rise in sea levels, and an intensification of hurricanes and tropical storms. These effects have impacted nearly every sector of the country, with women and girls bearing the brunt of climate crises and disasters. Grenada has taken a proactive role in examining the gendered impacts of climate change and developing gender-responsive disaster recovery.
GEPAP, the National Climate Change Policy, 2017-2021, and the National Climate Change Adaptation Plan (NAP) for Grenada, Carriacou, and Petite Martinique each signal a significant shift in how Caribbean countries view the implementation of the WPS agenda.[121] These national action plans will mainstream gender in traditionally underrepresented sectors and will build the resilience of communities to disasters, assist communities in adapting to adverse impacts of climate change, and support the creation of a green economy.[122] Future iterations of national action plans in the region will likely prioritize climate change as a significant security risk rather than as a traditional security indicator.
Gender in the Ranks (Police)
The Royal Grenada Police Force currently has 940 officers, with 130 positions (13.8%) held by women—a number that has not substantially changed since 2012. Reportedly, the RGPF has 318 rank officers, which includes front-line supervisors, middle and senior managers, and executives.[123] All positions are open to women in the Royal Grenada Police Force, although women report that there are cultural and institutional limitations to service, including gender-based discrimination and harassment of female officers.[124]
Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points
The Grenada government has appointed Gender Focal Points (GFPs), and an Inter-Ministerial Council of Gender Focal Points was launched in 2019. Many of Grenada’s national gender plans and policies have created GFP positions to identify and implement gender-responsive interventions. The GEPAP provides a description of GFPs and a detailed list of responsibilities, such as promoting gender mainstreaming, providing gender analyses, and collecting, analyzing, and disseminating gender-disaggregated statistics.[125]
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
In recent years, troubling reports have emerged of sexual harassment and abuse by male police officers against women police officers in the Royal Grenada Police Force. These allegations have emerged from junior officers alleging harassment and abuse by senior or superior-ranking officers.[126] The official Police Act does require anti-harassment or abuse policies or training in the police force. However, in May 2022, the RGPF passed a new “zero-tolerance” harassment policy to address growing concerns over harassment within the RGPF.[127] The sexual harassment policy was printed in the Grenada media as a public service, which outlined what constitutes sexual harassment, the procedure for submitting complaints, and disciplinary measures as prescribed by the Police Act, among other details.[128]
Training, Education, and Exercises
According to government documents, police officers receive gender-sensitive training.[129] The 2022 sexual harassment policy states that all RGPF members will receive sexual harassment training upon entry into the police force and through annual refresher courses and that the RGPF will conduct regular data collection and monitoring and evaluation of the policy.[130]
Work Environment
Policies regarding maternity and family leave in the Grenada Royal Police Force have not been made publicly available; however, all women employees in Grenada receive a minimum three-month maternity and family leave.[131] Paternity leave is not provided.
Specific equipment, including properly fitting uniforms, is provided to women officers of the Royal Grenada Police Force, as required by the official Police Act.[132] There is no publicly available information on gender-specific facilities.
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
While not specific to the WPS agenda, several monitoring and evaluation mechanisms have been developed and expanded to assess the progress of various laws, institutions, and other entities that work toward gender equality. The first and largest of these mechanisms is the National Machinery for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in the Division of Gender and Family Affairs of the Ministry of Social Development, Housing, and Community Empowerment (herein: Gender Machinery).[133] The Gender Machinery oversees the monitoring and evaluation of gender equality principles, develops plans for gender mainstreaming in all levels of society, and oversees the Inter-Ministerial Council of Gender Focal Points. This Council serves as another critical mechanism to achieve gender parity. The role of these Gender Focal Points is to promote, facilitate, and monitor gender responsiveness in their ministries, departments and statutory bodies, and the sectors in which they operate.[134]
The GEPAP provides a guide for identifying gender-responsive interventions and monitoring their implementation. Gender mainstreaming is the primary strategy for implementing the GEPAP, and to date, the Inter-Ministerial Council of Gender Focal Points has hired 30 Gender Focal Points (25 females and five males) and 23 alternates (17 females and six males) to represent various ministries, departments, and selected statutory bodies.[135] Gender will be mainstreamed in disaster management, climate change, and natural resource development.
The government works directly with civil society organizations to participate in voluntary country reviews and implement strategies to advance its various goals. According to the 2022 Voluntary Review of the SDGs, “progress towards our national goals and the SDGs require a whole-of-society approach, inclusive of Government Agencies, Civil Society, the Private Sector and the Grenadian citizens.’”[136] Moreover, Grenada’s first-ever long-term National Sustainable Development Plan (NSDP) 2020-2035, was drafted with input from several civil society stakeholders and its citizens, and many of Grenada’s other NAPs offer opportunities for civil society engagement. The level of transparency demonstrated by the government of Grenada and its willingness to engage directly with civil society and regional and international bodies in promoting gender equality is commendable.
Recommendations
At the national level, Grenada demonstrates significant commitment towards achieving gender equality and including women and civil society groups in implementing the principles of the WPS agenda. It remains committed to eliminating violence against women, advancing women’s engagement in government, and understanding and mitigating the effects of climate change on women and girls. However, the Royal Grenada Police Force, with the government’s support, should improve its commitment to gender equality as part of the WPS agenda and consider gender equality as central to its mission.
For the Government of Grenada:
Adopt a WPS NAP, aligning with national plans, frameworks, and policies, and engage with key stakeholders and local communities to advance in integrating gender equality and WPS principles in Grenada and its security forces;
Direct the national police to amend its gender strategy and policies in response to existing sexual harassment charges to eliminate hostile work environment discrimination, in coordination with Gender Focal Points, the Gender Machinery, and other relevant government ministries;
Continue to review gender-sensitive policies and training designed to prevent sexual harassment, abuse, or gender discrimination;
Commit the funding and staff to support the collection of sex-disaggregated data.
For the Royal Grenada Police Force:
Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on the number of women in the Royal Grenada Police Force and their ranks and positions;
Maintain an effective monitoring and evaluation system to ensure effective implementation of gender integration and mainstreaming policies;
Evaluate the effectiveness of sexual harassment training and ensure that annual refresher courses continue.
Guyana – Summary Report
WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status
Guyana does not have an official WPS NAP.
Overall Assessment
In recent years, Guyana has become a nation that reflects a growing commitment to advancing gender equality and WPS principles in its institutions, policies, and practices. Efforts on several fronts have advanced the WPS agenda, including expanding the promotion, placement, hiring, and integration of women into the Guyana Defense Force (GDF) and the Guyana Police Force (GPF) and developing local and regional partnerships to ensure full implementation of the WPS agenda. Nevertheless, issues revolving around gender stereotyping and sexual harassment in security forces persist, despite regular training on the topic. Future action by security institutions should reinforce the need to respond to gender-based violence and address discrimination against women in the police and defense forces.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Guyana is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Guyana signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
Through its national laws and regulations, the Guyanese government signaled its commitment to the principles of gender equality and WPS. One-third of political candidates in Guyanese elections must be women.[137] The Guyanese constitution prohibits sex- and gender-based discrimination, and women are expressly guaranteed equality under the law.[138] There is a Gender Affairs Bureau and Sexual Offenses and Domestic Violence Policy Unit under the Ministry of Human Services and Social Security.[139] The Ministry also provides leadership training for women interested in participating in local or national politics through the Guyana Women’s Leadership Institute. Guyana has participated in regional organizations, such as the OAS, to strengthen women’s political leadership and implement gender equality programming.[140]
Notably, the Guyana Defense Force (GDF) has shown its commitment to the WPS agenda through the development of relationships and partnerships with regional security actors, including USSOUTHCOM, USNORTHCOM, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the U.S. Department of Defense, affirming its commitment to implementing the principles of WPS. In August 2022, Guyana hosted the inaugural Caribbean Women, Peace, and Security Conference in Georgetown, Guyana.
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
Over a decade ago, women in the GDF and the GPF faced rampant gender discrimination and barriers to recruitment and promotion. Previous GDF policies banned women from serving in the combat arm/front line units and sought to “significantly reduce [the] recruitment of women.” Additionally, women were subject to promotional repercussions if found to be pregnant or had had an abortion.[141]
However, the security landscape in Guyana is in transition. In recent years, under the guidance and leadership of GDF Chief of Staff Brigadier Godfrey Bess, the GDF has stepped forward to advocate for women’s rights and representation in the armed forces. Guyana’s leadership in implementing WPS principles can be attributed, in part, to the myriad of partnerships with local civil society organizations, regional governing and security bodies, and international agencies. These partnerships have aided the GDF’s gender mainstreaming efforts, predominantly through training and education programs. For example, Guyana co-hosted a 2021 workshop on WPS with the Florida National Guard, specifically focusing on improving operational effectiveness through gender mainstreaming and incorporating a gender perspective into peace and security efforts.[142]
Gender in the Ranks
The GDF has approximately 4,150 service members.[143] Information on the percentage of female service members was unavailable. As of 2022, the highest-ranking woman currently serving in the GDF is a Lieutenant Colonel.[144] The current GDF leadership is committed to the full integration of women in the force and has moved to open more positions to women that were previously closed to them.[145] In terms of police officers, data on women in the GPF are unavailable. As of 2022, the highest-ranking woman serving in the GPF is a police commander.[146]
Training, Education, and Exercises
The GDF signaled its commitment to gender mainstreaming by opening up previously male-only military training and exercises to women. In 2022, Brigadier Bess ordered the integration and participation of servicewomen in the “infantry rifleman course,” later renamed to “infantry soldier course.” [147] Since then, servicewomen have access to the “Platoon Commanders Course,” which includes the following areas of study: skill-at-arms, drills, minor staff duties, open and close country warfare, internal security, method of instructions, leadership studies, military law, physical training, military service, information technology, and military ethics, among others.[148]
GDF and GPF forces received gender-responsive training in collaboration with regional partners. In recent years, women from the GDF and the GPF participated in WPS workshops developed by the U.S. Department of Defense. The Guyana Gender Affairs Bureau, in collaboration with the Women and Gender Equality Commission (WGEC), created a series of gender-responsive training and hired several Inter-Ministry Gender Focal Points for gender planning and mainstreaming for all sectors of society.
The GPF lags behind the GDF in implementing the WPS agenda. However, the GPF has taken actionable steps to increase women’s representation over the past few years by integrating a gender perspective into police practices. Like the GDF, the GPF developed regional partnerships for collaboration on gender-sensitive training, including joint training conferences. In 2019, the GPF participated in the International Association of Women Police (IAWP) 57th Annual Training Conference, designed to strengthen the capacity of women in policing internationally.[149] Most recently, the Community Relations Department of the Guyana Police Force, the Diversity Committee of the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce and Industry, and the Women’s Chamber of Commerce hosted an inaugural Women in Law Enforcement Summit. The conference sought to address difficulties faced by female law enforcement officers.[150]
Work Environment
The GDF and the GPF have collaborated with regional partners to improve women’s work environments and gender mainstreaming policies from the top down. For example, following the 2021 WPS conference in Guyana, the GDF improved infrastructure, including restrooms and lodging facilities, to accommodate women and reduce possible health hazards.[151] In 2022, the GDF deployed their first rotation of women in border security missions, positions that had previously been reserved for men.[152] Since this policy change, 50% of border operations have included servicewomen.[153] GDF servicewomen are also receiving training as paratroopers, positions previously reserved for their male counterparts.[154]
Additionally, GDF service women have access to childcare centers while at work, ensuring they retain their rank and remain eligible for promotions.[155] During the COVID-19 pandemic, police and army officers (among other frontline workers) received additional childcare assistance to support the financial burdens of the pandemic on families and parents. Women in Guyana are eligible for 13 weeks of maternity leave. The law does not provide for paternity leave.[156]
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
Sexual harassment and assault are illegal under Guyanese law, though a 2017 USAID report noted that “one out of every six women reporting ha[d] experienced” some form of GBV.[157] Nevertheless, there is high-level support to address this persistent problem. The head of the GDF, Brigadier Bess, stated his firm commitment to providing a safe environment for all GDF employees and to have GDF members improve their knowledge of sexual harassment and assault.
To address violence against women, the Guyanese government created a National Task Force for the Prevention of Sexual Violence (NTFPSV) in 2010, focusing on combatting GBV nationwide, including domestic violence. Last year, the GPF partnered with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and Guyana’s Ministry of Human Services and Social Security to re-commence COPSQUAD2000, an initiative aimed at building the GPF’s capacity to respond adequately to GBV cases.[158] Likewise, the GDF works closely with civil society organizations to address GBV and sexual harassment both in and outside the GDF.[159]
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
The GDF and the GPF work closely with civil society organizations, regional bodies, and international actors on projects related to gender mainstreaming, which provide avenues for monitoring and evaluation.
Guyana does not report data regarding the gender makeup of the GDF or GPF.
Recommendations
For the Government of Guyana:
Engage with civil society and women’s organizations, among other stakeholders, to draft and implement a WPS NAP that enhances and supports government efforts to advance gender equality and WPS principles;
If not yet available, extend its commitment to comprehensive gender training by requiring police and defense personnel to complete regular gender sensitization/gender awareness training;
Encourage collaboration between the GDF, GPF, and the Department of Gender Affairs on policies for equitable treatment of female service members;
Publish and make publicly available all data and initiatives relating to gender representation and gender mainstreaming efforts.
For the Guyana Defense Force:
Create gender-sensitive recruitment practices that ensure equal opportunities for women regarding training, career progression, and promotion;
Appoint trained and qualified GENADs and GFPs into security forces;
Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data on women in the GDF.
For the Guyana Police Force:
Create gender-sensitive recruitment practices that ensure equal opportunities for women regarding training, career progression, and promotion;
Make available sex-disaggregated data on women in national police forces and statistics relating to the gender makeup of active-duty officers and civilian employees;
Continue existing measures to combat gender-based violence in the police force
Haiti – Summary Report
WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status
Haiti does not have a WPS NAP.
Overall Assessment
Haiti has significant work ahead to implement the WPS agenda effectively. Despite principles of gender equality present in the Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights (MCFDF), a national gender equality plan, and an action plan on violence against women, there are considerable gaps in translating the obligations in international and regional treaties and conventions to which Haiti is a signatory to legal and institutional arrangements at the national level. The cycles of instability and violence Haiti continues to experience have stunted efforts to integrate gender equality and WPS principles into Haitian society and institutions generally and in its security forces in particular. Haitian civil society, human rights and women’s rights organizations, and the international community strive to construct the necessary frameworks to promote and protect women’s rights in conflict and post-conflict situations. Gender-based violence is both a driver and symptom of state insecurity. The Haitian government must commit the political will and resources and act to protect women, girls, and at-risk groups from all forms of violence in the current crisis.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Haiti is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Haiti signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has yet to sign the Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, the Haitian constitution provides women with several protections, including the right to equal working conditions, high-level educational access, and equality before the law. While Haiti does not have a NAP, it has adopted a Gender Equality Policy 2014-2034 (Politique D’Égalité Femmes Hommes).[160] Central national security documents do not directly mention the WPS agenda or its principles. Goals set in the Haitian constitution include a requirement for 30% female employment across all industries, especially public service.[161] This quota remains out of reach since Haiti has restrictive laws and fewer legal provisions supporting gender equality.
The Haitian government established the Haitian Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights (MCFDF) in 1994 (post-Beijing Conference) with the goals of developing gender representation in government and countering violence against women.[162] The ministry aided in the publication of the “Politique D’Egalite” in 2014, with textual implications for a subsequent report in the future. No such report was produced at the time of writing (June 2023), and the MCFDF lacks the political commitment from Haiti’s top leadership to carry out its mandate. The “Politique D’Egalite” represents a step towards action on WPS but does not provide many avenues for concrete action thus far. The report itself notes the gap between legislated equality for women and the practiced experiences of Haitian women.[163] A ten-year National Plan to Combat Gender-Based Violence was passed in 2017, helping establish an Office to Combat Violence Against Women and Girls. Again, serious gaps remain in legislation to protect women against sexual and gender-based violence.[164]
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
The Haitian government, through the Office of National Coordination of Women’s Affairs (CNAF), created an action plan to support female police officers, who currently compose 11.78% of the police force.[165] However, the CNAF’s plan to help female police officers has not yet been implemented. A GENAD was appointed by the Directorate General and assigned to the senior national police staff. There are 24 GFPs, distributed through ten departments and one base. Training is incomplete for an unknown number of them.
The Haiti National Police (HNP) is the de facto security force in the country. It is severely understaffed and ill-equipped. Numbers of officers are in flux; resignations, dismissals, and deaths have led to varying estimates, given that the tally includes those individuals who died and who have left their posts.[167]
Regarding gender in the ranks, the HNP has failed to reach the Haitian constitutional requirement for 30% of positions on the force to be held by women, with only 11.78% of posts filled.[168] Furthermore, the ratio of women deployed to total deployment in security-related operations (92:8,500) is abnormally low relative to the number of women in the force (1,649:12,351), possibly indicating an internal reluctance to use women in security operations or a lack of training for female officers.[169] No explicit gender-based limitations on women’s participation in law enforcement exist. There is some expectation for growth in female representation in national police leadership in the coming years.[170]
The Haitian Armed Force was officially disbanded in 1995 following a period of military coups and was re-established in 2017. It plays a very limited role.[171] The army is not internationally recognized and, with no international standing, does not have official military-to-military contact with the U.S. military.
Training, Education, and Exercises
The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) assisted in integrating WPS principles into HNP training and Gender Focal Points (GFPs) appointed throughout the country.[172] Police service members receive training on protecting vulnerable populations from sexual exploitation and violence each time they conduct training. A 2022 report noted that police academy graduates received training in gender mainstreaming and gender-sensitive practices.[173] Civil society organizations, both national and international, also conduct gender training.
Work Environment
Females in the formal sector receive 12 weeks of maternity leave (which does not meet the 14-week standard of the International Labor Organization). There is no paternity leave.[174] Expanding the length of paternity leave should be considered as it may correlate with lowered maternal mortality rates.[175] Women of all ranks have expressed concern over the lack of gender-appropriate uniforms and equipment and sex-separated housing or bathrooms.[176] The HNP overlooks women in the HNP both in deployment and promotion opportunities. The United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) and other international partners work with the HNP to recruit and promote more women, in line with objectives set out in the 2017-21 Haitian National Police Strategic Development Plan.[177]
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
Violence against women is a severe problem. Incidents of sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls continue to climb at an alarming rate. Women are regularly subjected to high levels of sexual harassment in the workplace and schools.[178] According to reports, legislative efforts to pass an anti-GBV law have failed, and a national GBV plan for 2017-2027 has not been implemented.[179] In terms of the HNP, documents used for police training purposes include notes on protecting vulnerable populations from sexual violence. There is currently a sexual abuse/exploitation/harassment program for National Police personnel provided by the CNAF.[180]
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
The Haiti National Police Force does not have a monitoring and evaluation system. The police collect sex-disaggregated data; however, the processing system runs slowly due to a lack of budget and equipment. Data is collected and recorded by hand, though not publicly reported.[181]
Recommendations
The ongoing crises in Haiti have overwhelmed the capacity of the Haitian government and security forces to control the violence and deliver essential services to its citizens. The root causes of extreme violence have deeply gendered dimensions. Data consistently show that high levels of gender inequality between men and women more than double a country’s chances of being a fragile state. It is thus of utmost importance that the Haitian government make every effort to mainstream gender perspectives and the principles of the WPS agenda outlined in its four pillars (participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery) into policies, practices, and institutions in the Haitian police force.
Recommendations
For the Government of Haiti:
Commit the political will to lead in advancing gender equality and the principles of the WPS agenda in its security force and institutions;
Increase financial support for the Haitian Ministry for the Status of Women and Women’s Rights;
Strengthen relationships with local communities, civil society, and human rights and women’s organizations to build workable and sustainable programs that support WPS principles and protect women, children, and at-risk populations.
Continue support for the CNAF’s plan to recruit and promote more female police officers;
Mandate sexual harassment and SGBV training in the Haitian National Police.
For the Haitian National Police:
Implement the CNAF’s plan to recruit and support female police officers and publish the details;
Open all positions in the HNP to women;
Complete Gender Focal Point training for GFPs who have not already completed the training;
Broaden the accessibility of training for women in the HNP and mandate gender-sensitive training (e.g., SGBV, sexual harassment prevention) for all police officers and force personnel;
Communicate a concrete goal for more equitable promotion policies and increase female representation in HNP leadership;
Encourage transparency by digitizing sex-disaggregated data on police operations and allow public access to the data outside of audits;
Provide uniforms and equipment fitted for female bodies.
Honduras – Summary Report
WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status
Honduras has not developed a WPS NAP.
Overall Assessment
Honduras’ international commitments to the WPS agenda are reflected in national legislation and the Plan of Gender Equality 2010-2022. However, the government’s efforts toward integrating WPS principles focus predominately on the National Police, and there is not enough public information regarding the Honduran military to evaluate progress in integrating gender equality and WPS principles in its institutions, policies, and practices. In short, WPS values have not fully landed in the Honduran national security institutions.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Honduras is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Honduras signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has yet to sign the Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which, in part, works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, support for gender equality and WPS principles is present in key national plans and documents. One plan with a focus on gender equality is the “National Women’s Policy: Gender Equality and Equity Plan of Honduras: 2010-2022” (Política Nacional de la Mujer. II Plan de Igualdad y Equidad de Género de Honduras 2010-2022).[182] A second plan is the “National Action Plan against Gender Violence 2014-2022” (Plan Nacional Contra la Violencia Hacia las Mujeres, 2014-2022).[183]It is relevant to observe that the time period in both documents expired in 2022, and no further updates have been reported at the time of writing. The National Action Plan Against Gender Violence also presents other documents and legislation related to the issue of gender equality.[184]
Additionally, Honduras established an Institute for Women (Instituto Nacional de la Mujer) as a department regarding women and gender equality.[185] Government concern regarding levels of sexual harassment influenced the decision to elevate the Institute for Women to a cabinet-level secretariat in March 2022. However, the Institute did not receive adequate funding levels, nor was there a commitment to provide adequate GBV-domestic violence training to police and other government agencies.[186]
The Gender Equality and Equity Plan references the police but does not specify the Honduras Ministry of Defense (MoD) as a principal actor. In 2016, the MoD created the Unit of Human Rights and Gender Equality and has aided in the creation of gender units for all the branches of the armed forces.[187]
In terms of the Police Forces, Honduras has the “Organic Law of the Secretary of State in the Office of Security and the National Police of Honduras” (Ley Orgánica de la Secretaríade Estado en el Despacho de Seguridad y de la Policía Nacional de Honduras), which aims to promote professional opportunities for women and bans gender discrimination.[188]
With the appointment of a gender advisor (GENAD), there has also been budget and personnel allocated towards the WPS implementation.
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
WPS principles are integrated into major directives and guidance documents and referred to within the 2017 Ley Orgánica de la Secretaría de Estado en el Despacho de Seguridad y de la Policía Nacional de Honduras,whichexpresses anti-discrimination guidelines and equal opportunities for women.[189] Insufficient public data is available to determine whether WPS principles are integrated into military operational planning processes.
In regards to a gender advisor (GENAD) appointed for the military, there is the Directorate of Human Rights and Gender Equity (Dirección de Derechos Humanos y Equidad de Género) the MoD. There is also a gender advisor (GENAD) appointed to the national police with the police gender unit.
Gender in the Ranks
Publicly available information on numbers and rank in the military and police forces is unavailable.
A 2020 study on the Honduran civilian police force reported that as of 2017, the police force had 14,950 members. No sex-disaggregated data was available, but estimates were that women constituted 20% of the police force and 24% of new recruits in 2020.[190]
There is not enough publicly available information regarding whether all of the positions in the military are open to women. For the National Police, all policing jobs are open to women, including law enforcement special operations jobs and units.[191]
In terms of troop deployment, Honduras is one of only three countries in this study to contribute troops to UN peacekeeping operations. As of May 31, 2023, 11 male and 7 female members of the Honduras armed forces are deployed.
Training, Education, and Exercises
The Secretary of Security reported the existence of learning tools, including a Training Workshop for Gender Trainers and the Workshops on Gender Equality, available for the police and the citizens.[192] The amount of personnel trained is not recorded.
Within the MoD, a relevant educational effort was observed in 2022 when the Ministry began the editorial project “Incorporating Women in the Armed Forces” to highlight the role of women in the armed forces.[193] Recognizing the role of women is vital to encourage the next generations to join the Armed Forces of every country in the world, and is encouraged by the writers of this report.
There is evidence that the cadets get training in human rights during their courses, the CAMFFAA for the soldiers, the Combat Leader Course (LICOMB), the basic course (CIBFFAA), and the intermediate course (CIMFFAA).[194] However, there is not enough publicly available information specifically about gender training in Honduras’ MoD. In the case of the Police Forces, there are legal provisions that promote professional development opportunities for female police and bans against gender discrimination.[195]
Work Environment
The national law states that there are human resource policies for the military and the national police, as well as childcare and family leave available. However, on average, maternity pay in Honduras is quite modest compared to the rest of Central America, with only 10 weeks provided; four before the due date and six after.[196]
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
In regards to monitoring and reporting, there is a monthly report (Rendición de cuentas del sector público de Honduras, Secretaria de la Defensa Nacional), in addition to an evaluation by the Tribunal Superior de Cuentas.
It is also important to mention that there is no sex-disaggregated data made available regarding the monitoring and reporting of WPS principles.
Recommendations
To further pursue WPS objectives, it is recommended that the Honduran government:
Draft and implement a WPS NAP and include specific objectives regarding gender equality in other governmental strategic plans.
Allow for more information on gender and WPS principles to be available to the public.
Mention and/or train military personnel towards the principles of WPS in important missions and pre-deployment operations.
Include women in the Armed Forces decision-making positions.
Make sure the budget goes directly towards training and education on the WPS principles, as well as the appointed GENAD.
Include mention of gender or women in the Functions of the Foreign Ministry of 2023 and the Defense Ministry as well.
Jamaica shows real progress towards gender equality and WPS goals in its security forces. The Jamaican government adopted national policy frameworks on gender equality, worked towards increasing women in its security forces, and continued to address central issues related to important institutional policies and practices that support women’s advancement in its military and police forces, such as gender-based violence and sexual harassment prevention programs and addressing better work environment conditions. However, more can be done to address ongoing concerns about harassment in the security forces and to ensure that institutional policies support the continued advancement of women in the field of peace and security.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Jamaica is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Jamaica signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has yet to sign the Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment and is a signatory of the American Convention on Human Rights “Pact of San José, Costa Rica” (OAS).
At the national level, national security documents contain references to WPS principles, though mainly through a focus on work against GBV and sexual abuse.[197] The Jamaican Constitution prohibits gender-based discrimination.[198] Though Jamaica has yet to adopt an official WPS NAP, it has an active 10-Year National Action Plan to Eliminate Gender-Based Violence in Jamaica (2017-2027) focused on the elimination of GBV, led by the Ministry of National Security and the Ministry of Justice. It adopted a National Policy for Gender Equality in March 2011.[199] The Bureau of Gender Affairs resides in the National Ministry of Culture, Gender, Entertainment, and Sport.
On October 13, 2021, the Jamaican House of Representatives approved the Sexual Harassment Prevention and Protection Act (LPPAS) (also known as the Sexual Harassment Act) 2021, which covers employment-related sexual harassment issues in the workplace, schools, and other institutions.[200] The Jamaican government hired sexual harassment investigators and offered sensitization sessions for Jamaican businesses. The government agreed to hire gender focal points for various government offices. The Sexual Harassment Act went into effect on July 3, 2023.[201]
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
The Jamaica Defence Force (JDF), founded in 1962, is one of the largest military forces in the Caribbean, consisting of an infantry Regiment, Reserve Corps, Air Wing, and Coast Guard. Its primary duties include defending against aggression and internal civil unrest, restoring law and order, search and rescue, counter-narcotics operations, and humanitarian relief.[202]
Gender in the Ranks
Apart from the Jamaica Defense Reserve Force, the Regular Force has just over 2,500 officers and soldiers. Women constitute approximately 20% of the JDF.[203] The JDF continues its commitment to increasing women in its ranks; in 2022, the JDF inducted 58 females into the regular force out of 256 new members (22.4%).[204] As of July 2023, the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) comprised 12,300 officers. It continues to expand its force, with a target of 15,000 by the end of 2023. It accepted 1,300 recruits in 2021/2022 and signaled its intent to hire an additional 1,250 recruits in 2022/2023.[205] Data on the percentage of women police officers were unavailable.
GENADs and GFPs
There are established Gender Focal Points within the JDF and JCF. As part of The Sexual Harassment Act (2021), 18 Gender Focal Points were appointed to assist in mainstreaming gender in public-sector bodies.[206]
Training, Education, and Exercises
WPS principles are implemented in the training of junior-level personnel, but not in basic training.[207] The JDF has sponsored domestic violence prevention and intervention workshops for its personnel.[208] Mid-level military personnel must complete “fraternization/sexual policy” [sic] programming as part of the intermediate training.[209] Senior-level military personnel do not have to complete any WPS-adjacent training.[210] A major new outcome arising from the passage of the Sexual Harassment Act in 2021 is the development of a gender certification for the JDF, in keeping with the National Policy for Gender Equality.[211]
Work Environment
The JCF is currently in the process of undergoing significant changes to its structure. According to the Minister of National Security, these changes are part of a more substantial commitment to make necessary investments and build a strong organization. These commitments include improving the infrastructure of police precincts, providing adequate resources for recruiting and training 1,500 new applicants yearly, and training officers on how to adequately address gender-based violence, among other crimes.[212]
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
In 2019, the JDF and JCF announced the creation of sexual harassment policies for their security forces. Specific guidelines were established, and broader definitions of what constituted vulnerable groups were included.[213] The JCF sexual harassment policy was subsequently published in a Jamaican newspaper.[214]
The Jamaica Defence Force’s official policy is that “any form of sexual harassment, be it verbal or non-verbal, physical, written, visual or graphic, is unacceptable conduct, will not be tolerated, and will be punished severely.”[215] The JDF also has a policy prohibiting relationships between servicemembers (Personal Relationships and Fraternisation Policy).[216] In recent years, however, there have been numerous reports of sexual harassment and abuse by servicemen in the JDF.[217]
Family Policies
The Jamaican government provides women with three months paid maternity leave and 20 working days’ paternity and adoption leave with pay for fathers and adoptive parents.[218]
Equipment and Facilities
In 2019, the National Security Minister, Hon. Dr. Horace Chang, assured that the Government would invest in improving infrastructure at police stations to create facilities and working conditions suitable for men and women of the JCF.[219]As of 2023, the infrastructural updates, including bathrooms and barracks, have been completed.[220] The UN previously noted resource allocations for WPS implementation at the Jamaican Ministry of National Security, which has invested in policing infrastructure.[221] Regarding equipment, female JDF servicemembers receive appropriately fitted uniforms. Regarding uniform equipment, female JDF servicemembers receive appropriately fitted uniforms.
Monitoring and Evaluation
Jamaica’s National Policy for Gender Equality 2011 commits the Jamaican government to develop a monitoring and evaluation mechanism to collect and disseminate information to all stakeholders, including ministries and civil society. However, the results are not publicly available.[222]
Recommendations
For the Government of Jamaica:
Adopt a WPS NAP that complements national-level gender efforts to advance gender equality and gender mainstreaming in its security forces.
Continue to ensure that military and police personnel at every rank receive sexual harassment and abuse prevention and gender sensitivity training;
Commit to gender-responsive budgeting to track progress in training, programming, and instititonal capacity building related to gender mainstreaming goals in the security forces.
Recommendations for the Jamaica Defense Force:
Implement WPS principles into the basic training of military personnel at all ranks to improve gender mainstreaming and the integration of gender perspectives;
Assign GENADs and GFPs to senior military command level to improve gender considerations in strategic and logistical actions within the JDF;
Continue utilizing the Defense Board for the review of complaints related to sexual harassment and assault.
Commit to collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data to guide the monitoring and evaluation process and improve decision-making and resource allocation.
Recommendations for the Jamaica Constabulary Force:
Evaluate sexual harassment and GBV programming to address ongoing concerns of sexual harassment in the JCF;
Commit to collecting and publishing sex-disaggregated data to guide the monitoring and evaluation process and improve decision-making and resource allocation;
Ensure personnel serving as Gender Focal Points are appropriately trained to support senior leadership in gender mainstreaming and advancing gender equality in the ranks.
Saint Kitts and Nevis – Summary Report
WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status
St. Kitts and Nevis does not have a WPS NAP.
Overall Assessment
St. Kitts and Nevis shows some political will but requires a more significant commitment to progress toward achieving gender equality and the principles of the WPS agenda. Institutionalized anti-female policies reflect significant cultural barriers towards integrating a gender perspective and balance into security conversations: departmental documents and messaging signal slow integration of women into security forces. Violence against women continues to be a severe and pervasive problem. There is a need to actively commit the political will and resources to integrate a gender perspective into domestic police and military forces to ensure comprehensive considerations of gender-related issues, specifically as they relate to all forms of gender-based violence.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, St. Kitts and Nevis is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Optional Protocol of CEDAW. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, some advancement is evident. The St. Kitts and Nevis National Gender Equality Policy and Action Plan (GEPAP) was launched in 2018 to provide the institutional framework to empower women and advance gender equality.[223] In early 2022, the government approved the St. Kitts and Nevis Gender Equality Policy and accompanying Action Plan.[224]
While the political will to advance policies that benefit women is evident, the requisite commitment to transform political will into actional policies is urgently needed. For example, the St. Kitts and Nevis military has made progress toward prohibiting sexual harassment, but no national-level prohibition of workplace sexual harassment exists.
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
The St. Kitts and Nevis government established the Department of Gender Affairs to advance gender equality. The Department runs several gender-based programs, including gender sensitization and mainstreaming training for children under age 12.[225] Information on what training is offered for security forces is unavailable. The most recent restructuring of domestic police policy does not mention sex or gender and only refers to women twice, and WPS principles are not integrated into military or police planning processes.[226]
Gender in the Ranks
The St. Kitts and Nevis Defense Force (SKNDF) comprises two units of approximately 300 personnel: the infantry and the Coast Guard. It works closely with the Royal St Christopher and Nevis Police Force (RSCNPF). There is no publicly available data regarding the gender composition of either force. Data regarding the gender composition of the RSCNPF were unavailable. The Central Committee of the Police Welfare Association does require that women hold three of the twelve elected member positions.[227] There are no other known gender quotas or goals regarding force integration.
As part of its move to ensure gender equity, the St. Kitts and Nevis police force announced during a meeting in August 2022 its intention to study whether women have adequate opportunities to advance in the police force. High-ranking officials admitted that the police force has few women in its higher ranks. It is unclear whether any recommendations followed.[228]
Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points
The St. Kitts and Nevis government noted in a 2018 report that it trained 116 Gender Focal Points (GFPs). However, it did not provide information about the distribution of the GFPs.[229]
Training, Education, and Exercises
The St. Kitts and Nevis Department of Gender Affairs offers gender mainstreaming and sensitization training and domestic violence workshops for many sectors of society. Thus far, security practitioners are not required to take them.[230] The Department offered training on the Domestic and Sexual Violence Complaints and Response Protocol, adopted in November 2018, to address the country’s high level of domestic violence.[231]
Work Environment
While there is no evidence that women are barred from working as practitioners in the security field, there are significant indicators of widespread barriers to women in the workplace. Legal restrictions have been put in place barring women from working in factories and specific fields, including mining and construction, water, and energy.[232] Legally banning women from these male-dominated fields perpetuates gender-based stereotypes and hampers efforts to achieve gender equality, essential for promoting peace, security, and sustainable development. Regarding maternity leave, women have 13 weeks of maternity leave paid by the government. St. Kitts and Nevis does not have paternity leave or parental leave.[233]
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
No law explicitly addresses the problem of sexual harassment. Incidents of sexual harassment and abuse fall under the jurisdiction of the Protection of Employment Act.[234] Previous statements to the United Nations indicated potential issues regarding human and/or sex trafficking in immigrant communities in the nation; no further documentation has been made available.[235] The St. Kitts and Nevis military does have a sexual harassment policy.[236] No similar policy is known to exist for the police force.
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
Sex-disaggregated data for military or police operations are reported. The prime minister commissioned an upcoming review of gender equity to examine the rates of women in the police force and the barriers that prevent women from joining the force. There is currently no publication date for this report.[237]
Recommendations
St. Kitts and Nevis is the smallest sovereign state in the Americas in size and population. Its police and defense forces are small, and the country’s extensive security and defense role–illegal drug and gun trafficking, disaster relief and response, and humanitarian relief–in the Eastern Caribbean strains resources. Integrating women in security forces strengthens institutional effectiveness and achieves operational goals at the strategic, tactical, and operational goals. Developing a NAP with assistance from the UN, civil society, and women’s organizations will produce a comprehensive whole-of-government approach that will lead to sustainable policies and practices to integrate gender equality and WPS principles in its security forces.
For the Government of St. Kitts and Nevis:
Engage with civil society groups and women’s rights advocates, among other stakeholders, to draft and implement a WPS NAP to advance gender equality and WPS principles in security forces;
Prioritize the collection and publication of sex-disaggregated data in the security forces;
Finalize and publish the pending review of gender equity in the St. Kitts and Nevis police force;
Promote gender integration by increasing the funding of the Department of Gender Affairs;
Mandate gender-sensitive training and GBV/sexual harassment and assault prevention training for all police and defense forces at all ranks and grades;
Remove barriers to employment opportunities and recruit more women in the security and defense field.
For the Royal St. Kitts and Nevis Police Force:
Prioritize integrating mandatory gender-sensitive and GBV training programs at all ranks in the security forces;
Draft and publish a sexual harassment policy for the police force, if such a policy is lacking;
Collect and publicly report sex-disaggregated data to support more effective planning and integration of gender equality and WPS principles in its force;
Open all positions in the police force to women and prioritize promoting women to leadership positions;
Revise institutional policies and practices (family and maternity/paternity leave, promotion, child care) to support women in the force.
For the St. Kitts and Nevis Defense Force:
Create a gender equity review and publish the findings upon project completion;
Develop and integrate mandatory gender-sensitivity training and sexual harassment and assault prevention training for all service personnel and ranks;
Ensure
Revise institutional policies and practices (family and maternity/paternity leave, promotion, childcare) that support women in the defense force and open all positions to women.
Saint Lucia – Summary Report
WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status
Saint Lucia does not have a WPS NAP.
Overall Assessment
St. Lucia shows some progress toward realizing the WPS agenda. Recent government-led action toward gender mainstreaming shows positive growth toward integrating gender perspectives in the police force. St. Lucia has no standing military force. However, St. Lucia has no comprehensive national gender policy nor a national action plan to respond to sexual- and gender-based violence. The St. Lucien government provides little information on the status of gender mainstreaming in the Royal Saint Lucia Police Force (RSLPF), nor data on gender-relevant training and sex-disaggregated data on the RSLPF and its forces. High-level commitment to the development and funding of such initiatives and to a reassessment of current institutional policies and practices is lacking. St. Lucia should consider the adoption of a WPS NAP that identifies the RSLPF as a principal partner and outlines specific strategies and measures for gender mainstreaming in the force. Current institutional policies related to recruitment and promotion should be revised and funding provided to provide needed facilities and equipment to retain women in the force.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, St. Lucia is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). St. Lucia signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, St. Lucia shows moderate political will, such as addressing gender-based violence (GBV) and other forms of discrimination against women. The St. Lucian constitution guarantees fundamental rights regardless of sex, and sex-based discrimination is illegal.[238] St. Lucia has partnered strategically with regional partners, including the UN, OAS, and others, to advance gender-responsive initiatives in recent years. In 2020, St. Lucia became the first Caribbean nation to meet UN standards for measuring victimization, including metrics regarding GBV, strengthening capacities to respond to GBV and other forms of violence and discrimination against women.[239] However, no national strategic action plan on gender-based violence is currently in effect.[240]
Saint Lucia does not have a comprehensive national gender policy. However, there is some indication that the Department of Gender Relations is in the final stages of a National Gender Equality Policy and Strategic Plan.[241] It did develop a National Adaptation Plan 2018-2028, a ten-year process to address priority cross-sectoral adaptation measures that, according to the Plan, will integrate gender mainstreaming in all sectors.[242] Nevertheless, the lack of a chapter outlining the gender mainstreaming strategy or a detailed presentation on its implementation suggests that gender mainstreaming is not a top priority in the government’s 15-year development plan.
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
The National Adaptation Plan 2018-2028 does not reference the WPS agenda but does highlight a variety of gender considerations with the aim of “decreasing gender-based vulnerabilities, promoting gender equality in decision making and ensuring that the implementation of adaptation measures does not impose an additional burden to women in particular.”[243] The government of St. Lucia has empowered the Bureau of Gender Relations, the government ministry dedicated to gender mainstreaming and the promotion of gender perspectives, to act on these measures.[244]
According to the St. Lucia government, existing protocols such as those mentioned above (CEDAW, Beijing Platform, and the Belém do Pará Conventions) guide the RSLPF.[245] Based on reports submitted to the OAS and in national reviews of the Belém do Pará Convention, RSLPF strategy, policy, and planning documents incorporate fundamental WPS principles.”[246]
Gender in the Ranks
The RSLPF reported in 2021 that its force consisted of approximately 1,000 officers.[247] Data regarding the gender makeup of the RSLPF are not publicly available. Women are not barred from any position or promotion in the ranks. The current RSLPF police commissioner is Crusita Descartes-Pelius, the first woman to serve in that position.[248] St. Lucia has no standing military force, though it is
Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points
Reportedly, the St. Lucian government appointed Gender Focal Points to monitor and guide gender mainstreaming in their respective departments.[249]
Training, Education, and Exercises
Police complete a curriculum including GBV through the Training School. The Division of Gender Relations facilitates the domestic violence sensitization training module for police recruits.[250] Officers are required to complete gender sensitivity training if attached to a “Vulnerable Persons Team,” though it is unclear whether other officers also receive this training.”[251] The Department of Gender Relations trained public officials in gender-based analysis and gender budgeting and planning. Most recently, in September of 2022, 24 officers received training in addressing domestic and intimate partner violence perpetrated against LGBTQI+ individuals, signaling a significant shift in the representation of gender mainstreaming initiatives.[252]
Work Environment
The St. Lucia government pays for 13 weeks of maternity leave, regardless of age, nationality, or marital status. St. Lucia also provides five days of paternity leave.[253] No publicly available data regarding equipment provided to women or appropriate facilities for women are available. A 2021 study of St. Lucian policing identified institutional weaknesses in promotion procedures, insufficient resources, and effective police recruitment that harm police performance, morale, and retention.[254]
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
There is no publicly available data on anti-harassment or abuse policies within the RSLPF.
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
St. Lucia’s National Adaptation Plan requires collecting and assessing gender-disaggregated data to ensure proper implementation of various targets in the plan. However, there is no requirement to make this data publicly available. While it is not published, there is internal sex-disaggregated data collected regarding police operations. However, efforts to systematically collect data are constrained by a lack of resources, qualified personnel, and sustained support from government leadership.[255]
Recommendations
For the Government of Saint Lucia:
Lead in committing the political will to adopt a WPS NAP, integrating stated national implementation goals and objectives to advance gender equality and gender mainstreaming in government institutions, policies, and practices.
Commit the necessary resources and staff to support the Bureau of Gender Relations in implementing stated gender mainstreaming goals and objectives.
Strengthen data collection efforts that contribute to better decision-making and resource allocation;
Ensure that sex-disaggregated data is collected, integrated into an effective monitoring and evaluation system, and made publicly available.
Recommendations for the RSLPF:
Revise strategies to recruit more women and address gaps in institutional policies and practices–family leave, childcare, and equal promotion opportunities–that can improve recruitment and retention rates.
Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data regarding police operations to promote transparency and ensure adequate responses to the needs of vulnerable communities;
Develop policies to prevent and address sexual and gender-based harassment and abuse;
Require gender- and LGBTQI+-sensitive training for all officers and staff.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines – Summary Report
WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status
St. Vincent and the Grenadines has not adopted a WPS NAP.
Overall Assessment
St. Vincent and the Grenadines has made progress towards achieving the key elements of WPS in the absence of an official NAP. Proportionate representation in government, various social gender mainstreaming programs, and broad maternity and family leave policies are indicators of positive progress toward WPS goals. Shortcomings in gender mainstreaming within the Royal Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Police Force (RSVGPF) and in the recruitment of women signal the need for improvement and future engagement. Given the recent emergence of diverse social, economic, and cultural initiatives, it is reasonable to surmise that the government recognizes the WPS agenda as a priority; consequently, the government is well-positioned to develop an official NAP and a comprehensive WPS strategy in the foreseeable future.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, St. Vincent and the Grenadines is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). Bolivia signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), though it has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. It is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, St. Vincent and the Grenadines has a moderate but advancing level of political will to implement the WPS agenda. Gender equality and WPS language appear in major foreign policy statements, including a 2020 statement on WPS by H.E. Inga Rhonda King, the then-permanent representative of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations.[256] The speech reflected the government’s public support for the principles enshrined in the WPS agenda, including greater support for women in security sector reform, tracing gender data, applying an “anti-colonial-intersectional gender analysis” to Security Council work, and eliminating sexual and gender-based violence.[257]
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
In the past decade, a majority of gender equality initiatives in the country were developed in the legislative and judicial sectors to prevent and remediate discrimination against women, ensure women’s access to judicial systems, and provide legal protections for women. The St. Vincent and Grenadines government established a Gender Affairs Division to address gender-based violence (GBV) and has partnered with civil society organizations to strengthen government accountability for ending violence against women.[258]
Evidence suggests that the Gender Affairs Division remains very active in gender mainstreaming initiatives, partnering with various government agencies, civil society organizations, private sectors, and regional organizations.[259] However, the RSVGPF is not a principal partner for the Gender Affairs Division, making it challenging to identify the institutionalization of WPS principles within the force. There is no evidence whether the RSVGPF offers anti-harassment or abuse training or policies.
Gender in the Ranks
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has no regular military forces, though it is a member of the Caribbean Regional Security System (RSS), a regional security alliance. Instead, the RSVGPF is the internal security apparatus in the country.[260] No demographic data are available regarding the makeup of the RSVGPF. Women do face hurdles in pursuing a career in the police force. It is currently unknown if women are prohibited from any posts based on sex or gender.
Training, Education, and Exercises
The RSVGPF training manual includes guidance regarding human trafficking, developed in partnership with the Gender Affairs Division.[261] Information on current training beyond existing gender mainstreaming or WPS training in the RSVGPF is unavailable.
Work Environment
The work environment for policewomen in the RSVGPF has proved challenging. Among 100 RSVGPF recruits from early 2022, up to forty-six female recruits had to resign due to a lack of childcare options.[262] Additionally, the RSVGPF has not yet built facilities to accommodate women in training centers or stations.[263] In 2022, the St. Lucian prime minister stated that the RSVPF would restrict the number of women recruits because of a lack of physical facilities at the training school that can accommodate additional women recruits but also because childcare responsibilities often interfere with female officers’ schedules.[264]
Anti-Harassment and Abuse Policies
Evidence points to ongoing concerns in the country about the level of gender-based violence and sexual harassment. Civil society organizations have argued that current governmental efforts to combat GBV and harassment of women are insufficient in addressing the root problems that lead to the abuse of women and girls.[265] In the past, women in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines reported having difficulty reporting incidents of domestic violence with the police, citing “contempt and hostility” by individual force members.[266] However, the U.S. Department of State’s most recent 2022 Human Rights Report noted improvement in how police forces have handled cases of reported GBV.[267]
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
There is no known reporting of sex-disaggregated data for RSVGPF operations.
Recommendations
For the Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines:
Adopt a WPKS NAP and align gender mainstreaming strategies with those of the Gender Affairs Division as a top priority at all levels of society;
Establish a permanent relationship between the RSVGP and the Gender Affairs Division;
Work closely with the RSVGPF to require gender-responsive training at all levels of rank and grade to counter GBV and harassment in the security forces;
Create Gender Advisor (GENADs) and Gender Focal Points (GFPs) positions to ensure the proper implementation of gender mainstreaming initiatives;
Commit to more transparency in government by collecting sex-disaggregated data on numbers, ranks, and institutional policies and practices and making them publicly available.
For the Royal Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Police Force:
Create gender-sensitive recruitment practices that ensure equal opportunities for women regarding training, career progression, and promotion;
Collect and report sex-disaggregated data and integrate it into an established monitoring and evaluation system to improve decision-making and resource allocation;
Expand training centers and older police stations to include facilities for female officers and ensure the availability of fitted and comfortable uniforms for female service members;
Provide childcare options to active-duty service members and civilian staff to remove boundaries for workforce integration;
Promote transparency by publishing data regarding the gender demographics of active service members.
Suriname – Summary Report
WPS National Action Plan (NAP) Status
Suriname has not developed a WPS NAP.
Overall Assessment
Suriname demonstrates a political commitment to advancing gender equality and has taken concrete action to implement the principles reflected in the WPS agenda. Though it has not yet adopted a WPS NAP, it has developed a network of national plans and strategies that show progress in addressing the security of women and girls in Suriname. The government has outlined a 15-year Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035 and has an active Bureau for Gender Affairs that works across government agencies and with local and international partners. Still, much can be done to move from policies to action. The government should provide sustained funding for the Bureau of Gender Affairs and recruit more women into the security forces. Training sessions on gender-related issues are available, but all security force personnel regardless of gender or rank should receive the training. Finally, the Suriname government should release public data on institutional policies and practices of the national police and defense forces to highlight its advancements in gender equality.
National Importance/Political Will
At the international level, Suriname is a signatory of important international conventions and initiatives advancing gender equality and women’s political, economic, and social advancement, such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (known as the Belém do Pará Convention). It signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) but has not signed the CEDAW Optional Protocol. Suriname is also a Member State of the Organization of American States (OAS), which works to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment.
At the national level, the Suriname constitution ensures equal opportunity regardless of sex and forbids sex discrimination.[268] Suriname has made real progress in the past several years. Government institutions, bureaus, and policies are in place to protect and promote women and advance gender equality, including the Bureau of Gender Affairs in the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035.[269] The government’s reasoning for passing a 15-year-long strategy was that the goals established in the policy document incorporate Suriname’s international and regional obligations to gender equality and women’s empowerment, which are better coordinated and addressed over a more extended period of time.[270]
Institutional Policy and Practice
Strategy, Plans, and Policy
Suriname’s Bureau of Gender Affairs promotes gender equality, advises the Suriname government on gender issues and rights, and monitors the implementation of policies and programs to advance gender equality in the country. The government published a Gender Plan of Action 2019 and 2020 and a Gender Vision Policy Document 2021-2035, which lays out Suriname’s gender policy over 15 years.[271] One of the identified priority areas is gender-based violence (GBV) and eliminating violence against women and girls.[272] Police material does include information on the responsibility to protect the vulnerable from sexual violence.
According to 2019 figures, the size of the Surinamese Armed Forces (SAF) stood at 2,500 and the Suriname Police Force (KPS) at 1,500.[274] Women constitute 7% of the SAF and almost 22% of its officer corps.[275] In May 2021, Lieutenant Colonel Lea Hynes-Parris became the first female Inspector General of the Armed Forces.[276] The Surinamese Minister of Defense is a woman, Krishnakoemarie Mathoera (Krishna), who served 34 years in the Suriname police force.[277] Minister Matoera signaled that progress toward gender mainstreaming and gender integration is a top priority for her ministry. Information about the percentage of women in the KPS was unavailable, although a 2016 report disclosed that men outnumbered women in the police force by a ratio of 4:1.[278] In terms of grade levels, the government reported in 2017 that women are well-represented in the KPS and in leadership positions (superintendent, department heads), but the government provided no numbers or grade levels.[279]
Gender Advisors and Gender Focal Points
The Bureau of Gender Affairs established a gender management system in 2001 that consists of Gender Focal Points (GFP) serving in different ministries to assist in the monitoring of the implementation of the Gender Action Plan into the policies and programs of their respective ministries. GFPs also received training in gender equality and gender mainstreaming.[280] Data about GENADs or GFPs in the SAF and SPF were unavailable.
Training, Education, and Exercises
The Bureau of Gender Affairs previously held stakeholder-driven workshops to gather community knowledge regarding gender mainstreaming and priorities in promoting gender equality for various government offices. The KPS created training modules regarding domestic violence and a special police unit in partnership with external groups to provide GBV training.[281] Approximately 30% of police officers were trained in handling domestic violence.[282] However, the female-to-male composition in training sessions appears less representative. In 2017, the Ministry of Justice and Police offered training sessions on gender-related issues, but only 20 (13%) of the 154 participants were men.[283] Information about training modules offered in the SAF was not available.
Work Environment
All positions in the Suriname armed forces and police force are open to women. The SAF upgraded facilities to support its female servicemembers.[284] In 2019, the Suriname government revised the Adoption of the Family Employment Protection Act (2019) to provide paid maternity leave for at least 16 weeks and eight days of paternity leave.[285]
Monitoring/Reporting and Evaluation
In a 2019 report, the Suriname government stated that the Bureau of Gender Affairs established a project to improve the collection and management of sex-disaggregated data to capture measurable gender indicators to assess the impact of gender initiatives over time. In 2017, the Bureau collected sex-disaggregated data on violence against children and presented them to Parliament, though the findings were not publicly available.[286]
Recommendations
For the Government of Suriname:
Adopt a WPS NAP, drawing from existing national strategy and implementation plans and engaging with key stakeholders to complement and advance gender equality and the WPS agenda in the security forces;
Provide sustained financial and staff resources for the Bureau of Gender Affairs and monitor and evaluate the government’s gender strategy and policies;
Commit to more transparency in government by collecting sex-disaggregated data on numbers, ranks, and institutional policies and practices and making them publicly available;
Commit to gender-responsive budgeting for programs and initiatives to ensure sustained progress.
For the Suriname Armed Forces:
Require gender-sensitive training (e.g., sexual harassment, GBV, gender mainstreaming) for all personnel in all ranks of military and police servicemembers and personnel;
Clarify and extend institutional policies and practices (family leave, childcare, appropriate facilities and equipment, hostile work environment) that work to recruit, promote and retain women in the police and military forces;
Collect and publish sex-disaggregated data and integrate into the monitoring and evaluation process to improve decision-making and resource allocation and make them publicly available.
For the Suriname Police Force:
Improve access and require domestic violence handling training for active-duty officers to ensure the capability to act for the protection of vulnerable populations;
Gender-sensitive training (e.g., sexual harassment, GBV, gender mainstreaming, gender awareness) should be mandated for all police and military servicemembers at all ranks;
Make publicly available sex-disaggregated data and SPF policies on gender issues related to policing to ensure transparency and accountability.
[1] Antigua and Barbuda are small islands with a combined population of 85,567 people, 60% of whom live in coastal zones most likely to experience the impacts of climate crises; Rashauna Adams-Matthew, Environmental Social Safeguard and Gender Officer, Advancing Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Climate Finance in Antigua and Barbuda, https://www.thegef.org/sites/default/files/events/cop25_pavilion_20191203_1315_gender_presentation_4.pdf.
[42] “The National Women’s Commission: Belize Women’s Rights Advocacy Organization.” The National Women’s Commission, accessed June 18, 2023, https://www.nwcbelize.org/.
[62] “El 2022 será el “Año de la Revolución Cultural para la Despatriarcalización por una Vida Libre de Violencia Contra las Mujeres,” Office of the Vice-Minister for Communications, January 6, 2022, https://www.comunicacion.gob.bo/?q=20220106/33510.
[93] Instituto Salvadoreño para el Desarrollo de la Mujer, accessed June 18, 2023, https://isdemu.gob.sv/. The ISDEMU was created at the initiative of the executive branch by legislative decree on February 29, 1996.
[101] Voice of America (Voz de América), “Gobierno de El Salvador incorpora a 1.450 nuevos militares como parte de su Plan Control Territorial”, April 7, 2022, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T1q9hPIB-y4
[110] Laura Andrade and Carmen Guevara, “La Policía Nacional Civil En El Salvador: Evaluando La profesionalización Del Cuerpo Policial Civil,” Investigaciones UCA 1 (1):250-51, 2020, https://doi.org/10.51378/iuca.v1i1.6905.
[112] Government of Grenada, “Grenada’s first Voluntary National Review of the Sustainable Development Goals presented to the United Nations High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Business and CARICOM Affairs, July 2022, p. 39, https://hlpf.un.org/sites/default/files/vnrs/2022/VNR%202022%20Grenada%20Report.pdf.
[137] “Government of the Republic of Guyana, “Guyana National Report: The Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Of the Fourth World Conference On Women and Adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform For Action 1995),” accessed June 15, 2023, https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/comunicacion_26_guyana.pdf.
[161] “Haiti’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2012.” Constitute Project. Accessed June 12, 2023. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Haiti_2012?lang=en.
[165] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool- Haiti” Note: Haiti calculates personnel to include deaths and abandonments. The actual number may vary.
[166] Note: The National Police calculations includes members who died or abandoned post.
[167] The UN reported (April 2023) that the impact of the current violence, in terms of resignations, dismissals, and deaths, has brought the numbers down from 14,772 to around 13,200 personnel. See “As Haiti Slides into Violence, Its People ‘Cannot Wait Any Longer’ for Assistance, Foreign Minister Tells Security Council,” United Nations, press release April 26, 2023, https://press.un.org/en/2023/sc15266.doc.htm.
[168] WIIS “Latin America and the Caribbean WPS Assessment Tool- Haiti.”
“National Policy for Gender Equality.” Bureau of Women’s Affairs (Gender Affairs), 2011, https://www.nlj.gov.jm/files/u8/NPGE-JA-FINALwCover21311.pdf; Chris Patterson, “10-Year Action Plan to Eliminate Gender-Based Violence Launched,” Jamaica Information Service, December 7, 2017, http
[247] Perry Stanislas, “The changing perceptions of St. Lucian policing: how St. Lucian police offices view contemporary policing,” Police Policy and Practice, vol. 22, no. 1, 2021, p. 341.
[256] “Statement by H.E. Inga Rhonda King Permanent Representative United Nations Security Council Open Debate: ‘Women and Peace and Security: Investing in Women in Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding,’” Permanent Mission of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines to the United Nations, October 21, 2020, http://svg-un.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Statement-2.pdf.
[257] Ibid, p. 4-5. H.E. King noted that the St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ permanent mission staff was 85% women with an all-female leadership team.
[258] “The Ministry of National Mobilization, Social Development, Local Government, Gender Affairs, Family Affairs, Housing and Informal Settlement – Gender Affairs,” The Ministry of National Mobilization, Social Development, Local Government, Gender Affairs, Family Affairs, Housing and Informal Settlement, accessed June 13, 2023, http://mobilization.gov.vc/mobilization/index.php/gender-affairs.
With passage of the 2017 Women, Peace and Security Act, the United States became the first country to mandate implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) framework. In accordance with act requirements, Congress released a report in July 2022 evaluating the progress of the four US government agencies charged with implementation—the Department of State, Department of Defense, Department of Homeland Security, and US Agency for International Development (USAID). While progress was noted across all agencies, it was inconsistent. According to the report, for example, the Department of States invested $110 million, USAID $239 million, and Department of Defense $5.5 million for execution. Setting aside the discussion of how much is the proper amount to spend to fulfill the requirements specified by Congress—a vital discussion that should continue and be informed by regular reviews of progress made by each agency—DoD is clearly lagging far behind, a fact that becomes even more apparent when considering the vastly larger budgets apportioned to it than either the Department of State or USAID. Moreover, the differences in budget allocations among the implementing organizations create and exacerbate a WPS implementation gap and hamper collaboration. They also reflect differing perspectives on WPS relevance to organizational mission success. Thus, understanding relevance is a prerequisite to successful WPS implementation and education becomes both a fiscally responsible and necessary step in moving WPS implementation forward within DoD.
In 1986, Congress passed the sweeping Goldwater-Nichols DoD Reorganization Act, designed to address issues associated with intraservice rivalries that hampered mission success during the Vietnam War, the Iran hostage crisis, and the invasion of Granada. In addition to establishing command structure changes, Goldwater-Nichols also mandated that military officers complete joint professional military education (JPME) as a prerequisite for certain joint assignments and promotion categories. Education was thereby recognized as the right means for instilling “jointness” both within and between services. Subsequently, through designations of special areas of emphasis and legislation, education has repeatedly been recognized as the right means for mainstreaming key concepts and topics relevant to the military into the forces. As the July 2022 congressional report section on professional military education (PME) states, “The Department has recognized that WPS is an important field of study and as such, must be incorporated into how the Department educates its commissioned and non-commissioned officers to think strategically and identify creative approaches to joint warfighting and sustaining momentum in the Department’s campaigns.” While the benefits of mainstreaming WPS relevance through JPME are clear, integrating WPS into JPME has been hampered by organizational silos and organizational cultures that often still see security as primarily linked to men.
The Benefits of Mainstreaming WPS Relevance Through JPME
There are multiple benefits to incorporating WPS into JPME. Doing so would not only help align DoD with its Department of States and USAID counterparts to alleviate the already widening WPS knowledge gap between the agencies, but would do so with minimal fiscal impact to the DoD budget. JPME institutions already exist, are fully staffed—many including a WPS chair or lead—and are increasingly working together on WPS implementation. Incorporation of WPS principles into the core curriculum of JPME organizations is a logical next step. Further, incorporation addresses Defense Objective 1 in the 2020 DoD WPS Strategic Framework Implementation Plan, to ensure that the DOD “exemplifies a diverse organization that allows for women’s meaningful participation across the development, management, and employment of the Joint Force,” and mandates that DoD do so through JPME. In addition to abiding by published directives, incorporating WPS principles into JPME provides the United States with a stronger voice when encouraging partner nations to do the same.
More directly, incorporating WPS principles into DoD through JPME enhances readiness. In other words, WPS enables a US military that is a more effective fighting force, one that is better equipped and more capable of fulfilling any of the broad range of mission it may be tasked with. Failure to have troops prepared in advance resulted in the United States’ initial struggle to engage and work with a key source in the Middle East, women. Rather than being ready for the fight, the United States was forced to play catch-up, driving the development of rushed, ad hoc, separate training for cultural support teams and female engagement teams, while already at war. Having WPS principles incorporated throughout JPME would ensure gender perspectives, empirically shown to be relevant to conflicts and DoD missions, are part of standard operating procedures in future engagements.
For example, during the resettlement of Afghan evacuees into the United States after the US military withdrawal from Afghanistan, Operation Allies Welcome was the first time two specific roles—gender focal points (GFPs) and gender advisors (GENADs)—were part of the mission planning process, as opposed to being an afterthought. Trained gender advisors were deployed to each of the eight task forces established throughout the country to serve as a cultural bridge between Afghanistan and the United States. They were there, as stated by Northern Command, to “provide a gender perspective into decision making; build relationships and trust with female guests; ensure women had equitable access to information and were able to voice their issues, concerns and ideas; and provide English classes and education on US cultural norms and expectations.” Accounting for those considerations better situated the task forces to advance an otherwise hectic mission, enhance evacuees’ perceptions of the United States, and ultimately contribute to more positive diplomatic and national security benefits. Unfortunately, gender perspectives and considerations prevalent in Operation Allies Welcome remain operational exceptions, rather than the norm.
Additionally, mainstreaming WPS principles into DoD through JPME provides future forces, including US allies who attend JPME, with valuable threat assessment, strategy development, and force enhancement tools, like the consideration of gender, not available elsewhere. In essence, incorporating WPS in JPME will not only benefit the United States on a national level; educating international officers attending JPME (many of whom are the future leaders of their respective countries) will, undoubtedly, also benefit the United States from a diplomatic and international perspective.
On June 16, 2023, with the publication of its WPS Strategic Action Plan, the Department of the Air Force became the military department to establish how its services—the Air Force and the Space Force—would implement WPS. The plan specifically identifies training as the department’s first WPS objective. Within that objective, intermediate objectives are identified that explicitly state that the department “incorporates WPS principles and gender perspectives into all training and professional military education.” Formalizing a strategic action plan that recognizes the role PME plays in institutionalizing WPS is a step in the right direction, but DoD-wide implementation requires other services to commit to the same, and then follow through. Follow-through in this regard has been slow, at best.
Inhibitors: Educational Silos and Organizational Culture
Gender is not the first topic difficult to understand and implement through JPME. But the JPME enterprise has rightly tackled those difficult topics—topics that span multiple overlapping academic silos and are vital to US national defense—just as it must with gender.
One of those difficult topics has been jointness. Part of the rationale behind the Goldwater-Nichols JPME requirement was to promote jointness. Jointness is essentially a force enhancer, intended to improve military effectiveness, and thus is a topic overlapping all aspects of military operations. Consequently, instilling jointness required integration into multiple JPME lessons across multiple, often siloed, departments for it to become standard operating procedure and part of future operations and doctrine. In crises, military organizations execute how they train, and they train according to doctrine.
The requirement to integrate jointness throughout JPME curriculum meant that every faculty member had to understand and seamlessly integrate it into the curriculum. At times, and at some PME institutions, faculty had to be incentivized. For example, for a time, the Naval War College annual faculty ratings included considerations of how well individuals instilled jointness into their teaching. Being part of their annual ratings encouraged faculty to become familiar with and incorporate jointness into their courses. Incentivizing faculty might also need to be the case with WPS.
Space security provides another example of challenges that accompany integrating crosscutting topics into military studies. Space operations includes four mission areas: space force enhancement, space support, space control, and space force application. Within space force enhancement, space capabilities aren’t important somewhere, they are important everywhere. Space security also has highly technical aspects and classification issues, further complicating its understanding and teaching. Consequently, JPME institutions have long struggled with questions regarding how to teach its importance, uses, and limitations as those considerations require at least limited knowledge of physics, engineering, policy, law, strategy, and security considerations. DoD has worked to address these issues for decades, and became part of the impetus behind the 2019 creation of the Space Force. Creation ensured the development of a critical mass of individuals with the requisite knowledge, clearance, and access to decision-makers to make inclusion of space security considerations part of national security standard operating procedure.
The incorporation of both jointness and space security in JPME offers insights applicable to WPS. In the case of jointness, the limited technical or classification components involved eased its incorporation, which should similarly make JPME incorporation of WPS more achievable. Additionally, as with jointness, the will and faculty motivation to incorporate concepts into their classrooms is key to implementation. The space security example offers an example of how, with the creation of the Space Force, DoD looked externally, to different organizations, to attract the expertise required to successfully develop and achieve the mission. This could also be the case with WPS, at least initially. In both cases, jointness and space security were topics that encountered organizational friction in JPME integration. In the case of gender considerations, however, in addition to friction, despite presidential and congressional direction to implement WPS, there has been outright organizational resistance centered on outdated notions of whether and how gender is relevant to national security.
Though well-established empirically, the relationship between gender and security has been largely unrecognized in academic courses related to international relations or security studies in both civilian and PME academic institutions. In military commands and PME institutions, that knowledge gap inhibits WPS implementation, forcing WPS advocates to rely on individual access to senior leaders and those individual leaders’ willingness to learn about WPS. The creation of two courses, WPS 100 and WPS 200, offered through Joint Knowledge Online was intended to provide leadership an introduction to WPS, at times and in ways convenient to them, but it remains utilized predominantly by action officers—those specifically tasked with ensuring a unit or organization is fulfilling WPS requirements—rather than the broader cohort of leaders necessary to effect widespread cultural change.. WPS 100 and WPS 200 are currently prerequisites of GFP and GENAD training, training essential to building a formally trained cadre of experts that serves an entirely separate, but equally beneficial, purpose. Separate from GFP and GENAD training, broadly integrating WPS principles throughout JPME ensures all service members have a basic understanding of WPS relevance to security. One does not, and is not intended to, replace the other as both are essential to expand the understanding and relevance of gender to security and military operations within DoD.
The perspectives of authors whose works are being read, promoted on military reading lists, and included as core curriculum in JPME remain predominantly male authored. This, in itself, evidences that security is still seen as a primarily male field by leadership and JPME administrators. For context, among 2022 military reading lists, the Air Force list was the most diverse, with 8 of 21 of the recommended books authored by women; followed by the Navy, 4 of 12; the Marines, 7 of 46; and the Army, 1 of 113. Regarding core curriculum readings, based on two in-house surveys regarding articles used in JPME, women authored or coauthored only about 10 percent of students’ readings. Conversely, a quick review of articles in Foreign Affairs between May/June 2022 and May/June 2023 shows that women authored or coauthored nearly 37 percent of works published. Similarly, 55 percent of articles and editorials published by the Harvard International Review from April 2022 to April 2023 were authored by female scholars. The issue, then, is not a lack of women-authored security-related articles being available, but rather, a lack of recognition and endorsement of such work in military institutions.
Organizational cultures tied to gender stereotypes and adverse to thinking beyond those gender stereotypes are inherently skeptical of recognizing gender as a security factor tied to readiness and mission success. But, as with JMPE being effectively used to overcome service rivalries in favor of jointness, even if faculty had to be incentivized to do so, education can effectively drive the change that is required to effectively implement WPS.
Incremental Steps
It is laudable that many JPME institutions have hired WPS chairs, conducted workshops, and held conferences on WPS. But, like gender advisors and gender focal points within other commands, WPS chairs can only do as much as their personal access to amenable leaders allows. JPME offers a means to continuously reach and educate the fighting force as a whole. Further, one person (or even a handful of people) cannot integrate gender perspectives into a curriculum taught by multiple faculty members in various departments. It must be integrated by the entire faculty.
Understandably, however, many JPME faculty members are reluctant to integrate gender considerations into curriculum, as most are largely unfamiliar with the subject themselves. Ensuring integration of gender perspectives into course material requires offering faculty development opportunities to learn about WPS. Like jointness, gender is not a stand-alone topic, but one that permeates throughout security studies. Like space, gender considerations must be worked into wargaming, exercises, and doctrine. While this is beginning to happen, it is still only by exception. Development of a WPS primer outlining core elements of WPS that institutions can adapt to their circumstances, faculty, student body, and budget and that is flexible enough to be used by both domestic and international organizations is needed. This primer would provide guidance on what key topics need to be integrated into core curriculum, not how to teach it, and would facilitate WPS standardization across JPME.
Finally, but not inconsequentially, mainstreaming WPS into DoD through JPME serves as a mechanism to address the issues continually surrounding and negatively impacting the military regarding sexual assault. At a March 2023 briefing on the 28 percent rise in sexual assault and harassment reports at military service academies, a DoD official called the statistics “extremely upsetting and disappointing.” In April 2023, DoD provided Congress with its Annual Report on Sexual Assault in the Military for fiscal year 2022, reporting a total of 8,942 sexual assault reports throughout DoD, a 1 percent increase from the previous year. In addition to the immeasurable trauma experienced by survivors, these statistics also represent a threat to maintaining an effective workforce and readiness, making sexual assault and sexual harassment a direct threat to US national security. While DoD is taking steps to counter sexual assault in the military (addressing the issues that already exist), WPS education at JPME would contribute to preventing sexual assault (taking steps to address issues before they develop).
DOD has an opportunity build on the successes noted in the July 2022 congressional report and JPME provides the mechanism to do so effectively. Failure to consider efficient implementation of WPS in JPME will only hamper opportunities to facilitate mission readiness and ensure mission success.
Tahina Montoya is an officer and gender advisor in the Air Force Reserve and a fellow at Women in International Security.
The views expressed are those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the United States Military Academy, Department of the Army, or Department of Defense, or that of any organization the authors are affiliated with, including the Department of the Air Force and the Naval War College.
By Eric Rudberg
Female participation in both conflict prevention and conflict resolution enhances security interests. Studies have found that a significant inclusion of women and civil society groups in a peace negotiation makes the resulting agreement 64% less likely to fail and 35% more likely to last at least fifteen years.[1] Evidence has repeatedly illustrated that full and meaningful participation of women in peace operations broadens the perspective on conflict management, allows for more inclusive political resolutions, and, in the end, improves international peacebuilding strategies. It has also been shown that there is a direct correlation between the meaningful participation of women in peacekeeping and the performance and effectiveness of peacekeeping units.[2] This participation of uniformed women peacekeepers can be divided between the police component, justice and correction, and, finally, the military. Of the three, this paper will exclusively examine the military component in depth. It will explore the importance of meaningful participation of female peacekeepers as well as examine the current status of military women in peacekeeping operations.
Importance of Meaningful Participation of Female Peacekeepers
The increase of women’s participation in global peacekeeping operations has been shown to improve the effectiveness and stability of a mission. Missions with more women personnel are more likely to achieve their mandate and bring sustainable peace.[3] However, evidence strongly shows that it is the “meaningful” participation of women and not just numbers that matters. The Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations defines meaningful participation as “the presence and leadership of women in UN peace operations, across all ranks and functions.” According to the Elsie Initiative, women can participate meaningfully “when they contribute to, and are included in, all aspects of operational and mission planning, and decision-making processes…[and] when they hold operational command and leadership positions, and non-traditional as well as non-stereotypical roles.” Additionally, women can participate meaningfully “when they have access to the same training, promotion and career advancement opportunities as their colleagues who are men;…when they hold positions that are in line with their training, rank and area of expertise; and when their workplace is free from all forms of harassment, bullying and intimidation.”[4]
Meaningful participation of female peacekeepers improves the operation and performance of a peacekeeping force. They enhance the overall holistic approach in today’s peacekeeping operations by contributing an additional perspective to the planning and key decision-making process, especially those affecting civilians, particularly women and girls.[5] A diversity of backgrounds and experiences has been proven to enhance a unit’s performance and ability to solve problems. This female perspective enables the peacekeeping operation to successfully address the needs of the entire civilian population it is there to serve.[6] Female peacekeepers also bring a unique set of tactical skills that their male counterparts often do not possess, including the ability to physically screen/search females.[7] Knowing that peacekeepers are supposed to abide by the cultural sensitivity of not having males searching females, it is not uncommon for spoilers, also known as the opposing force, to have females carry illicit items under their clothing since the females will probably not be screened and searched.
Women peacekeepers’ access to the local population is particularly valuable when there are cultural restrictions around interaction across gender lines and in venues that are closed to men.[8] Reflecting on her service in Afghanistan, Major General Kristin Lund pointed out that, “being a female, from my recent deployment in Afghanistan, I had access to 100% of the population, not only 50%.”[9] Locals often feel more comfortable liaising and sharing information with military troops that include women peacekeepers, giving them better situational awareness of the environment they are operating in.[10] The ability to gain the trust of local populations is a vital component of any peacekeeping operation.[11] It results in good intelligence and a reduction in violence in the communities that peacekeepers seek to protect.[12]
Female peacekeepers often cultivate trust and confidence with local communities which in turn encourages these populations to work with the peacekeeping force by reporting a variety of crimes, in particular, sexual violence. Major General Lund explains, “if a woman has been gang-raped by men, she will most likely approach a woman in uniform rather than a man. And men that are raped will, I think, also approach a woman soldier rather than a man.”[13] Women’s participation is also connected with fewer misconduct complaints lodged against the peacekeeping force since these women are perceived as being more effective at de-escalating potential violence and are less threatening.[14] Finally, the inclusion of female peacekeepers has been associated with fewer allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse committed by the peacekeeping force.[15] Studies have found that an increase in the proportion of women from zero to five percent reduces the expected count of sexual allegations by half.[16]
Current Status of Women in Peacekeeping Operations
Despite evidence that the meaningful participation of women in the military contingent of peacekeeping operations is both the right and smart thing to do, they are routinely underrepresented. For example, led by the United Nations Department of Peace Operations, there are currently twelve peacekeeping missions deployed worldwide to help countries navigate the difficult path from conflict to peace.[17] According to the Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender spreadsheet for October 2022, out of 63,310 strictly military peacekeeping troops deployed to these twelve missions, only 3,789 are female, or roughly 6.0%.[18] However, this percentage has very slowly been increasing throughout the years. In 1993, women comprised less than 1% of the uniformed personnel deployed.[19] In 2015, UN Security Council Resolution 2242 encouraged the Secretary-General, in collaboration with member states, to “double the numbers of women in military and police contingents of UN peacekeeping operations over the next five years.”[20] Regardless of this call to action, there has not been a significant increase in female participation since the end of 2009.[21] In 2018, UN member states adopted the Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028, which set the goal of 15% for female participation in the military contingent by 2028.[22] It also established annual targets for the Secretariat to accomplish this lofty goal. The target for 2022 was 9% but fell short by 1,909 female peacekeepers.[23]
Nevertheless, some countries have managed to deploy significantly higher percentages of female peacekeepers. As of October 2022, of the fifteen countries that deploy over 1,000 troops to peacekeeping operations, South Africa, Ghana, Ethiopia, and the United Republic of Tanzania exceeded the UN’s contribution target (9%) for the percentage of women deployed. Additionally, multiple countries that deploy fewer troops have done better. Nigeria, for example, has 21.5% of women in their peacekeeping forces (14/65) and Estonia is at 100% (1/1). On the opposite end of the spectrum is India, which only deploys 51 women on their missions (0.9%), despite being the second largest troop-contributing country in the world, with 5,548 troops deployed.[24] As of October 2022, the top three UN peacekeeping missions with the highest number of female troops are the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) with 781, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) with 776, and the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) with 746. In spite of those large numbers, relative to the proportion of the total force, female troops only made up 6.4% of MINUSCA, 5.9% of UNMISS, and 6.0% of MONUSCO. The top three missions with the highest proportion of female troops are the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) at 40.0% (8/20), the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) at 8.9% (66/740), and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) at 7.3% (692/9490).[25]
Although the number of female peacekeepers and the proportion of the military contingent made up of women is slowly increasing, this does not mean that meaningful participation of women is rising in UN peacekeeping missions. Often, women peacekeepers who do serve are limited to stereotypical roles such as nursing, community engagement, administration, and domestic services, which include such tasks as cooking, cleaning, and laundry, irrespective of their skills and experience.[26] Missions with a higher percentage of combat-related forces tend to have the lowest percentages of women, in part because of a reluctance to send female peacekeepers to dangerous areas of conflict, where there are higher levels of sexual exploitation and abuse or higher numbers of peacekeeping deaths. The belief that women cannot protect themselves is still prevalent among peacekeeping forces today.[27]
This tendency results in women peacekeepers being underutilized since they rarely conduct patrols or interact with locals, especially with the women and children in the community. Even though their numbers and proportions are expanding, women might not be deploying to missions evenly or where they might be most needed. Consequently, these operations lack added benefits and the potential impact that meaningful participation of females brings to a mission.[28] Ambassador Melanne Verveer bluntly explained, “Inclusion is not enough for meaningful participation, which is what matters in the end.”[29]
There are numerous barriers and challenges women must overcome in order to participate in peace operations. Females experience similar stigmas and taboos throughout their military careers regardless of their rank, nationality, or background. These stigmas and taboos create challenges at the individual and community level, within women’s national defense structures, and within UN peace operations.[30] In July 2018, the Elsie Initiative published a baseline study which was the first attempt to systematically gather, analyze, and categorize the barriers female soldiers face in their pursuit of deploying on peacekeeping operations. Fourteen different barriers that can prevent women from deploying on peacekeeping operations were identified and organized into six main categories: equal access to opportunities, deployment criteria, the working environment, family constraints, equal treatment during deployment, and career-advancement opportunities.[31] Since the baseline study was published, further research has reduced and combined these fourteen barriers into ten: eligible pool, deployment selection, deployment criteria, household constraints, top-down leadership, inadequate accommodation and equipment, negative experiences, disincentives to redeploy, stereotypical gender roles, and social exclusion.[32] Many of these barriers address cultural challenges women face in their home countries, both in society and within the military itself. Studies show that when a troop-contributing country has a better record of gender equality, it is more likely to send female peacekeepers. In other words, when a country strives to gender mainstream its own national military, it is more likely to send women to a peacekeeping mission, which, therefore, improves the gender balancing in said mission.[33] Ghana is an example of this since it was among one of the few countries globally to have started enlisting females as far back as 1958, barely a year into its independence. It is also given credit for having trained the first female officer pilots in the sub-region in 1965.[34] Thus, it is not surprising that Ghana’s contributing percentage for female peacekeepers in October 2022 was 14.1%.[35]
On October 31, 2000, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 to address women, peace, and security. This groundbreaking resolution highlighted a shift in UN policy to engage more females in peacekeeping operations.[36] It stressed “the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security.”[37] In the two decades since Resolution 1325, the UN has continued to adopt numerous other resolutions and initiatives aimed to address the underrepresentation of women in UN peace operations. This includes both the Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028 and Resolution 2242, which, among other things, encourages troop-contributing countries to hit targeted female participation percentages. Also, in August of 2018, 152 member states of the UN committed to “ensuring full, equal and meaningful participation of women in all stages of the peace process” and “recommit[ted] to increasing the number of civilian and uniformed women in peacekeeping at all levels and in key positions” in their Declaration of Shared Commitments on UN
Peacekeeping Operation as part of the Action for Peacekeeping initiative.[38] This initiative was a call by UN Secretary-General António Guterres for a renewed collective engagement with UN peacekeeping and to mutually commit to reaching for excellence for all those involved.[39] Most recently, in August 2020, the Security Council adopted Resolution 2538 which unequivocally recognizes “the indispensable role of women in increasing the overall performance and effectiveness of peacekeeping operations.”[40] It also offers clear direction on how member states can increase the deployment of female peacekeepers. Finally, it supports the need to ensure that the working culture is gender-sensitive for women, and addresses threats and violence against them.[41] Despite all of these efforts, female military troops continue to be a rarity in UN peacekeeping operations.
Conclusion
The meaningful participation of women is not only an extremely important issue for peacekeeping but also for gender equality. The benefit they bring to a mission can be the difference between success and failure. Because of this advantage, everything possible must be done to ensure that women are an integral part of every peacekeeping operations. It is inspiring to imagine how the world will be once this is accomplished. The UN, along with all its member states, must continue to strive for this goal.
The opinions expressed here are solely the authors’ and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Women In International Security or its affiliates
After graduating from the United States Military Academy, Eric served as an Army infantry officer, which included two combat tours in Iraq. Wanting to share the hard lessons he had learned, once out of the Army, he began to train and mentor future peacekeepers across Africa through the State Department’s Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI). He then returned to academia and earned both a master’s in Security Policy Studies and a graduate certificate in Global Gender Policy from The George Washington University. He now serves as the Finance and Operations Analysis for the African Team within GPOI where he works on increasing the meaningful participation of females in peacekeeping operations.
Bibliography
United Nations Peacekeeping. “Action for Peacekeeping (A4P).” Accessed February 9, 2023. https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/action-for-peacekeeping-a4p.
Bigio, Jamille, and Rachel B. Vogelstein. “CFR Policy Innovation Memorandum Advocates for More Female Peacekeepers.” Council on Foreign Relations (blog), September 27, 2018. https://www.cfr.org/blog/cfr-policy-innovation-memorandum-advocates-more-female-peacekeepers.
———. “How Women’s Participation in Conflict Prevention and Resolution Advances U.S. Interests.” Council on Foreign Relations Press, October 2016. https://cdn.cfr.org/sites/default/files/pdf/2016/10/Discussion_Paper_Bigio_Vogelstein_Women%20in%20CPR_OR.pdf.
———. “Increasing Female Participation in Peacekeeping Operations.” Council on Foreign Relations, September 26, 2018. https://www.cfr.org/report/increasing-female-participation-peacekeeping-operations.
Brabant, Solene. “Assessing Barriers and Opportunities for Women’s Participation in Peacekeeping.” A Propos 162 (September 2019): 15–16. https://www.swisspeace.ch/apropos/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/september-2019.pdf.
Candela, Kacie. “Women’s Roles as UN Peacekeepers: A Status Report.” PassBlue, August 7, 2018. https://www.passblue.com/2018/08/07/womens-roles-as-un-peacekeepers-a-status-report/.
“Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender.” United Nations Peacekeeping, 31 October 22. https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/07_gender_statistics_55_october_2022.pdf.
Coulouris, Renee. “Why We Need More Women in Peacekeeping.” Foreign Policy Rising (blog), March 27, 2019. https://foreignpolicyrising.com/2019/03/27/why-we-need-more-women-in-peacekeeping/.
“Declaration of Shared Commitments on UN Peacekeeping Operations,” August 16, 2018. https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/a4p-declaration-en.pdf.
Government of Canada. “Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations,” February 21, 2017. https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/issues_development-enjeux_developpement/gender_equality-egalite_des_genres/elsie_initiative-initiative_elsie.aspx?lang=eng.
United Nations Peacekeeping. “Female Military.” Accessed February 9, 2023. https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/female-military.
Gentry, Caron E., Laura J. Shepherd, and Laura Sjoberg, eds. The Routledge Handbook of Gender and Security. London ; New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.
Ghana Web. “Ghana Attains UN Target of Women Deployment in Peacekeeping Missions,” October 13, 2020. https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Ghana-attains-UN-target-of-women-deployment-in-Peacekeeping-Missions-1083970.
Ghittoni, Marta, Léa Lehouck, and Callum Watson. “Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations: Baseline Study.” Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance, July 2018. https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Elsie_GenderReport_2018_Final.pdf.
Ivanovic, Alexandria. “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers.” United Nations University, July 9, 2014. https://unu.edu/publications/articles/why-un-needs-more-female-peacekeepers.html.
Kenny, Charles. “The Elsie Fund: Good News for UN Peacekeeping.” Center For Global Development (blog), March 28, 2019. https://www.cgdev.org/blog/elsie-fund-good-news-un-peacekeeping.
———. “Wanted: More Women Peacekeepers.” Center For Global Development (blog), October 11, 2016. https://www.cgdev.org/blog/wanted-more-women-peacekeepers.
Moditsi, Kleopatra, and Aditi Gorur. “Overcoming Hurdles for Women Peacekeepers in the Field.” Stimson Center (blog), May 29, 2020. https://www.stimson.org/2020/overcoming-hurdles-for-women-peacekeepers-in-the-field/.
Security Women. “New Security Council Resolution on Women and Peacekeeping Announced,” September 7, 2020. https://www.securitywomen.org/post/new-security-council-resolution-on-women-and-peacekeeping-announced.
Phillimore, Arabella. “We Need More Female Peacekeepers in War Zones.” Financial Times, October 16, 2019. https://www.ft.com/content/87e2c5cc-4ef1-11e9-8f44-fe4a86c48b33.
Pulliam, Jennifer. “Women in Peacekeeping: A Key to Peace – and a U.S. Priority.” DipNote: Military and Security (blog), May 29, 2020. https://www.state.gov/women-in-peacekeeping-a-key-to-peace-̶-and-a-u-s-priority/.
“Reducing Barriers for Uniformed Women in Peace Operations: DCAF’s Contribution to the Elsie Initiative.” Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance. Accessed February 9, 2023. https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Elsie_Gender_Factsheet_2019_GSD_0.pdf.
“Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000).” New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, October 31, 2000. https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement.
“Security Council Resolution 2242 (2015).” New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, October 13, 2015. https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N15/311/09/PDF/N1531109.pdf?OpenElement.
“Security Council Resolution 2538 (2020).” New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, August 28, 2020. https://undocs.org/pdf?symbol=en/S/RES/2538(2020).
Torres, Daniel de. “The UN Wants to Deploy More Women in Peacekeeping, so Why Are There so Few?” Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (blog), September 10, 2018. /un-wants-deploy-more-women-peacekeeping-so-why-are-there-so-few.
“Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028.” New York: Department of Peace Operations, January 2019. https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/uniformed-gender-parity-2018-2028.pdf.
Vermeij, Lotte. “Addressing Taboos and Stigmas Military Women in UN Peace Operations Experience.” IPI Global Observatory (blog), February 9, 2023. https://theglobalobservatory.org/2020/10/addressing-taboos-stigmas-military-women-un-peace-operations-experience/.
Verveer, Melanne. “Championing Gender – Sensitive Security Sector Reform.” Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, October 13, 2020. https://giwps.georgetown.edu/event/championing-gender-sensitive-security-sector-reform/.
United Nations Peacekeeping. “Where We Operate.” Accessed February 9, 2023. https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/where-we-operate.
United Nations Peacekeeping. “Women in Peacekeeping.” Accessed February 9, 2023. https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/women-peacekeeping.
“Women Peacekeepers: Gender Imbalance.” United Nations Peacekeeping, October 2022. https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/operational_effect_and_women_peacekeepers_october_2022.pdf.
[1] Jamille Bigio and Rachel B. Vogelstein, “How Women’s Participation in Conflict Prevention and Resolution
Advances U.S. Interests” (Council on Foreign Relations Press, October 2016), 1, https://cdn.cfr.org/sites/default/files/pdf/2016/10/Discussion_Paper_Bigio_Vogelstein_Women%20in%20CPR_OR .pdf.
[2] Jennifer Pulliam, “Women in Peacekeeping: A Key to Peace – and a U.S. Priority,” DipNote: Military and Security (blog), May 29, 2020, https://www.state.gov/women-in-peacekeeping-a-key-to-peace-̶-and-a-u-s-priority/.
[3] Charles Kenny, “The Elsie Fund: Good News for UN Peacekeeping,” Center For Global Development (blog), March 28, 2019, https://www.cgdev.org/blog/elsie-fund-good-news-un-peacekeeping.
[4] “Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations,” Government of Canada, February 21, 2017, https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/issues_development-enjeux_developpement/gender_equality-egalite_des_genres/elsie_initiative-initiative_elsie.aspx?lang=eng.
[5] “Female Military,” United Nations Peacekeeping, accessed February 9, 2023, https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/female-military.
[6] Renee Coulouris, “Why We Need More Women in Peacekeeping,” Foreign Policy Rising (blog), March 27, 2019, https://foreignpolicyrising.com/2019/03/27/why-we-need-more-women-in-peacekeeping/.
[8] Kacie Candela, “Women’s Roles as UN Peacekeepers: A Status Report,” PassBlue, August 7, 2018, https://www.passblue.com/2018/08/07/womens-roles-as-un-peacekeepers-a-status-report/.
[9] Alexandria Ivanovic, “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers” (United Nations University, July 9, 2014), https://unu.edu/publications/articles/why-un-needs-more-female-peacekeepers.html. 11 “Female Military.”
[11] Ivanovic, “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers.”
[12] Arabella Phillimore, “We Need More Female Peacekeepers in War Zones,” Financial Times, October 16, 2019, https://www.ft.com/content/87e2c5cc-4ef1-11e9-8f44-fe4a86c48b33.
[14] Jamille Bigio and Rachel B. Vogelstein, “Increasing Female Participation in Peacekeeping Operations,” Council on Foreign Relations, September 26, 2018, https://www.cfr.org/report/increasing-female-participation-peacekeeping-operations.
[15] Jamille Bigio and Rachel B. Vogelstein, “CFR Policy Innovation Memorandum Advocates for More Female Peacekeepers,” Council on Foreign Relations (blog), September 27, 2018, https://www.cfr.org/blog/cfr-policy-innovation-memorandum-advocates-more-female-peacekeepers.
[16] Charles Kenny, “Wanted: More Women Peacekeepers,” Center For Global Development (blog), October 11, 2016, https://www.cgdev.org/blog/wanted-more-women-peacekeepers.
[17] “Where We Operate,” United Nations Peacekeeping, accessed February 9, 2023, https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/where-we-operate.
[18] “Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender” (United Nations Peacekeeping, 31 Oct 22), https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/07_gender_statistics_55_october_2022.pdf.
[19] Kleopatra Moditsi and Aditi Gorur, “Overcoming Hurdles for Women Peacekeepers in the Field,” Stimson Center (blog), May 29, 2020, https://www.stimson.org/2020/overcoming-hurdles-for-women-peacekeepers-in-the-field/.
[20] “Security Council Resolution 2242 (2015)” (New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, October 13, 2015), 5, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N15/311/09/PDF/N1531109.pdf?OpenElement.
[21] Daniel de Torres, “The UN Wants to Deploy More Women in Peacekeeping, so Why Are There so Few?,” Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (blog), September 10, 2018, /un-wants-deploy-more-women-peacekeepingso-why-are-there-so-few.
[22] “Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028” (New York: Department of Peace Operations, January 2019), 4, https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/uniformed-gender-parity-2018-2028.pdf.
[23] “Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender.”
[25] “Contribution of Uniformed Personnel to UN by Mission, Personnel Type, and Gender.”
[26] “Reducing Barriers for Uniformed Women in Peace Operations: DCAF’s Contribution to the Elsie Initiative” (Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance), 5, accessed February 9, 2023, https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Elsie_Gender_Factsheet_2019_GSD_0.pdf.
[28] Caron E. Gentry, Laura J. Shepherd, and Laura Sjoberg, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Gender and Security (London ; New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019), 342.
[29] Melanne Verveer, “Championing Gender – Sensitive Security Sector Reform” (Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, October 13, 2020), https://giwps.georgetown.edu/event/championing-gender-sensitive-security-sector-reform/.
[30] Lotte Vermeij, “Addressing Taboos and Stigmas Military Women in UN Peace Operations Experience,” IPI Global Observatory (blog), February 9, 2023, https://theglobalobservatory.org/2020/10/addressing-taboos-stigmas-military-women-un-peace-operations-experience/.
[31] Marta Ghittoni, Léa Lehouck, and Callum Watson, “Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations: Baseline Study” (Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance, July 2018), 47, https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/Elsie_GenderReport_2018_Final.pdf.
[32] Solene Brabant, “Assessing Barriers and Opportunities for Women’s Participation in Peacekeeping,” A Propos 162 (September 2019): 16, https://www.swisspeace.ch/apropos/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/september-2019.pdf .
[33] Gentry, Shepherd, and Sjoberg, The Routledge Handbook of Gender and Security, 342.
[34] “Ghana Attains UN Target of Women Deployment in Peacekeeping Missions,” Ghana Web, October 13, 2020, https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Ghana-attains-UN-target-of-women-deployment-in-Peacekeeping-Missions-1083970.
[36] Ivanovic, “Why the United Nations Needs More Female Peacekeepers.”
[37] “Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000)” (New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, October 31, 2000), 1, https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement.
[38] “Declaration of Shared Commitments on UN Peacekeeping Operations,” August 16, 2018, 1, https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/a4p-declaration-en.pdf.
[39] “Action for Peacekeeping (A4P),” United Nations Peacekeeping, accessed February 9, 2023, https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/action-for-peacekeeping-a4p.
[40] “Security Council Resolution 2538 (2020)” (New York, NY: United Nations Security Council, August 28, 2020), 1, https://undocs.org/pdf?symbol=en/S/RES/2538(2020).
[41] “New Security Council Resolution on Women and Peacekeeping Announced,” Security Women, September 7, 2020, https://www.securitywomen.org/post/new-security-council-resolution-on-women-and-peacekeepingannounced.
By Joan Johnson-Freese & Alexandra Nicole Islas
The answer to this question is: not likely. The 118th Congress, extending from January 3, 2023 – January 3, 2025 includes 149 women (107D, 42R), two more than the previous record of 147, set in 2022, thereby constituting 27.9% of Congressional seats. However, beyond hyper-partisanship, differing views among Congresswomen regarding the meaning of “agency” is a neglected factor in the larger debate about women legislators and bipartisanship. Women have stepped forward in a bipartisan fashion on issues where there is no logical counterargument, such as the military needing to provide body armor appropriate to women soldier’s physiques or the need to keep the government open. But differing views on agency can be divisive. Understanding what agency is, differing views of how it is obtained and suppressed, as well as how agency affects gender relations and even violence provides a more granular view of what might be expected from the growing number of women legislators.
In 2013, a U.S. government shutdown seemed inevitable until a bipartisan group of 20 women senators saved the day. Time magazine heralded them as “the only adults left in Washington” for their willingness to reach across the aisle and find a compromise that avoided a costly shutdown. In that article Senator John McCain said, “Imagine what they could do if there were 50 of them,” inferring that women lawmakers would act more cooperatively than their male counterparts.
Research indicates that men and women tend to act differently regarding how they approach conflict resolution. Of the five types of conflict resolution approaches—competing, avoidance, accommodating, compromise and collaboration—men favor the first two, and women the last three. But women are not always and inherently peacemakers. The 2013 example of bipartisanship may have been a one-off because the Senators saw it in everyone’s interest to keep the U.S. government open as both parties get blamed when the government shuts down.
The Importance of Personal Agency
Agency is an often overlooked and little understood concept of significant importance. Social science researchers have found that personal agency, simply stated as the ability to take meaningful action in your own interest, correlates with feelings of happiness and life satisfaction because it allows individuals to feel in control of their own lives. For example, a 2011 study found that conservatives were happier than liberals, in part because of their strong sense of personal agency. Recently, however, conservative—typically Republicans—have been described and describe themselves as angry, some even supportive of political violence, with many feeling a loss of agency (e.g. control over their personal circumstances) they once felt. A recent Secret Service report on mass violence in the U.S. cites men facing “major life stressors” as a key component in the dramatic rise in mass violence.
Feelings of loss of control among white, often poor, American men have given rise to the Great Replacement Theory, a racist, sexist, anti-immigration theory that blames negative circumstances on others and pushes authoritarian responses to address their woes. Men who believe this theory feel angry at women, believing they are among those “stealing their jobs” and robbing them of their masculinity, and control. Given the traditional dominance of men, including in writing and interpreting laws, they have been allowed to suppress women’s agency. Now, the shifting sands of who is gaining and losing personal agency has affected both men and women.
Agency can be suppressed through personal experience as well. In environments where “the system” isn’t trusted, and where women have seen others report harassment or assault and nothing was done or the woman suffered backlash, women who should have agency based on legal principles nevertheless often do not exercise it. In the United States, an estimated one in three women experience sexual assault in their lifetime, but only 28% of sexual assault victims report their assault to the police. In the workplace specifically, the well-publicized U.S. example of sexual harassment at Fox News by CEO Roger Ailes was exposed only after years of fear-based toleration.
Agency Among Women Lawmakers
Regarding shaping and voting on legislation, important differences exist among women regarding how one “gets” and maintains agency. Generally, liberal women support policies and laws advancing women’s rights and thereby seek to grant agency to women as a group. Conservative women, however, tend to support traditionally held conservative tenets of gender blindness, limited government, individualism and traditionalism, thereby making agency an individual issue and placing emphasis on personal tenacity and self-reliance. Conservatives believe that most people get ahead if they work hard. Conservative women often associate feminism with “victimization” and adamantly reject any such association, focusing instead on positive personal achievement. Rather than #MeToo, “moving on” is the mantra of conservative women, as a superior vision of female empowerment.
These differing views on agency shapes legislation. Liberals, for example, see reproductive health as a group issue and support legislation to require employers and insurance companies to cover contraception costs as part of health care. Conservatives, on the other hand, including conservative women, will more likely see cost coverage as a personal responsibility and vote against government intervention requiring employers or insurance carriers to provide such.
Another aspect of workforce disagreement is found regarding the gender pay gap. Many Republican women see the gap as attributable to choices women freely make about professions and jobs that result in lower pay, part of what is frequently referred to as choice feminism. When the House voted on the Paycheck Fairness Act in December 2022 not one Republican woman voted in favor, arguing the bill would spur more litigation against employers and therefore hurt women in the workforce. The bill required employers to prove why pay disparities between sexes existed, banned employers from asking employees about their salary history and built in avenues for employee recourse if they thought they were being paid unfairly. Republican Representative Elise Stefanik offered an alternative bill, the Wage Equity Act, that would encourage but not require employers to conduct voluntary pay analyses and protect workers who discuss their pay with colleagues, but under employer-set parameters.
Marginal Bipartisanship
Following a “Golden Age” of bipartisanship between 1969-79, U.S. Congressional bipartisanship has dropped significantly overall. The Lugar Center – McCourt School Bipartisan Index provides scores and rankings for Members of Congress that measure bill sponsorship and co-sponsorship data based on the degree to which members of opposite parties agree on the same issue with their votes. Looking at the data from 2021, of the 435 Members of Congress total, 24% had a positive bipartisan score, with women making up only 26% within that number. Women operating in a still male-dominated environment often feel especially bound to uphold the positions of their designated political party, thereby suppressing their agency as legislators.
Navigating voter and partisan constraints on agency has been an issue for women in both political parties. Republican women lawmakers and 2022 candidates, for example, found reproductive rights a difficult minefield to navigate after the Republican-supported 2022 Supreme Court reversal of Roe v Wade and the subsequent landslide win for reproductive rights in Kansas. On the Democratic side, progressive women have found themselves at odds with their more conservative party leadership, which is largely motivated by a drive for party consensus, thus inhibiting their agency. Further, women frequently have less power than men to combat the backlash that is commonly present when straying across party lines, especially on highly polarized issues; witness Liz Cheney’s fall from grace in the Republican party.
But all is not lost. There are a number of issues of concern to all women ripe for addressing through legislation. A recent study found women politicians are more than three times as likely to be targeted by harassment or threats than their male counterparts. The anger and violence among white men spurred by their feelings of lost agency has been a trigger for women being targeted. With their numbers growing, Republican women politicians are finding themselves targets of misogynist colleagues and pundits much as Democratic women politicians long have experienced, giving both a vested interest in addressing the doxxing, trolling, sexual deepfakes, harassment, and violence that all women politicians suffer.
Mid-term elections evidenced many voters stepping away from extremism, which perhaps will open the door for cooperation or compromise among more women on more issues. And, as the number of women legislators increase, the pressures for them to conform to the masculine competitive ethos of their still-dominant male counterparts will wane. When that happens, the full extent of Senator McCain’s 2013 statement will be put to the test. Sometimes, reframing issues away from ones of contention like correcting the gender wage gap towards those likely to get more women into non-traditional workforces, which both parties support, provides space for bipartisanship. A willingness to consider reframing issues to ones where cooperation can occur might prove the bipartisan difference women can make.
The opinions expressed here are solely the authors’ and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Women In International Security or its affiliates
Authors
Joan Johnson-Freese is a Senior Fellow with Women in International Security and the author of multiple books and articles on women and politics, her latest is Women vs Women, The Case for Cooperation (2022). https://joanjohnsonfreese.carrd.co/
Alexandra Nicole Islas is pursuing a degree in the field of International Relations at Harvard Extension School, and is a Research Assistant for Dr. Joan Johnson-Freese on issues related to Women, Peace & Security. She is also an accomplished dancer, writer, and human rights advocate focusing on increased security through the development of arts and education programs internationally. https://scholar.harvard.edu/alexandranicoleislas